Cold War and Culture Research Papers (original) (raw)

2025, unpublished

ABSTRACT: Ludic Allusions in Nabokov’s Pale Fire By Mary Ross Nabokov is well known for his love of ludic pursuits, frequently including wordplay, chess, playing cards and cartomancy into his works. I am presenting this in three... more

2025, Hektoen International Journal of Medical Humanities

This essay examines how the Soviet space program transformed the cosmonaut's body into a site where medical science, political ideology, and technological innovation converged. Moving beyond a simple narrative of human achievement, it argues that Soviet space medicine weaponized medical knowledge to create not just space travelers, but symbols of socialist superiority.

2025, DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)

A fines de agosto de 1958, el entonces presidente Arturo Frondizi comunicó su decisión de reglamentar el Artículo 28 del decreto ley 6.403, promulgado en diciembre de 1955, por el cual se establecía la posibilidad de que las universidades particulares, o "libres", expidieran títulos que habilitasen a sus egresados a ejercer profesionalmente. El Artículo 28 había despertado un intenso debate y una primera oleada de movilizaciones de la comunidad universitaria a comienzos de 1956 y las autoridades del gobierno del general Pedro E. Aramburu decidieron posponer su reglamentación hasta que se regularizara la situación parlamentaria, lo que por fin sucedió -aunque con el Partido Justicialista proscrito-con las elecciones de febrero de 1958. Cuando tuvo lugar, el debate parlamentario fue precedido y acompañado por una de las movilizaciones estudiantiles de mayor alcance en la historia argentina del siglo XX. Estudiantes universitarios y secundarios -junto a profesores e intelectuales-fueron protagonistas de una batalla cuya trascendencia, se afirmaba, excedía con mucho la letra del Artículo. Para los estudiantes que colmaron las calles y ocuparon facultades y escuelas pronunciándose por la derogación del Artículo 28, la opción parecía sencilla: la persistencia y expansión de una educación superior "laica" debía defenderse ante el avance del clero y "los monopolios", o las fuerzas que, se creía, impulsaban la "libertad de enseñanza". La batalla por la "laica" o "libre" de 1958 fue recuperada y analizada en diversos trabajos, que esquemáticamente pueden ordenarse en dos tendencias. Por un lado, desde la sociología e historia de los intelectuales se ha analizado esta batalla en el marco de las características de la refundación universitaria y la renovación del campo intelectual tras la destitución del régimen peronista en 1955, principalmente en el espacio de la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). En ese sentido, se ha puesto énfasis en la articulación de un proyecto universitario anclado en las

2025, Η ενημέρωση (ξανα)πάει στο μέτωπο: Τα Μέσα και οι πολεμικές συγκρούσεις στην Ουκρανία και τη Γάζα

Η μετάδοση πληροφοριών σχετικά με έναν πόλεμο αποτελεί μία από τις βασικότερες διακυβεύσεις της δημοσιογραφίας. Τα ακροατήρια ενημερώνονται για νεκρούς, τραυματίες, κατακτήσεις και βιαιότητες μέσα από την έκθεσή τους στα ΜΜΕ, σχηματίζοντας έτσι τα όσα ξέρουν για τον πόλεμο εν γένει, αλλά και για έκαστο πόλεμο συγκεκριμένα. Παρόλα αυτά, σημαντικό μέρος των πληροφοριακών επιχειρήσεων των εμπολέμων μερών αφορά τη συγκατάθεση της κοινής γνώμης και πώς θα την κερδίσουν. Την ίδια στιγμή, τα ΜΜΕ τείνουν να επικεντρώνονται στο πλαίσιο της σύγκρουσης, να προωθούν τις δικές τους εμπορικές, επιχειρηματικές, πολιτικές επιδιώξεις και να επιλέγουν στρατόπεδα. Σκοπός της έρευνας είναι να αναλύσει την κάλυψη του πολέμου στη Γάζα επί τη βάσει συγκεκριμένων ποιοτικών χαρακτηριστικών της, ούτως ώστε να διαπιστώσει αν και κατά πόσον οι ελληνικοί τηλεοπτικοί σταθμοί επέλεξαν στρατόπεδο. Η έρευνα διεξάγεται με τη μέθοδο της ποιοτικής ανάλυσης περιεχομένου σε επτά πανελλαδικής εμβέλειας τηλεοπτικούς σταθμούς κατά το πρώτο δίμηνο του πολέμου στη Γάζα, ήτοι από 7 Οκτωβρίου έως 30 Νοεμβρίου 2023. Μελετώντας τη βαρύτητα, τη θεματολογία, τις πηγές, τις ομιλούσες κεφαλές, τη χρησιμοποιηθείσα ορολογία, τις δημοσιογραφικές στάσεις, τη δραματοποίηση και την πλαισίωση των ειδήσεων από το μέτωπο της Γάζας, η έρευνα καταδεικνύει ότι στην πλειονότητά τους οι τηλεοπτικοί σταθμοί δε μπόρεσαν να κρατήσουν σε γενικές γραμμές ουδέτερη θέση, ούτε να καταγράψουν τη φρίκη του πολέμου ασκώντας δριμείες κριτικές με την ίδια οξύτητα προς αμφότερες πλευρές, ιδίως κατά τον πρώτο μήνα των συγκρούσεων.

2025, International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation

Images are ubiquitous in today's modern society. They tend to be taken for granted and their power is underestimated. However, images do not just reflect the world around us, but they construct reality. They can be inspirational and ideological, as they can trigger a political conscience. They now accompany every occurring event; they update and form the public. The Arab Spring context represents an image-saturated revolution wherein images have proved to be an effectual weapon and a catalyst of a massive public reaction and mobilization. The present paper studies images as a medium that is loaded with messages and is capable of shaping public opinion. It explores the different meanings encoded within these images, as it analyses their effectiveness on the public during and after the last Arab uprisings. The paper also ponders upon the reason why some images raise multiple reactions, and push leaders and masses to action.

2025

Until and through World War II the United States continued what historian William Appleman Williams has called “imperial anti-colonialism,” that is, an empire based on free-trade and self-determination. Woodrow Wilson was unable to... more

2025, The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Cultural Heritage and Conflict

This entry examines the uses and reuses of difficult built heritage in East Asia’s postcolonial context. It positions difficult heritage as a lens through which East Asia has come to be what it is in the postcolonial era and reflects the complex narratives not only as remnants of fraught histories but also as focal points for contemporary identity formation and national narratives. This pays particular attention to entangled memories of East Asia’s difficult heritage sites associated with the Second World War and the multiple conflicts in between empires from the eighteenth century onward. On this scope, this provides an overview of East Asia’s postcolonial and post-authoritarian responses to difficult heritage according to the changes of domestic and international political climate. First, this shows the shift from a legacy of deliberate forgetting to strategic uses of heritage as political tools for nation-building. Second, by shedding light upon heritage diplomacy, this covers East Asia’s transnational difficult heritage-making movements that increasingly emerged in the mid-2010s. Third, this introduces a novel phenomenon in East Asia’s small cities concerning the commodification of difficult heritage for city branding. Fourth, this discusses how East Asia’s uncomfortable past was selectively/strategically adapted into contemporary society for consumption with a sense of “authenticity,” and how difficult heritage is reinterpreted to serve the contemporary use in memory politics. Finally, the entry envisions the formation of a transnational difficult heritage network that can help transform “my place of pain and shame” to “our place of sympathy and compassion,” embracing East Asia’s multilayered difficult pasts.

2025, Critical Historical Studies, Vol 12, No 1 (Spring 2025), 79-118.

The ascendance of critical theory to the status of a global intellectual paradigm is the result of a half-century-long search for the Frankfurt School's foundations in philosophy and religion rather than its previously recognized source in contemporary social problems and the tradition of Marxism. Initiated by Max Horkheimer's turn to religion and political conservatism in the late 1960s and early 1970s and then defended by West German contemporaries, the resulting canonization of critical theory has been more recently consolidated by leading American representatives of Frankfurt School intellectual history. To reconstruct this process, this essay returns Horkheimer's late work to its context in Cold War-era debates about American militarism, political emancipation, women's rights, the "Third World," and related social struggles before showing how the controversies surrounding his religious rewriting of critical theory continue to inform influential accounts of Frankfurt School history.

2025, Civilizational Collapse and the Philosophy of Postapocalyptical Survival

The third and culminating section of Günther Anders' 1956 Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen [The Outdatedness of the Human Being] may be part of the reason the book has yet to appear in English translation quite in addition to Anders'... more

2025, SIGn Journal of Social Science

This study aims to document the establishment process and role of the Makassar Arts Council. This study uses a qualitative content analysis. This analysis enables researchers to construct a coherent and comprehensive historical narrative, and ultimately yields a conclusion. The results show that DKM was established in response to the challenging and conflict-ridden dynamics of the arts in Makassar, especially concerning the politicization of the arts. This situation prompted artists to form a more neutral venue to encourage artistic expression free from political intimidation, which ultimately crystallized in the establishment of DKM on July 25, 1969. Since then, DKM has grown into an institution that continuously supports and nurtures the arts, making Makassar a center for dynamic and sustainable artistic activities. Therefore, it is recommended that historians thoroughly document the historical phases of DKM in the social and political context to enrich the archives of Indonesian art history. Meanwhile, artists are encouraged to actively collaborate with DKM in creating innovative works and promoting their works more broadly. The Makassar Municipal Government is recommended to enhance financial support and infrastructure for DKM, making it a strategic partner in developing cultural policies. Lastly, the general public is encouraged to become more involved in DKM activities, supporting artistic initiatives that can enrich local cultural life and ensure the sustainability and dynamic growth of the arts in Makassar.

2025, Technology and Culture

Jonathan Coopersmith teaches the history of technology and European history at Texas A&M University. He was an IREXer in Moscow in 1985-86 where, as an Azerbaijani explained to him, he must be a CIA spy because why else would an American learn Russian and live in the Soviet Union if not to spy on it. He originally delivered this essay as an address at a conference on "Intelligentsia: Russian and Soviet Science on the World Stage, 1860-1960" at the University of Georgia, Athens, in October 2004. He thanks Michael Gordin, Paul Josephson, Sonja Schmidt, and Asif Siddiqi for their comments toward revising it for publication.

2025, The Catholic Historical Review

2025, Милитаризация культуры в период правления Пак Чонхи (1961–1979) на примере военного кинематографа Республики Корея

Цель исследования – определить особенности военных фильмов Республики Корея в качестве элемента милитаризации культуры в период правления Пак Чонхи (1961-1979). Доказывается, что популярность военного кинематографа в 1960-х гг. была обусловлена как государственной кинополитикой, способствующей производству и потреблению таких фильмов, так и массовым интересом со стороны зрителей и кинокомпаний. Ко второй половине 1960-х гг. динамика производства таких фильмов стала в большей степени определяться вмешательством государства в сферу кино, что привело к снижению качества фильмов и коммерческим провалам в прокате. Став непопулярным, в 1970-е гг. военное кино существовало лишь благодаря государственной поддержке. Одной из основных особенностей военного кино были способы изображения «своих» и «чужих». С позиции государства идеологически верной репрезентацией врага в военном кинематографе был дегуманизированный образ северокорейца, коммуниста, проявляющего жестокость и насилие в отношении к южнокорейским гражданам. Данное требование государства само по себе было противоречивым: с одной стороны, принадлежность северокорейских солдат к одной, пусть и разделенной, корейской нации делала возможным их гуманизацию, а с другой - образ сильного врага, совершающего жестокие действия, мог усилить репрезентацию его милитаризованной маскулинности, что было крайне нежелательно. Автор отмечает, что универсальным решением этого противоречия стала стратегия обезличивания северокорейских персонажей, лишение их индивидуальных черт и удаление на периферию кинонарратива в качестве второстепенных персонажей-функций. В противовес такому образу врага южнокорейских солдат изображали как героев, обладающих индивидуальностью и сильной маскулинностью.

2025

La suspensión de la ayuda exterior, combinada con una política agresiva hacia Latinoamérica y un discurso frontal como el del presidente Donald Trump y su Secretario de Estado, sienta las bases de una creciente opinión antiestadounidense y abre espacio para que otros actores tomen posesión del terreno con nuevas formas de ayuda y con preceptos del poder agudo. Si la Casa Blanca insiste en desestimar su amplísima cartera de ayuda al desarrollo, dejará un espacio vacío que puede ser ocupado por sus detractores.

2025, Bulletin of the atomic scientists

2025, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

2025, Historijski zbornik

Dragutin Lerman's career during the colonial period and his time in Africa are seldom examined critically. In other words, his involvement with Belgian King Leopold II is not given the detailed historiographical contextualization it deserves; instead, it is often presented as a romanticized tale of a daring Croatian explorer and cartographer who navigated exotic territories. This article aims to reevaluate Lerman's participation in Leopold II's colonial project by analyzing Lerman’s diary, letters, relevant secondary literature, and unpublished archival documents. Therefore, numerous sources from the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the City Museum of Požega, and newspapers from the late nineteenth century were used. To understand Lerman’s role in the colonization of the Congo, his activities in Africa are placed within the broader context of European conquest of the continent. Additionally, the article examines how Lerman’s surviving writings reflect the colonial rhetoric of the late nineteenth century. Ultimately, it seeks to determine the extent to which Lerman was aware of the atrocities committed during European colonization in the Congo.

2025, HITEL folyóirat (2025. május)

Csurka István életrajzának megírásához nélkülözhetetlenek lesznek a kulturális jellegű, ám a korabeli hivatali szervezetben (főleg a minisztériumban) keletkezett iratok. Ennek első része az 1965 és 1972 között keletkezett iratanyag jelen... more

2025, Holocaust Memory and the Cold War: Remembering across the Iron Curtain (ed. A. Koch, S, Stach)

The chapter focuses on the evolution of Soviet official discourse on the Holocaust parallel to the Eichmann arrest and trial in Jerusalem (1960-65), while insisting rather on its ambiguities and exploring literary, press, and filmic spaces in which the topic was discussed. Undoubtedly, the Eichmann trial played a vital role, even if it did not overcome resistance to public recognition of the specificity of the genocide of the Jews. The fate of the Jewish communities in the occupied territories, especially the Soviet ones, continued to be placed on the same plane as Nazi violence against the Slavs. The study builds on news and documentary films of the time, archival documents available on their production, and the memoirs of the Jewish-Ukrainian director Rafail Aronovich Nakhmanovich. It also examines the writings of Lev Ginzburg, a Moscow essayist deeply involved in this campaign, who participated in the production of a film. It concludes that the discourse on the Holocaust authorized by officials in the USSR at the beginning of the 1960s was accompanied by virulent accusations against the capitalist world, viewed as an accomplice of Nazism and neo-Nazism. Above all, the USSR refused to consider the Holocaust as an essential goal of Nazism in itself; the real targets were always the Slavs occupying the “vital space” desired by Hitler’s people. Thus, it was perhaps indeed wiser to revert to more discrete allusions, as Leon Mazrukho did in In the Name of the Living or as Gerts (Hercs) Frank and Imants Brils did in Prigovor obzhalovaniiu ne podlezhit [The Sentence is Final] (1965). Nonetheless, the global significance of the Jerusalem trial allowed the memory of the Holocaust to re-emerge from the drawer where it had remained confined since the end of the 1940s. If most artists who broached this minefield too imprudently paid a price for it with their career, or even with their general fortune, like Rafail Nakhmanovich, the Eichmann trial contributed to a ceding of the floor to witnesses and victims.

2025, Independent Research Publication (Medium)

This article presents a structured, factual profile of David Miscavige, ecclesiastical leader of the Scientology religion and Chairman of the Board of the Religious Technology Center. Drawing on official publications, legal documents, institutional records, and recognized public appearances, it traces his leadership role, administrative initiatives, and global religious influence since the mid-1980s. Intended for readers interested in contemporary religious studies, new religious movements, and organizational leadership in faith communities, the article is framed to support academic and journalistic inquiry.

2025

David Miscavige is the ecclesiastical leader of the Scientology religion and serves as Chairman of the Board of Religious Technology Center (RTC). In this role, he bears the responsibility of ensuring the pure application of the... more

2025

The role which ideology has played in the formation of Russian and American foreign policy was the impetus for this project. Soviet-American diplomacy during the period 1941 to 1946 became the focus of the study after several projects pointed to the role that ideology played in the relationship between Russia and America during the years 1945 to 1947. After discovering the role which ideology played, it became necessary to find the origins of such a role, as well as the felt necessity by each nation to implement ideology into the formation of its policy. The origins of each nation1s ideology led to the discovery of traditions in the way each nation conducted its foreign relationships. These traditions go beyond ideology, although ideology is often a part of the tradition. After a close evaluation of each nation's history in the formation of foreign relationships, the tradition was identified. It was found that Russia, and later the Soviet Union, had a tradition of conventional European power politics; its policy during the war years was based on its own national interests and maintaining the global status quo in its favor. The American tradition was more complicated; although interested in preserving the global status quo in its favor, the American tradition also involved spreading justice and democracy throughout the world, thereby changing the status quo. The American tradition also involved convincing the American public to accept Washington's foreign policy decisions, doing whatever was necessary to gain approval. The American and Russian traditions proved to be incompatible during the years of the Grand Alliance. Roosevelt tried to bridge the gap between the two traditions, but he did not succeed. His successors were left with the problem of balancing the power of Europe and containing the Soviet Union in a way that was compatible with the American tradition. The origins of containment can be found in these two traditions and Roosevelt's attempt to bridge the gap between Soviet power politics and America's quest to assure its national interests through the establishment of democratic capitalism. ii To Steven and Ethel May, who kept me going The tradition of all past generations weighs like an Alp upon the brain of the living. -Karl Marx 18th Brumaire (1852) Tradition is a great retarding force, the vis inertiae of history, -Friedrich Engels Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (1891) The effigies and splendors of tradition are not meant to cramp the energies or the development of a vigorous and various nation. They are not meant to hold in mortmain the proper territory of human intelligence and righteous aspiration. They live and teach their lessons in our annals, they have their own worshippers and shrines, but the earth is not theirs nor the fulness thereof.

2025

2025, AGRIA: ANNALES MUSEI AGRIENSIS 55.

Totalitarian dictatorships—including the Rákosi regime—sought to influence every aspect of life, directing and regulating even the most mundane actions and habits of individuals, or at least striving to do so. The right- and left-wing... more

2025, Book Diplomacy in the Cultural Cold War. Interdisciplinary Perspectives.

Introduction: Book Diplomacy as a Branch of Cultural Diplomacy within Different National Modernities Research on various aspects of book diplomacy-book exchange programs, translations and publishing strategies etc.-emerged as part of studies of the broader agenda of cultural diplomacy. Michael David-Fox described the field of cultural diplomacy as "the systematic inclusion of a cultural dimension to foreign relations, or the formal allocation of attention and resources to culture within foreign policy."1 Within this concept, book diplomacy involves book production in two senses: the book as a material object (the quantitative and technical aspects of book production, i.e. design and print runs), and the book as a literary product (a forum for the dissemination of ideas). Since at least the First World War, this twofold principle of book diplomacy has been adopted in foreign relations first by European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Russia etc.), and then, during the Cold War, by the United States and other non-European nations. This contribution deals mainly with the latter aspect of book diplomacy (book as a literary product intended for distribution abroad to promote the interests of the state and nation concerned). The study includes two very different periods of Soviet history-the last period of Stalin's regime (1945-1953), and the period covering the rule of Khrushchev (1953-1964), commonly referred to as the "Thaw". The study unites these divergent historical periods in order to identify both consistency and discontinuity in the cultural diplomacy of the ussr in the first half of the Cold War. As mentioned above, the very idea of book diplomacy is closely related to the notion of cultural diplomacy, so it is necessary to begin by discussing some important studies in the field. Pioneering work on Soviet cultural diplomacy

2025, Ngugi Writing Against Neocoloniaism (Reprint)

2025, iMex. México Interdisciplinario / Interdisciplinary Mexico

In contrast to reflections on Spain and Hispanism, the imagination of the Orient has received little attention in literary and cultural studies research on the Spanish Republican exile to date. This essay aims to present a first outline of the production of oriental knowledge and images as a construction of identity and alterity in the culture of exile. An alternative to these cultural semantics is provided by the Diario de China by the communist poet Juan Rejano, result of a trip to Maoist China in 1959. This poetic logbook not only offers a remarkable historical document of an intercultural experience, but also reflects on the dispositive, possibilities, and limits of perceiving a foreign culture and gives us an insight into the engaged author's modern understanding of history and culture.

2025, Archiwa, Muzea i Biblioteki Kościelne

The issue of the formation of the art market in Poland in historical terms has not yet been widely reflected in art history research. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was a period of special flourishing for Kraków as one of the... more

2025

autore Marco Salvato 1. L'origine della politica e il problema della tecnica Schmitt è stato un pensatore ambiguo, comprensibile soltanto a partire da un milieu culturale tutto novecentesco improntato da numerosi ed eterogenei dibattiti filosofici, che spaziavano dal problema della tecnica a quello della secolarizzazione, dal formalismo giuridico a quello antiformale. L"ambiguità di Schmitt sta nelle sue tesi, in apparenza contraddittorie ma che rivelano, se interrogate, un problema di fondo, rintracciabile nell"epoca moderna e nella sua crisi storica: la crisi del razionalismo politico moderno, sviluppatosi nel periodo tra le due guerre mondiali. Dalla crisi moderna Schmitt risale o ridiscende a quella originaria che ha determinato e strutturato l"attuale e vede in questa il momento genetico, privo di fondamento, da cui nasce la politica presente. Quest"ultima è allora una ridiscesa nell"origine della crisi, nel conflitto, nel disordine, per affermare e creare ordine, ed impedire, rallentare (kat"echon), ciò che nell"origine è distruttivo e apportatore di violenza. L"assenza di un fondamento politico e sociale su cui giustificare gli ordinamenti storici concreti lascia così nella vita politica un vuoto, un abisso che apre all"energia propulsiva dell"origine e costringe il politico, se vuole impedire il ritorno della violenza ancestrale, a deliberare e ad agire su di essa, un azione definita dal giurista tedesco con il termine eccezione. La politica allora non può essere neutrale, non può affidarsi al discorso (al logos) o alla tecnica come vorrebbe il liberalismo, causa della deriva passiva del moderno per Schmitt, ma deve entrare nel Negativo, deve farsi polemica e orientarsi, anche perché la neutralità stessa è una presa di posizione, è un orientamento. Ed è proprio nell"assenza di ordine, primo volto di ogni crisi, che si origina la sua controparte: l"idea di diritto, capace di eccedere la violenza del conflitto e di realizzare, attraverso l"atto del politico, il recinto entro il quale l"energia dell"origine trova forma e confine. Schmitt ha così il merito di ricordarci, in un epoca imbevuta di facili pacifismi ed universalismi, il lato oscuro della politica, ovvero quanto in essa c"è di costitutivamente grave e serio, di tragico, di doveroso. 1 1 Carlo Galli, Genealogia della politica: Carl Schmitt e la crisi del pensiero politico moderno, Nuova ed., Bologna, Il mulino, 2010, p.XXVI L"epoca moderna, secondo Schmitt, ha trovato infatti la propria disfatta nell"inconsapevolezza della propria origine, nel tentativo di costruire un ordine razionale e scientifico senza tener conto del conflitto, del disordine che sta alla base della stessa modernità. L"oblio dell"origine conduce alla neutralizzazione della violenza, una neutralizzazione che però può avere anche un significato attivo, poiché dal disordine può nascere e svilupparsi un ordine nuovo, non pacificato, al cui interno permane, come fonte di energia, la potenza originaria del conflitto, quella forza a cui deve attingere il sovrano (il politico) per creare una forma politica, un intero all"interno del quale l"energia originaria rimane presente come forza creatrice e distruttrice. La prassi politica diventa allora puntuale, discreta, indeterminata perché non ha un punto fisso su cui poter fare affidamento ma un abisso sul quale può solo sollevarsi. Ed è a partire da questa consapevolezza che nasce la decisione di dare una forma al disordine, e di frenare (kat"echon) le dinamiche della modernità, quando queste minacciano la pace e la sicurezza. Così secondo Schmitt la legittimità dell"ordine non si fonda su un pretesa di razionalità ma sulla concretezza, sul nesso decisione-forma, su quella contingenza (eccezione) che ospita, dentro di sé, il nulla della modernità e la sua utopia, l"assenza di un topos fondativo da cui poter partire per costruire un ordine duraturo e imperituro. In questa ricerca di

2025, Kadim

Cazın Türkiye’ye girişi İstanbul’un işgal altında bulunduğu şartlarda, cazbant denilen müzik toplulukları aracılığıyla gerçekleşti. Türkiye’de erken dönem caz yazınında 1920’ler genellikle yekpare bir dönem olarak ele alınsa da İşgal İstanbulu cazın ülkedeki serencamı açısından Cumhuriyet’in ilk yıllarından farklı bir bağlama sahipti. İşgal İstanbulu’ndaki cazbanda odaklanan bu çalışma, dönemin birinci el kaynaklarında cazbandın nasıl anlamlandırıldığını keşfetmeyi amaçlamaktadır. İlgili literatürde bu dönemin önemini vurgulayan çalışmalar olmakla birlikte, bunlar genellikle Cumhuriyet dönemine ait kaynaklara dayanmaktadır. Bu durum bazen tarihsel bağlamlardaki farklılığın göz ardı edilmesine yol açan bir kronolojik karışıklığa sebep olmaktadır. Cazın anlamlarının bu müzik türüne içkin olmayıp tarihsel ve toplumsal bağlam içinde şekillendiğini savunan bu çalışma, İşgal İstanbulu’ndaki cazın hangi temsil sistemi içinde anlamlandırıldığını keşfetmek için göstergebilimsel yaklaşımı benimsemektedir. Araştırma, 1919’dan işgalin resmen sona erdiği ve siyasî otoritenin tesis edildiği 1923 Ekim’ine kadarki dönemle sınırlandırılmış, bu döneme ait gazete-dergi yazıları, ilanlar, işgal yıllarındaki caz kültürüne ilişkin tanıklığa dayalı kurgusal veya kurgusal olmayan eserler kaynak olarak kullanılmıştır.

2025

This article wants to be a contribution of literary criticism to a seminal work in the history of the science fiction genre: Foundation, by Isaac Asimov. Science fiction is not often seen in literary studies, losing access to significant universes of reflective and artistic power. Thus, with this paper, we want to disclose part of the humanizing and critical grain of this genre, at the time of establishing criteria for the application of semiotic structural analysis of A. J. Greimas, Klinkenberg, Del Prado, García and Betancur, especially in topics structure as the history, and significant relationships of actors, actants and actantial model. Given that Foundation, or Isaac Asimov, despite being classical very popular genre, they aren't common in literary research, it intends this document in a tone more informative than analytical, in order to motivate for reading and research about this emblem of science fiction.

2025

From William Shakespeare’s condition as an “invisible playwright” and Sam Mendes’ initial artistic formation as a Shakespearian theatre director, this essay analyzes the paternal-filial and fraternal dynamics that come forward in the most recent films of the rebooted James Bond franchise, which, it is suggested, find their roots in The Bard of Avon’s family tragedy.

2025, Jeanine Meerapfel

Die deutsch-argentinische Koproduktion Der deutsche Freund (2012) ist eine Reise durch Zeiten und Welten. Der Film beginnt in einem Vorort in Buenos Aires der Nachkriegszeit, mäandert zwischen Deutschland und Argentinien, um schließlich in den späten 1980er Jahren in den Weiten von Patagonien anzukommen. Es geht um die Beziehung zwischen der jüdischen Sulamit und Friedrich, dem Sohn eines deutschen Nazis. Sie wachsen in der gleichen Straße in Buenos Aires auf und sind Freunde seit Kindertagen. Trotz ihrer gegensätzlichen familiären wie kulturellen Herkunft, Lebensphilosophien, anderer Partner und langer Zeiten der Trennung, werden sie ihr Leben lang nicht voneinander loskommen. Filmkritiker in Deutschland und Argentinien kommentierten den Film unterschiedlich. Hierzulande erschien einigen Der deutsche Freund als eine »naive Sehnsucht nach Versöhnung« und als »Versuch einer Relativierung der deutsch-jüdischen Vergangenheit«. 1 Eine argentinische Rezension befand unterdessen: »Die Synopsis mag simpel erscheinen, ist es aber nicht. Der deutsche Freund ist die Geschichte einer Liebe, die perfekt erzählt wird. Ideale und Gefühle sind zwei Konzepte, mit denen beide Figuren kämpfen. Wichtige historische Momente unserer Kultur werden wahrheitsgetreu wiedergegeben. Deshalb ist der Film nicht schwer anzusehen, da es gelingt, sich mit dem Geschehen im Parallelismus der Charaktere zu identifizieren.« 2 Tatsächlich stellt Jeanine Meerapfel in Der deutsche Freund kulturelle Zentren und ideologische Fixierungen in Frage. Sie erzählt eine Geschichte, die, wie die meisten ihrer Filmprojekte, argentinische Kultur und Gesellschaft in den Vordergrund rücken. Was kennzeichnet die ›argentinische Seele‹ in Der deutsche Freund? Die politischen und sozialen Gegebenheiten sowie die Gegensätze, die das Nachkriegsargentinien und-deutschland prägten, sind im Bewusstsein der Regisseurin Jeanine Meerapfel fest verankert. Als Tochter jüdischer Eltern 1943 in Buenos Aires geboren, fielen ihre argentinischen Kindertage in eine Zeit instabiler Regierungen und militärischer Um

2025, Ayer

La operación RYaN continúa siendo un misterio. El relato mayoritario considera que este proyecto diseñado por Yuri Andropov para descubrir los preparativos de un ataque nuclear por sorpresa arrancó en 1981 y se convirtió en la máxima prioridad del KGB en 1982. RYaN habría tenido un papel central en la crisis nuclear de noviembre de 1983, coincidiendo con los ejercicios aliados Able Ar cher 83 y el inminente despliegue de los misiles Pershing II en Alemania. Esta tesis parece estar apoyada por la sucesión de los acontecimientos, los relatos de sus protagonistas y por la documentación estadounidense y británica desclasificada. Sin embargo, es probable que sea errónea. Aunque los archivos soviéticos continúan clasificados, en los últimos años se han reconstruido y catalogado numerosos informes de la Stasi alemana que tratan sobre este proyecto. Junto con otras fuentes, el artículo revisa estos planteamientos y propone una interpretación alternativa sobre RYaN. Este proyecto que arrancó en 1979 para evaluar el empleo de ordenadores en el análisis de inteligencia no empezó a operacionalizarse hasta 1984 y, posiblemente, nunca alcanzó la plena operatividad. Al no estar operativo durante Able Archer 83, este difícilmente habría informado de un hipotético ataque nuclear aliado. Por lo tanto, ni hubo ninguna crisis nuclear ni tampoco noviembre de 1983 fue el punto más caliente de la Segunda Guerra Fría. Ello abre la puerta a reinterpretar este periodo histórico.

2025, Romanian Contributions to International Intellectual Cooperation: Historical and Diplomatic Landmarks, Editura Pro Universitaria

This article investigates the lives and careers of Ligia and Pompiliu Macovei, prominent Romanian intellectuals who skillfully navigated the political landscape from the Antonescu regime to Ceaușescu’s era. Focusing on their high public and diplomatic functions, this study explores their political survival in challenging political contexts. Pompiliu Macovei’s extensive diplomatic and ministerial career remains under-examined, while Ligia Macovei's diplomatic efforts at UNESCO (1959-1960) are less recognised, with research often concentrating on her artistic career. Using primary sources from the Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ANIC, and the CNSAS archive, as well as secondary sources, this research reconstructs the Macoveis’ collaborative political and diplomatic activities. It highlights their skilful manoeuvring within the communist nomenclature and the bureaucratic and propagandistic roles they played within UNESCO. The study also examines their involvement in the selective rehabilitation of former political prisoners, emphasising the complex interplay between their political and cultural roles. By investigating the dual contributions of Ligia and Pompiliu Macovei in both the diplomatic and cultural arenas, this article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of their significant yet contentious legacy within the framework of Romanian communist history.

2025

To my Advisor, Professor Miles Rodriguez, who has been guiding my investigations for almost a year. Thank you for your wholehearted energies to channel my passions for Mexico and making heads or tails from my incessant ramblings over my weeks' readings and writings. No matter how one spins the wool, Mexico is an incredibly complex topic, domestically and internationally. Somehow I landed myself in project synthesizing both elements through the catalyst of a hidden world further inflamed by a highly volatile time period. Lastly, for your unwavering patience through thick and thin, I can only express my sincerest gratitude. Mom and Dad, Granny and Dada, Abuela and Abuelo, this project is for you, a culmination of 21 years of experiences and the upbringing of at least two wonderful cultures; without your unbelievable nurturing, the last four years at Bard would have been impossible. Through this institution I was afforded the opportunity to reflect, reexamine, and change the precipitous course of my life, a Bardian metamorphosis. I finally came to the realization the most important lesson of all and my chrysalis: Discipline. Without discipline, this thesis, among many other ventures would have collapsed before they even began. Ultimately, a thank you cannot scratch the surface of my appreciation and indebtedness, but perhaps three words can: I love you. To my family and new friends in Mexico, New York, and England, who have offered a constant supply of support and enthusiasm, renewing the faith in my ability to work persistently towards the pursuit of exposing the light of truth in a world slowly lapsing into a void of distortions. In the turbulent waters of geopolitics that embroil our countries' histories in this new Cold War, the fantastical and absurd are more real than one might believe. , you have all been tremendous allies for the last two years, and have created an unrivalled social setting and space for which strong personal connections have bloomed. You have all seen me at my best, at my worst, and continually carve out time to listen to my monologues ranging from personal frustrations, coffee consumption, Henry Kissinger, BBC's Planet Earth, tomato soup, Gerald Barry, bizarre history factoids, and my senior thesis. Thank you for being a part of my life, it means more to me than you might know. A tremendous hug to you all. Last but certainly not least, my dear friend Alci. The last ten years have certainly been a roller coaster ride, but your assistance throughout the years have been extraordinarily insightful and invaluable; a mentor. You have continually kindled the fire of historical analysis and skepticism that has served as undercurrent for my thesis, but more importantly as an application for my general academic career. I'll never forget the call of Rosa Luxemburg, "Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently." Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………….………...…………….…1 Part I…………………………………………………………………………………….….………….…19 Chapter One: Beginnings of the CIA Empire

2025, Western States Jewish History

Composer Aaron Copland visited Latin America as an amateur diplomat on four government-sponsored tours. These goodwill missions, which brought the composer to Colombia, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, and other countries, drew large audiences and press attention at the time, but have since become footnotes in the composer’s long and prolific career. Using Copland’s travel diaries, eyewitness accounts, and Latin American press items, musicologist Carol A. Hess constructs a dense narrative documenting the composer’s itineraries, approach to cultural diplomacy, interactions with Latin American composers, impressions of the music he heard, and reception by local musicians, critics, and audiences.

2025, American Historical Review

While great effort has been invested in analyzing the role of revolutionary intellectuals in history, much less attention has been paid to the counterrevolution and its guides. This is especially the case in the former colonial world in the era of decolonization, where anticolonial politics are often portrayed as having been the default position. Lebanese philosopher and statesman Charles Malik was a candid opponent of what he theorized as the “great Asian and African revolution” against imperial rule. Instead, he advocated consciously counterrevolutionary politics that sought to purify the corruptions of “collectivism, materialism, and secularism” brought forward by an age of anticolonial and socialist revolutions. Primarily known as a principal author of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it was in the Lebanese arena that his global political commitments were most directly expressed. This included his decisive role in securing US military intervention during Lebanon’s 1958 civil war, and more fundamentally in his founding role in the Front for Freedom and Man in Lebanon (FFML), the counterrevolutionary, Christian-supremacist alliance in Lebanon’s international civil war (1975–90). Malik’s praxis highlights an overlooked philo-colonial trend in the era of decolonization: native advocates for continued imperial sovereignty over a dependent and rigidly stratified nation-state without equal citizenship. Malik’s ideological and material entanglements on multiple scales foreground the defining part of counterrevolutionary networks in shaping the global history of twentieth century and its inheritance.

2025, Irodalomtörténet

An Organ for the Communist Party or a Dadaist Magazine? Sándor Barta’s Periodicals Akasztott Ember [Hanged Man] and Ék [Wedge], 1922–1924

2025, American Political Thought

Political theory, and American political thought especially, has recently seen a surge in scholarship on James Baldwin. This article combines two threads in Baldwin scholarship concerning self-knowledge and the political importance of love and argues that only such a synthesis makes Baldwin’s thought clear. We ought to recognize that Baldwin’ quintessential action of love is a confrontation that is inextricable from the liberating power of self examination. Love becomes political through the artist, who functions as a lover for society at large. I develop my account of Baldwin’s political love by examining his nonfiction, and I demonstrate Baldwin’s commitment to this vision with an analysis of his often-overlooked play Blues for Mister Charlie. Baldwin’s connection between love, politics, and art is especially relevant to considerations of the ongoing crises of race in America, but it also speaks more broadly to questions raised by the democratic tension between inclusion and exclusion.

2025, Vermeer van Delft i malarze florenccy

Vermeer's mature work produces such a strong light that his youthful period, when his own style had not yet developed, disappeared in its glow. The lack of knowledge about the artist's education led to Walter Liedtke's conclusion: "His... more

2025, East Asia Forum Quarterly Volume 17

Gender politics and right-wing populism clash in South Korea

2025, British Art Studies

This article is the first sustained examination of Ben Nicholson's short-lived engagement with architectural painting. It analyses the three commissions he completed between 1949 and 1952 for large abstract panel paintings in new, distinctively modern forms of public or quasi-public interior space, which, it is suggested, collectively contributed to the postwar , social-democratic reform of ideas of Britain and Britishness. The article traces the development of Nicholson's thinking about the ideal relation of modern painting to modern architecture from the 1930s through to the execution of his panels, and further into the 1950s, when, during years of significant artistic and political change, he called for new architectural painting to be given greater independence from architecture. His changing attitudes are compared to the diverse views of his commissioning architects and shown to owe more to his understanding of early Italian wall painting and American abstract expressionism than to the British mural revival or the international architect-led campaign for a new "synthesis" of the arts. After illuminating his early awareness of large-scale American painting and of Clement Greenberg's concept of "a genre of painting located halfway between the easel and the mural", the article argues that Nicholson's panels exemplified a similar concept of a hybrid genre that side-stepped the heightened Cold War associations of easel painting with capitalism and mural painting with various forms of socialism, and presaged both the modernist retreat from the integrated mural and the ostensible depoliticisation of large-scale abstract painting.

2025, Nicola Dusi and Charo Lacalle (eds.) Chernobyl Calling. Narrative, Intermediality and Cultural Memory of a Docu-fiction. Punctum Semiotic Monographs (International Journal of Semiotics)

This chapter argues that the multiplot aesthetic of the HBO miniseries Chernobyl offers viewers a unique and cognitively rewarding pathway to understanding the complexity of the 1986 nuclear disaster. Drawing on the cognitive psychology of narrative comprehension, particularly the theory of mental models, the analysis demonstrates how the series' architecture facilitates a deeper cognitive awakening in the viewer. Rather than presenting a single narrative thread, Chernobyl constructs a network of interconnected plots that explore the event from multiple perspectives: technical, political, human, and ethical. The study highlights how strategies such as information-dense scenes and the meticulous recreation of spatial dimensions enable the simultaneous advancement of several plotlines, compelling the audience to actively make inferences and identify causal relationships. This active cognitive engagement, driven by narrative emotions like curiosity and suspense, fosters a state of narrative absorption. Ultimately, the chapter concludes that Chernobyl's multiplot structure is not merely a stylistic choice but a functional aesthetic device that enhances the viewer's ability to comprehend the multifaceted causes and consequences of the catastrophe.

2025, Gateway House January

For all the current global focus on nation-state threats terrorism still has the capacity to return and shock us with its brutality. There has just been a brutal attack in New Orleans and Germany has suffered yet another atrocity against a Christmas market. A new book recalls the terrorism of 50 years ago and identifies how it became entangled in the politics of the Cold War.