Citizenship (Anthropology) Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Back cover text: Real Social Science presents a new, hands-on approach to social inquiry. The theoretical and methodological ideas behind the book, inspired by Aristotelian phronesis, represent an original perspective within the social... more

Back cover text: Real Social Science presents a new, hands-on approach to social inquiry. The theoretical and methodological ideas behind the book, inspired by Aristotelian phronesis, represent an original perspective within the social sciences, and this volume gives readers for the first time a set of studies exemplifying what applied phronesis looks like in practice. The reflexive analysis of values and power gives new meaning to the impact of research on policy and practice. Real Social Science is a major step forward in a novel and thriving field of research. This book will benefit scholars, researchers, and students who want to make a difference in practice, not just in the academy. Its message will make it essential reading for students and academics across the social sciences.

Special Issue in Citizenship Studies

Issue edited by Martijn Koster, Rivke Jaffe and Anouk de Koning

Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’.... more

Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’. Phronesis is the ability to think and act in relation to values, to deliberate about ‘things that are good or bad for humans’ in the words of Aristotle (1976:1140a24–b12). Phronetic organizational research effectively provides answers to the following four value-rational questions, for specific problematics in management and organization studies: 1. Where are we going with this specific management problematic? 2. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power? 3. Is this development desirable? 4. What, if anything, should we do about it?

In scholarly and popular texts, Mumbai is invoked as an iconic example of the problem of urban informal settlements in the twenty-first century. While such representations oscillate between tropes of accommodation and marginalization,... more

In scholarly and popular texts, Mumbai is invoked as an iconic example of the problem of urban informal settlements in the twenty-first century. While such representations oscillate between tropes of accommodation and marginalization, they often obfuscate the compromised and historical successes of settler politics in the city. In this paper, the authors use an international urbanization conference as a starting point for exploring Mumbai settlers’ housing practices. They examine the processes through which emergent forms of inclusion have been conceptually unhinged from longstanding struggles against inequality. By examining the complex interplay of housing politics, social mobilization, and municipal policy in Mumbai, the paper argues for more careful attention to new regimes of governing that accompany aspirations for “inclusion” in the cities of the urban age.

In Mumbai, most all residents are delivered their daily supply of water for a few hours every day, on a water supply schedule. Subject to a more precarious supply than the city’s upper-class residents, the city’s settlers have to... more

In Mumbai, most all residents are delivered their daily supply of water for a few hours every day, on a water supply schedule. Subject to a more precarious supply than the city’s upper-class residents, the city’s settlers have to consistently demand that their w ater come on “time” and with “pressure. ” T aking pressure seriously as both a social and natural force, in this article I focus on the ways in which settlers mobilize the pressures of politics, pumps, and pipes to get water. I show how these practices not only allow settlers to live in the city, but also produce what I call hydraulic citizenship—a form of belonging to the city made by effective political and technical connections to the city’s infrastructure. Yet, not all settlers are able to get water from the city water department. The outcomes of settlers’ efforts to access water depend on a complex matrix of socionatural relations that settlers make with city engineers and their hydraulic infrastructure. I show how these arrangements describe and produce the cultural politics of water in Mumbai. By focusing on the ways in which residents in a predominantly Muslim settlement draw water despite the state’s neglect, I conclude by pointing to the indeterminacy of water, and the ways in which its seepage and leakage make different kinds of politics and publics possible in the city.

Since the birth of the discipline, anthropologists have studied politics and the political. At times this has been incidental to other interests, at other times it has been the central research focus. Elections, political institutions,... more

Since the birth of the discipline, anthropologists have studied politics and the political. At times this has been incidental to other interests, at other times it has been the central research focus. Elections, political institutions, the state, citizenship, and social movements are just a few of anthropologists’ interests. The main contribution of political anthropology, as a field, lies in its comprehensive study of everything related to power and inequality. This chapter discusses the subdiscipline’s history, its variety of research themes, and its current challenges and new directions. To begin, it focuses on one of its distinguished strengths: its dual profile.
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L'Afrique du XXIe siècle sera urbaine. En trente ans, la population des villes a triplé et, dans quelques décennies, la majorité des habitants du continent sera citadine. Le nombre de villes moyennes ne cesse d'augmenter et le processus... more

L'Afrique du XXIe siècle sera urbaine. En trente ans, la population des villes a triplé et, dans quelques décennies, la majorité des habitants du continent sera citadine. Le nombre de villes moyennes ne cesse d'augmenter et le processus de décentralisation politique et de déconcentration administrative s'étend. En Afrique de l'Ouest, le débat local s'est instauré et prend de plus en plus d'importance. Les nouvelles collectivités urbaines s'imposent désormais comme des acteurs nationaux incontournables et comme les points d'attaches des réseaux transnationaux. Pourtant, d'un point de vue théorique comme d'un point de vue empirique, les approches anthropologiques des phénomènes urbains semblent insatisfaisantes pour étudier les villes moyennes. Le travail de terrain permet d'observer l'existence de phénomènes sociaux qui cadrent mal avec les analyses contemporaines de la ville. Pour des raisons liées au développement de la discipline, la plupart des travaux se refusent à étudier les villes moyennes de manière globale et renoncent ainsi à mettre au jour l'espace symbolique et pratique partagé par les populations au sein du cadre commun que constitue leur localité. Cet ouvrage fait l'hypothèse que l'analyse de cet espace permet de mieux saisir les transformations sociales en cours et leurs implications politiques. Pour développer une analyse des villes qui ne soit subordonnée ni à l'étude des métropoles et ni à celle des communautés, ce livre pose les jalons d'une nouvelle approche méthodologique et théorique inspirée de la théorie des représentations sociales. Le livre ébauche un bilan de la littérature anthropologique consacrée à la ville en Afrique et esquisse une nouvelle anthropologie des villes moyennes. Elle se déploie à travers une étude de cas consacrée à la troisième ville du Burkina Faso : Koudougou. Son histoire tumultueuse et les manipulations politiques ont donné à cette agglomération la réputation d'être une ville rebelle. La position de la ville dans l'espace national reflète les transformations qui ont marqué le pays depuis le siècle passé. A travers l'analyse de trois représentations sociales - l'urbanité, l'autochtonie, la réputation de la ville - l'auteur engage une réflexion sur l'évolution socio-politique du Burkina Faso dont la portée s'étend bien au-delà de ce pays et concerne plus largement les villes moyennes de l'Afrique sub-saharienne.

En este artículo se plantea un breve repaso por algunas de las ideas clave en torno a la definición académica de lo televisivo y, por lo tanto, de los procesos sociales que lo constituyen. Esto generará un marco para presentar resultados... more

En este artículo se plantea un breve repaso por algunas de las ideas clave en torno a la definición académica de lo televisivo y, por lo tanto, de los procesos sociales que lo constituyen. Esto generará un marco para presentar resultados de un estudio de caso en torno a la convergencia televisión-Internet. En tal estudio se busca describir cómo se vinculan las diversas dimensiones socio- tecnológicas que enmarcan las prácticas de consumo cultural mediado por la televisión e Internet, particularmente en el caso de asiduos televidentes del Canal 22 en la Ciudad de México.

The Muslim-dominated "Swahili Coast"has always served as a conceptual as well as physical periphery for post-colonial Kenya. This article takes Kenyan youth music under the influence of global hip-hop as an ethnographic entry into the... more

The Muslim-dominated "Swahili Coast"has always served as a conceptual as well as physical periphery for post-colonial Kenya. This article takes Kenyan youth music under the influence of global hip-hop as an ethnographic entry into the dynamics of identity and citizenship in this region. Kenyan youth music borrows from global hip-hop culture the idea that an artist must "represent the real." The ways in which these regional artists construct their public personae thus provide rich data on "cultural citizenship," in Aihwa Ong’s (1996) sense of citizenship as subjectification. I focus here on youth music production in the Kenyan coastal city of Mombasa between 2004 and 2007. During this time, some local artists adopted a representational strategy that subtly reinscribed the symbolic violence to which members of the coast’s Muslim-Swahili society have long been subjected. I examine the representational strategies that were adopted during this period by Mombasan artists who happened to be members of the Muslim- Swahili society ("subjects of the Swahili coast," as I name them), with an ethnographic eye and ear trained on what they say about the ways in which young subjects of the Swahili coast are objectified and subjectified as "Kenyan youth" in the twenty-first century.

If, as is widely argued, we live in a cosmopolitan moment, the processes of cosmopolitanization are sometimes fraught with danger. Describing contexts in which cosmopolitanism is censored, this article considers recursive erasures of... more

If, as is widely argued, we live in a cosmopolitan moment, the processes of cosmopolitanization are sometimes fraught with danger. Describing contexts in which cosmopolitanism is censored, this article considers recursive erasures of difference in Turkish-Jewish architecture, bodily marking, and language that highlight this sense of dangerous cosmopolitanism. This scenario complicates the popular notion that cosmopolitanism requires public nomination of difference; instead, cosmopolitanism is sometimes observable only by accounting for knowledge of what should be kept private. Without a fundamental examination of the production and interpretation of knowledge of difference, reckonings of lived cosmopolitanism are incomplete.

In the face of utopian discussions on global citizenship and cosmopolitan identities, this article argues that the concept of off shoring provides insights into rising realities in elite mobility and the formation of expat communities. I... more

In the face of utopian discussions on global citizenship and cosmopolitan identities, this article argues that the concept of off shoring provides insights into rising realities in elite mobility and the formation of expat communities. I do this in the context of the proliferation of 'golden passport programmes', through which rich people are naturalised as citizens in the countries where they invest. Showing how the global citizenship utopia is materialised locally, I argue that golden passports are the continuation of off shoring by other means. Presenting an ethnographic portraiture of those enabling Russians to acquire the Cypriot passport, as well as how the Russophone community takes shape locally in Cyprus, the article shows how 'expat communities' can form as enclaves of safety that off er off shore convenience for certain elite community members. It also shows that golden passports exacerbate local inequality, undermining the egalitarian utopia of citizenship at large, with detrimental eff ects on the local sense of civitas.

For over fifty years, successive waves of critique have underscored that the apolitical character of much of Political Science research betrays the founding mission of the discipline to have science serve democracy. The Caucus for a New... more

For over fifty years, successive waves of critique have underscored that the apolitical character of much of Political Science research betrays the founding mission of the discipline to have science serve democracy. The Caucus for a New Political Science was originally based on such a critique, and the Perestroika movement in the discipline included a call for more problem-driven as opposed to theory- or method-driven work that would better connect Political Science research to ongoing political struggles. In recent years, movements for a public Sociology and public Anthropology as well as dissonant movements in Economics and related fields have added to the insistence that social science research was too often disconnected from the real world. Phronetic Social Science has emerged out of the ferment for change in the social sciences, starting with the much-debated book by Bent Flyvbjerg, Making Social Science Matter (Cambridge 2001). Flyvbjerg critiqued the social sciences for mimicking the natural sciences while proposing an alternative approach that focuses research on helping people address the problems they are facing in the context they are facing them. Today, Phronetic Social Science goes beyond the call for an alternative approach to social inquiry and its growing adherents are providing evidence that this alternative approach to doing research can enrich the social sciences by more effectively connecting research to efforts to address real world problems as people experience them. This essay provides a genealogy of efforts to connect Political Science to politics, a review of the major critiques of mainstream research, an explication of the rationale for more problem-driven, mixed methods research, a specification of the key principles of the phronetic approach, and examples of its application in the public realm. The essay concludes with implications for realizing a more political Political Science by way of taking a phronetic approach.

This paper analyzes the distinction between Western and post-socialist biological citizenship, formulated by Rose and Novas in terms of “active” versus “passive” biological citizenship projects, in order to propose a refinement of the... more

This paper analyzes the distinction between Western and post-socialist biological citizenship, formulated by Rose and Novas in terms of “active” versus “passive” biological citizenship projects, in order to propose a refinement of the conceptualization of biological citizenship as a global assemblage.

The term ‘phronetic social science’ was coined in Making Social Science Matter (Flyvbjerg 2001). However, as pointed out in that volume and by Schram (2006), phronetic social science existed well before this particular articulation of the... more

The term ‘phronetic social science’ was coined in Making Social Science Matter (Flyvbjerg 2001). However, as pointed out in that volume and by Schram (2006), phronetic social science existed well before this particular articulation of the concept, but it was just not organized, recognized or named as such. Rather, it occurred here and there as scholars had adopted phronesis-like methods for their own purposes. The present title is the first organized volume of empirical–practical work in phronetic social science. Before Making Social Science Matter, phronesis, as a critical term of Aristotelian philosophy, had been theorized and its continuing importance as a key concept in Western thought had been convincingly argued by distinguished philosophers like Hans Georg Gadamer, Hannah Arendt, Alasdair MacIntyre and Richard J. Bernstein, among others. But no one had developed the theory and philosophy of phronesis into a practical methodology that could be applied by researchers interested in actually practising a phronetic social science. Making Social Science Matter developed such a methodology. Its implications were discussed and developed further in Making Political Science Matter (Schram and Caterino 2006). After these two theoretical–methodological contributions, it was evident that an important next step in demonstrating the usefulness of phronetic social science would be to illustrate, with concrete examples, how applied phronesis works in practical, empirical social science research. The contributions on applied phronesis contained in the present volume make clear that this next step has now been taken.

This chapter describes a sonorous production of Islamic communitarian privacy in the public spaces of Kenya's major coastal city. As a palpable alternative to a liberal-democratic social imaginary, this communitarian privacy bears a... more

This chapter describes a sonorous production of Islamic communitarian privacy in the public spaces of Kenya's major coastal city. As a palpable alternative to a liberal-democratic social imaginary, this communitarian privacy bears a powerful resonance for struggles over notions of coastal Muslim citizenship in Kenya.

Abstract On May 19, 2000, armed rebels stormed the Fiji Parliament, unleashing months of political turmoil and military and civilian violence. Indo-Fijians were among the hardest hit as racial violence targeting their communities spread... more

Abstract On May 19, 2000, armed rebels stormed the Fiji Parliament, unleashing months of political turmoil and military and civilian violence. Indo-Fijians were among the hardest hit as racial violence targeting their communities spread rapidly across the nation. Among the variety of their responses to these traumatic events were moments of spontaneous joking and laughter. In this article I examine how, in a time of intense fear and confusion, a sense of “normality” and a return to the “everyday” were constructed through such collective acts of humor. Following up on Freud's fleeting acknowledgement of the thin line that separates the frighteningly familiar or uncanny (das Unheimliche) from the pleasurably and absurdly incongruous, I consider the role that humor came to play in both acknowledging and tempering the specter of uncertainty that haunted postcoup constructions of sociality.

Two decades after the dramatic conclusion of socialist rule in Czechoslovakia, Czechs’ personal recollections of the 1989 Velvet Revolution offer a counter-point to official histories of this period by downplaying the revolution’s role as... more

Two decades after the dramatic conclusion of socialist rule in Czechoslovakia, Czechs’ personal recollections of the 1989 Velvet Revolution offer a counter-point to official histories of this period by downplaying the revolution’s role as a catalyst for political and economic modernization to focus on its affective, sensory and other bodily dimensions. In this paper I argue that Czechs’ personal memories of 1989 convey the feeling of having (in local terminology) “really lived” through the revolution by highlighting its emotional and sensorial impact and by locating the physical self within local, public spaces that were invested with novel political and personal meanings. Crucial here is the situating of not just memory, but also emotion, affect, and sensation, in sites that are culturally coded as “public” in distinction to the “private” realms of domesticity, the family, and the body, suggesting how the revolution instigated a significant experiential rupture between these two domains. In doing so, these accounts illuminate how local sites can become the nexus of not only personal and collective historical memories but also of emotional and sensorial anchorages of self to event.

This paper traces how the Fiji police force has been transformed from a secular institution into an overtly religious one. Drawing from scholarly work on charismatic leadership and its routinization in institutional forms, much of it... more

This paper traces how the Fiji police force has been transformed from a secular institution into an overtly religious one. Drawing from scholarly work on charismatic leadership and its routinization in institutional forms, much of it inspired by Max Weber's early work on these themes, my overarching aim is to grapple with the significance of Commissioner Teleni's reforms not only for the Fiji police force but more broadly for the shape of the Fijian state. While recognizing the acute importance of international relations in establishing and supporting Fiji's various political regimes, my focus here is firmly on the domain of the nation-state as I wish to assess how politicians, military leaders, and now the Commissioner of Police attempt to constitute mass public support through their use of Christian rhetoric.

This paper thread light on the excluded history and the prolonged prejudice on the Romani people with respect to the legislation's of modern states embodying these hatred. This paper also analyses the Nuremberg laws and the alt-right... more

This paper thread light on the excluded history and the prolonged prejudice on the Romani people with respect to the legislation's of modern states embodying these hatred. This paper also analyses the Nuremberg laws and the alt-right political scenario around the world read in conjunction with various legislation's enacted by such nations.

There is ferment in the social sciences. After years of sustained effort to build a science of society modelled on the natural sciences, that project, long treated with suspicion by some, is now openly being rethought. A critical... more

There is ferment in the social sciences. After years of sustained effort to build a science of society modelled on the natural sciences, that project, long treated with suspicion by some, is now openly being rethought. A critical intervention in this period of reflection was Making Social Science Matter (MSSM) by Bent Flyvbjerg, published in 2001. In that book Flyvbjerg challenged the very idea of social science as a science modelled on the natural sciences. Flyvbjerg argued that, as the social sciences study human interactions that involve human consciousness, volition, power and reflexivity, attempts to build generalizable, predictive models such as those for the natural world are misplaced and even futile.

This article analyzes the ways in which Canadian and Australian immigration policies represent causes and consequences of neoliberal restructuring. Interrogating neoliberalism as a series of political-economic and moral changes derived... more

This article analyzes the ways in which Canadian and Australian immigration policies represent causes and consequences of neoliberal restructuring. Interrogating neoliberalism as a series of political-economic and moral changes derived from the marketization of societal and governmental arrangements, it illustrates how numerically-based ‘points systems’ have been employed as mechanisms for: gauging human capital; establishing indices of risk and undesirability; and promoting the ‘responsibilization’ of incoming migrants. In doing so the points systems' historical trajectory is traced through a variety of administrative reforms characteristic of neoliberal government and flexible accumulation. Ultimately, this article contends that as rational, technical and economically guided systems of enumeration and assessment, both governments' policies mirror, enhance and extend neoliberal arrangements and sensibilities. In providing ostensibly objective techniques of evaluation the points systems have assisted in injecting the ideal neoliberal citizens- who are, above all, flexible, cosmopolitan, entrepreneurial and autonomous- from abroad. Overall this paper contributes to studies of state restructuring by providing new insights into the links between the neglected domain of immigration control and emergent techniques of societal regulation and citizen-making.

The paper reflects on the ethical complexities of fieldwork ‘at home’ in Cape Town, South Africa and Namibia. It draws on Cheater's (1987) idea of the ‘citizen anthropologist’ to consider the obligations of resident anthropologists to... more

The paper reflects on the ethical complexities of fieldwork ‘at home’ in Cape Town, South Africa and Namibia. It draws on Cheater's (1987) idea of the ‘citizen anthropologist’ to consider the obligations of resident anthropologists to the subjects of their research. It shows the shifts in understandings of research and the research relationship and explores the power dynamics of such relationships. It argues that anthropologists should be viewed in terms of situated identifications in order to lead the ethics debate towards more historically and politically conscious considerations.

The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia from the register of permanent residents after Slovenian independence in 1991. Due to legislation and... more

The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia from the register of permanent residents after Slovenian independence in 1991. Due to legislation and administrative acts of the newly independent Republic of Slovenia, more than 25,000 people originating from other Yugoslav republics, lost their legal status in Slovenia overnight with no prior notification. Consequently, these ‘erased persons’ (izbrisani) lost other social and economic rights, which led to gross violations of their human rights, and in some cases even statelessness and deportation. Eventually, the policy of the erasure was adjudicated as unlawful and discriminatory by the Slovenian Constitutional Court and European Court of Human Rights. While some media outlets contributed to investigation and acknowledgement of the erasure, other indulged in discourse that justified the erasure and denied its consequences. This paper examines how exactly Slovenian media narrated the story of the erasure over time, particularly in which frame the story was given, how the erased persons were portrayed and to whom the responsibility for the erasure was ascribed. Finally, the paper evaluates to what extent a public memory of the erasure has emerged in recent years, and to what extent it is slowly forgotten by not being included into a memory frame.

This paper draws on the work of Michel Foucault in order to analyze the constellation of political strategies and power at the US/Mexico border wall. These strategies, however, are incredibly diverse and often directly antagonistic of one... more

This paper draws on the work of Michel Foucault in order to analyze the constellation of political strategies and power at the US/Mexico border wall. These strategies, however, are incredibly diverse and often directly antagonistic of one another. Thus, this paper argues that in order to make sense of the seemingly multiple and contradictory political strategies deployed in the operation of the US/Mexico border wall, we have to understand the coexistence and intertwinement of at least three distinct types of power at work there: the sovereign exclusion of illegal life, the disciplinary detention of surveilled life, and the biopolitical circulation of migratory life. By doing so this paper offers an original contribution to two major areas of study: in Foucault studies this paper expands the existing literature on Foucault by analyzing the crossroads of power particular to the US/Mexico border wall, which has not yet been done, and in border studies this Foucauldian approach offers a unique political analysis that goes beyond the critique of sovereignty and toward an analysis of coexisting strategies of power.

The paper discusses a public debate about the role ot the ethnicity item in Georgian ID cards that took place in 1999. This debate is situated in the historical contexts of ethnic politics in Georgia during the Soviet period.

This chapter explores that role that racial minority communities in the United States have played in advocating for race-based medicine. Specifically, it looks at African-Americans as central players in the making of BiDil, a heart... more

This chapter explores that role that racial minority communities in the United States have played in advocating for race-based medicine. Specifically, it looks at African-Americans as central players in the making of BiDil, a heart failure drug approved by the FDA for only self-identified blacks. I suggest that while BiDil might be involved in the biologization of race, African American advocacy for the drug cannot be grasped as a return to racial science: race is not invoked in order to set up hierarchies of difference nor to legitimate the subordination of blacks. Rather, the contemporary appeal of race in medicine for African Americans is better understood in terms of biological citizenship. Generally speaking, biological citizenship refers to the linking of rights and citizenship to matters of health, disease, and bodily suffering. It thus includes any citizenship project in which ideas of citizenship are tied to beliefs about the corporeal, biological life of human beings. Such citizenship projects have become an important part of the political landscape in the West, with individuals and communities increasingly defining what it means to be a citizen in terms of their vital rights – their rights to life, health, and healing. African American support for BiDil is precisely about vital rights. It is about entitlement to health services, hope for better treatment, and helping suffering bodies. It is grounded in the belief that the African American community, which has historically been excluded from the benefits of biomedicine, deserves access to life saving medications. Pivotal here is thus not the biologization of race, but the idea that medications targeted to African Americans are essential to materializing the hope of finding cures and achieving healthy bodies.

In this paper, we offer a reconstruction of the emergence of ‘reproductive health’ policies In Côte d’Ivoire. We frame them within the ‘neoliberal governmentality turn’ of the 1990s, showing how this introduced new concepts and values... more

In this paper, we offer a reconstruction of the emergence of
‘reproductive health’ policies In Côte d’Ivoire. We frame them within
the ‘neoliberal governmentality turn’ of the 1990s, showing how this
introduced new concepts and values concerning the moral responsibility
of the individual in the domain of procreation and sexuality. We have
described how this form of responsibility, primarily connected to the family’s well-being, puts the reproductive practices of every individual in a moral relation with the prosperity and the health of the community, and, via the latter, of the nation. In procreative matters, the self-government of the subject appears thus to be strictly linked with the good governance of the collective.
We show how in Côte d’Ivoire the global logics of reproductive health were transformed according to local political culture. In the Ivorian elaboration of population policies, a communitarian subject was substituted for the individual subject invoked by the reproductive health discourse. The language of rights was succeeded by an idiom of discipline, moral subjectivation by a moral coercion shaping the responsibility of the good citizen. We then bring to light how this transformation participated in the construction of a stigmatizing public discourse that changed responsibility into culpability and transferred it from the individual to the community. An Other-of-modernity was produced as an irresponsible, traditionalist, non-governable ‘stranger’ who was endangering the future of the nation: a primitive, ‘natural’ Other that had already been imagined and described by classical demographic theories of fertility.

As much as the foreclosure crisis presents massive material costs to homeowners, communities, cities, and the political system, it is also a crisis over the meanings of morality and citizenship. Dominant cultural narratives have... more

As much as the foreclosure crisis presents massive material costs to homeowners, communities, cities, and the political system, it is also a crisis over the meanings of morality and citizenship. Dominant cultural narratives have associated owning a house with achieving the American dream—that is, middle class status and full citizenship—such that the threat of losing a house puts the moral order into question. Michigan is instrumental to the history of the American dream for the promise of a blue-collar, middle-class lifestyle in previous generations. It is also emblematic of deindustrialization and now, the ravages of foreclosures. Falling back on master narratives, much blame is laid on homeowners even in spite of massive financial institution fraud. Based on ethnographic research with housing counseling programs in mid-Michigan, this article argues that homeowners and housing counselors develop alternate moral narratives that emphasize the immorality of banks and homeowners’ attendant suffering and ultimately, potential for redemption. These narrative arcs reveal and experiment with American assumptions about the melding of our financial and ethical selves. They are also calls to make lenders and investors responsible for the fallout of the housing bust.

Malinowski (2003), Gluckman (2006), Bohannan (1989), Geertz (2002) e Nader (1997) demonstraram que códigos, leis, etc. refletem uma dada concepção de mundo. Soma-se a isto que, mesmo dentro de uma sociedade, o Direito está sujeito a... more

Malinowski (2003), Gluckman (2006), Bohannan (1989), Geertz (2002) e Nader (1997) demonstraram que códigos, leis, etc. refletem uma dada concepção de mundo. Soma-se a isto que, mesmo dentro de uma sociedade, o Direito está sujeito a múlti- plas significações. O código pode ser único, mas a forma como ele é vivido e pensado varia (ou pode variar) de acordo com o grupo so- cial acompanhado. Sendo assim, para se entender as demandas por direitos e os conflitos que emergem da percepção de que eles estão sendo desrespeitados, é necessário ficar atento ao universo cativo dos envolvidos na situação. Neste artigo, abordo a correlação entre concepções de direitos, insatisfações com a polícia e demandas por respeito, tal como foram apresentadas pelos moradores das favelas do Cantagalo e Pavão-Pavãozinho. Este tipo de abordagem permite-nos refletir sobre as possibilidades e desafios de projetos inspirados na filosofia do policiamento comunitário criados para atuar em favelas e periferias, visto que leva em consideração quais são as demandas e reclamações da população “alvo” destas iniciativas.

"Various theoretical perspectives make strong, but often contradictory, claims about effects of immigrant integration policies on immigrants’ retention of their ethnic cultures and their adoption of the host country’s culture. However,... more

"Various theoretical perspectives make strong, but often contradictory, claims about effects of immigrant integration policies on immigrants’ retention of their ethnic cultures and their adoption of the host country’s culture. However, there is very little empirical research investigating these competing claims. This article addresses this gap by investigating the merits of four prominent theoretical perspectives, which emphasise respectively the material costs and benefits of retention and adoption, acculturative stress, the permeability of ethnic boundaries, and reactive ethnicity. It uses original
survey data on Turkish immigrants in Germany, France, and the Netherlands, countries with different integration regimes, and investigates identification, language proficiency and use, religious observance and interethnic social contacts. The results indicate that policies have only a modest effect on immigrants’ degree of adoption and retention. The findings clearly contradict the reactive ethnicity and acculturative stress hypotheses,
and provide support for a combination of the material cost/benefit and boundary permeability perspectives."

Germany, France, and the Netherlands have pursued different types of integration policies. Using data from a mixed method study, this paper investigates whether and how these differences have affected the settlement country and ethnic... more

Germany, France, and the Netherlands have pursued different types of integration policies. Using data from a mixed method study, this paper investigates whether and how these differences have affected the settlement country and ethnic identification of the children of Turkish immigrants. The results indicate that integration policies do not affect ethnic identification, but an inclusive policy has a positive impact on settlement country identification. Multicultural policies do not seem to have any effect. Despite processes of exclusion and self-exclusion in all three countries, our respondents have developed a strong connection to their settlement country and in particular to their place of residence.