Cyprus conflict Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

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- Cyprus conflict
- by Maria Gaitani
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- History, Modern History, Greek History, Modern Greek History

This paper will discuss the political and legal aspects of the maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean and the factors relevant to their conciliation. The first part of the paper introduces the Mediterranean Sea and the relevance of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) regime in its basins. Subsequently, the author summarizes relevant historical cleavages in the Levant Basin, with a focus on relevant modern Lebanese-Israeli, Lebanese-Syrian and inter-Cypriot events. Part III will discuss the increasing interest in EEZ delimitation over the past decade due to hydrocarbon prospects in the Eastern Mediterranean and the geopolitical and maritime challenges that have since taken shape. Finally, based on the Law of the Sea and previous examples from around the world, the author discusses relevant legal avenues for achieving balanced solutions to maritime tensions in the region and presents the most relevant criteria in delimiting maritime boundaries.

This chapter provides a historical background to the present book and contributes to the international literature about the RoC by exploring the important drivers behind the country’s foreign policy, from 1960 to 2004. These drivers encompass not only the unfolding of the Cyprus Problem and important international developments but also the concepts of national survival and prosperity. The present overview is done through the prism of the RoC’s relations with international organisations and adopts a
thematic structure to tie together the drivers behind the RoC’s alignment (or not) with key international organisations. This approach accommodates the better understanding of the country’s international orientation at various periods of its Modern History.

Οι ελληνοτουρκικές σχέσεις προσδιορίζουν σταθερά την ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική από τη γένεση του νεοελληνικού κράτους. Το παρόν βιβλίο καλύπτει σημαντικό κενό πολλών ετών στη σχετική επιστημονική βιβλιογραφία. Παρουσιάζει συγκροτημένα όλες τις πτυχές των ελληνοτουρκικών σχέσεων από την επόμενη ημέρα της Μικρασιατικής Καταστροφής το 1922 μέχρι και τα μέσα της δεκαετίας του 2010.
Ξεκινώντας από την τύχη των αιχμαλώτων μετά το 1922, το βιβλίο αναλύει τη συνδιάσκεψη και τη συνθήκη της Λωζάννης, την περίοδο της ελληνοτουρκικής προσέγγισης κατά τον μεσοπόλεμο, το Κυπριακό από το 1955 μέχρι και τη διαχείρισή του μετά την απόρριψη του Σχεδίου Ανάν, τη διαμάχη για την υφαλοκρηπίδα του Αιγαίου, την αιγιαλίτιδα ζώνη, τον εναέριο χώρο και το FIR Αθηνών, το νομικό καθεστώς αλλά και την αντιμετώπιση της μουσουλμανικής μειονότητας στη Θράκη και της ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Τουρκία καθώς και του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου. Αναπτύσσονται επίσης τα σημερινά προβλήματα με τα κοιτάσματα φυσικού αερίου της Κύπρου, τους αγωγούς υδρογονανθράκων, την ΑΟΖ και το Καστελόριζο.
Το βιβλίο δεν περιορίζεται σε παράθεση γεγονότων. Αναλύει τα θέματα, θέτει προβληματισμούς και καταθέτει συγκεκριμένες προτάσεις για την πορεία της ελληνικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής έναντι της Τουρκίας.
Εκδόσεις ΠΑΤΑΚΗ
ΣΕΙΡΑ: ΝΕΩΤΕΡΗ ΚΑΙ ΣΥΓΧΡΟΝΗ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ
ISBN 978-960-16-5376-1
ΣΧΗΜΑ: 21Χ28 ΣΕΛΙΔΕΣ: 896
ΠΡΩΤΗ ΕΚΔΟΣΗ: ΜΑΡΤΙΟΣ 2015

- by Angelos Syrigos
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- Greek History, Cyprus conflict, History of Cyprus, Turkish Greek Relations
- by Kate Flynn
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- Foreign Aid, Cyprus conflict, Reconciliation

This paper discusses the extent to which Cyprus' Commonwealth membership has remained relevant following the country's accession to the EU in 2004. It is argued that, despite the predominant role of Cyprus' EU membership, the importance of the Commonwealth for the promotion of the country's political agenda and international cooperation has not diminished. There has been a steady Cypriot participation at high-level Commonwealth meetings post-EU accession. However, the importance of the Commonwealth to the everyday life of Cypriot citizens remains marginal, especially when compared to EU membership. The decision of the UK to exit the Union could precipitate an increased interest on the part of Cyprus in its Commonwealth membership, that could , eventually, even act as a bridge that might help establish a partnership cooperation mechanism between the EU and the Commonwealth.

- by Christina Ioannou
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- Commonwealth History, Cyprus Studies, Commonwealth, Cyprus conflict
- by Anna Prodromou
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- Gender Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Women, Conflict Resolution

In her chapter Nathalie Tocci argues that ‘‘spoiling characterizes the very nature of the persisting conflict in Cyprus’’ and the failure of numerous peace processes on the island. She suggests that spoiling has taken the form of actions undertaken by parties normally involved in the long-lasting peace process under the aegis of the United Nations, and aimed at bolstering specific (spoiling) bargaining positions. This has taken place both within the context of negotiations and outside it through unilateral measures. As a result, it has been difficult to distinguish spoiling from ‘‘legitimate’’ political actions aimed at bolstering an actor’s bargaining position. Indeed, what has constituted spoiling to one party has represented legally and morally legitimate action to another. In line with other cases in this volume, Tocci suggests that the distinction between spoiling and ‘‘normal politics’’ has thus been a question of degree rather than one of clear-cut categories.

- by Nathalie Tocci
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- Public Opinion, Political Parties, Conflict Resolution, Cyprus conflict

A b s t r a c t
This paper aims to uncover Turkish Cypriot women’s war experiences and integrate that knowledge into the public discourse. We argue that the omission of women’s war experiences thus far has served to sustain the mutually reinforcing alliance between patriarchy and nationalism, which we call patriarchal nationalism. Building on feminist standpoint theory, deconstruction of the official and hegemonic ‘his’tory of war poses challenges to the stronghold of patriarchy and ethnic nationalism in society by enga- ging women in the re-construction of history. Narratives of twenty women from differ- ent regions and backgrounds revealed common experiences that have been systematically silenced, memories that have been socially forgotten but could not be erased despite the dominant discourse that has denied their existence for decades. These experiences defy images of the ethno-national Glorious Self, protected by heroic and righteous men, and the Villainous Other. They also identify types of insecur- ity and victimization that have been excluded from traditional, gendered definitions of security. As these narratives contest fundamental tenets of patriarchy and nationalism, their contributions to the reconstruction of ‘reality’ and history carry prospects for the transformation of both gender and ethnic relations.

- by Umut Ozkaleli
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- Sexuality, Gender, Cyprus conflict, Gender and War Trauma

The legality of the use of force of the Turkish Cypriot community against the Greek Cypriot government is the key issue to define the legal status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus within the United Nations law system. If the Turkish Cypriots have a legal right to use force against the so-called Greek Cypriot government within the system of decolonization of the United Nations, then the so-called Greek Cypriots government thesis against the Turkish Cypriots on defining the situation in Cyprus as belligerency of the Turkish Cypriots against the government will be eliminated. The situation in Cyprus will change and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus can become a member of the United Nations within the United Nations decolonization system.

- by Andreas Karyos
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- Greek History, Museum Studies, History and Memory, Cyprus Studies

Por muchos años, Turquía ha intentado ingresar a la UE, tan es así, que desde los tiempos del Imperio Otomano, las elites turcas han buscado la modernización a través de la occidentalización. Para lograr alcanzar ésta, los líderes otomanos y posteriormente los lideres turcos, han tomado el modelo europeo como ejemplo y, por ende, han tratado de estrechar relaciones con dicho continente.
En el momento en que se dieron las primeras etapas de integración en Europa, fue el momento en que Turquía consideró que el mejor modo de modernizarse sería a través de la obtención de la membrecía al entonces pequeño grupo de países que comenzaban a crear dicho bloque. Pero los miembros de la UE han considerado varias veces que Turquía no se encuentra preparada para desempeñar las responsabilidades que se le conferirían al integrarse al sistema.
A pesar de lo anterior, las puertas de Europa no se han cerrado para Turquía y, a cambio, se han generado una serie de instrumentos políticos y legales que han servido de base para modificar la situación general de Turquía, para de esta manera poder preparar al país para la adhesión en el futuro.

- by Gabriel Salazar Gomez
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- Geopolitics, NATO, Turkey, Cyprus conflict

Conflict resolution features strongly as an objective of the European Union's foreign policy. In promoting this aim, the EU's geographical focus has rested primarily in its beleaguered backyard to the south and to the east. Taking a strong comparative approach, Nathalie Tocci explores the principal determinants of conflict dynamics in Cyprus, Turkey, Serbia-Montenegro, Israel-Palestine and Georgia in order to assess the impact of EU contractual ties on them. The volume includes topical analyzis based on first-hand experience, in-depth interviews with all the relevant actors and photography in ongoing conflict areas in the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Balkans and the Caucasus. This revealing study shows that the gap between EU potential and effectiveness often rests in the specific manner in which the EU collectively chooses to conduct its contractual relations.

Do social cohesion activities change the attitudes of the participants? This paper uses intergroup contact theory to explore attitude change resulting from contact with out-group(s) in social cohesion activities. Results from a pre-test/post-test design with fifty-five participants in two bicommunal camps in Cyprus show how attitudes change at the immediate end of these activities; an analysis of fourteen participants’ comments after one, thirteen, and twenty-five months provides a medium- to long-term assessment of attitude change. Not all participants were completely positive towards the other community before they took part, as assumed by some. There is clearly space for impact in terms of attitude change. Social cohesion activities represent indispensable tools for reducing prejudice and improving relationships between former enemies in post-conflict countries.

BLOODY CHRISTMAS IN CYPRUS - 1963 AND WORKİNG TO DESTROY TURKISH PEOPLE İN CYPRUS BY GREEK İN GREECE AND GREEK İN CYPRUS BINARY - KIBRIS’TA KANLI NOEL-1963 YUNAN VE RUM İKİLİSİNCE
TÜRK HALKININ YOKEDİLMEĞE ÇALIŞILMASI

- by ali denizli
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- Cyprus conflict
- by Parviz Miralamli
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- Sociology, Social Sciences, Human Rights Law, Human Rights

In un’Europa che dalla fine della guerra fredda è riuscita a riunificare diverse faglie che la contrapposizione tra i due blocchi avevano creato, ve n’è una che persiste: la linea verde cipriota, che separa fisicamente le due principali comunità, i greco- ed i turco-ciprioti, evitando la prosecuzione armata di un conflitto che ad oggi ancora non trova soluzione. Ma le origini del conflitto sono ben più profonde, e la sua risoluzione non potrà in ogni caso caratterizzarsi per la sua semplicità, bensì per la capacità di trovare una valida sintesi tra le due posizioni, considerabilmente diverse, la quale possa essere recepita e compresa anche dal pubblico, vera base su cui costruire qualunque accordo, anche come dimostrano i fallimenti delle soluzioni “calate dall’alto” che si sono susseguite nel tempo.

- by Giuseppe Guerra
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Conflict, Cyprus Studies, Modern Greece

I AM PLEASED TO HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK IN
English, based on my late brother’s book “ΠΙΚΠΟΔΑΦΝΕΣ” [Bitter Leaves of Laurel]: Encounters and experiences from the Struggle to free Cyprus from British Colonial Rule and experiences during the first Cyprus House of Representatives 1954-74.
It is a book set in Cyprus that left many scars and a bitter legacy to Cypriots. It is a book full of anecdotes, memories, and events, and, most importantly, reflections on those events. In his life journey, Dafnis evolved from patriot/terrorist to internationalist/humanist. His religiousness developed from the confines of orthodox Cyprus to the positive values of Christianity. His patriotism shifted from a narrow, fanatic Greekness to an appreciation of Hellenic culture’s universality.
Dafnis vividly describes his role in The National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (EOKA) and the armed campaign to free Cyprus from British colonial rule, including the hiding in his home of EOKA’s leader, George Grivas.
As a pacifist-Christian in a microcosm of religious warriors, Dafnis stood out as a brilliant exception. His personal renunciation of violence was sealed by a question which a shepherd once asked him: “If Jesus was our Archbishop, would he spill blood for the freedom of Cyprus?”
In the years that followed Independence, Dafnis became a reluctant Member of Parliament, disillusioned by Makarios’ duplicity and former
EOKA combatant’s corruption, the poisoned relations between Greek Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots, and among Greek-Cypriots themselves. He comments on many peace plans for Cyprus’s political future before and after Independence and laments Cypriots’ rejection. Resigning from Parliament for the U.S. to pursue his studies, he writes “In 1966, I decided to resign from the Cyprus House of Representatives to travel to the United States for the opportunity to attend University since, when at an earlier time I could have attended, I was the ‘guest’ of Queen Elizabeth in Omorphita and Kokkinotrimithia Detention Camps!”
The important message from the book is Dafnis’ life and experience, “Between Violence and Peace.” Revealing how, from the violence and distrust between the two Cyprus communities, it is possible to reach peaceful coexistence and cooperation as Cypriots while maintaining their distinct identities, with lessons for Greece – Turkey relations and beyond.
A film production is underway based on the book and Dafnis’ incredible life.
Renowned Greek cinematographer Costas Ferris agreed to be the production director, with the film release expected in 2022.
Stahis Panagides, PhD Dafnis’ brother
Bethesda, Maryland, USA
July 2021

- by Şakir Dinçşahin
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- Cyprus Studies, Nationalism, Cyprus conflict, History of Cyprus
- by Stephen Woodward
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- International Relations, Diplomacy, British Foreign Policy, Cyprus conflict

To understand Cyprus problem and founding out a sustainable solution we need to analyze and understand the role of religion on Cyprus issues in past and today. As it is known both Christian and Muslim cultures left their signs on island and have a strong impact on today's relationships. As a result of this differ¬ent effects in The Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus, referred to the Orthodox Christianity and Islam as constituent elements.
After division of Christianity, the conflicts between Catholic and Orthodox Churches, Ottomans and Cyprus Orthodox Church be¬came allies. The Ottomans, while trying to reduce Latin's influ¬ence, treated the Orthodox Cypriots with the consideration and gained their good will. In 1821 with the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence, the Greeks of Cyprus attempted to follow in the footsteps of those of Greece; such was the accusation, which Kuchuk Mehmed brought against the bishops and the leading Greek laymen of Cyprus. As a result of this the Archbishop and his archdeacon were hanged, the three Bishops beheaded and the notables dispatched by the Janissaries. This was the break point and beginning of political separation between Ottoman adminis¬tration and Cyprus Orthodox Church. In this article, I have tried to analyze the developments of relationships between Muslims and Christians under lights of history and give a right perspective to the future relationships.

- by Yusuf Suiçmez
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- Religion, History of Christianity, Cyprus Studies, Early Christianity
- by marko kiessel and +2
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- Cultural Heritage, Cypriot Archaeology, Cyprus conflict, Cyprus
- by Andreas Karyos
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- Greek History, Cyprus Studies, Political Violence and Terrorism, Nationalism
- by stathis gauntlett
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- Translation Studies, Cyprus Studies, Modern Greek literature, Cyprus conflict

Peace journalism is a new concept in the academic field and the media sector. It is important to stress that peace journalism is a new kind of reporting, and it involves news selecting and news framing for the journalism profession. This dissertation, which conducted on the Cyprus Conflict present for more than five decades, makes a contribution to the peace journalism conception of Johan Galtung. The findings of this dissertation, which analyses the coverage of the Cyprus Conflict on the press from the perspective of peace journalism, can also be applied to the other conflict zones of the world. In this study, the notion of peace journalism is explained by means of various examples taken from the Cypriot media. This study looks at the news stories reported by the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers on the matters relating to one another, from the perspective of peace journalism. The Cypriot media do allocate sizeable coverage for the stories related to the Cyprus Conflict. However it is observed that journalists do not necessarily stick to the principles of peace journalism as they prepare the reporting of the newsworthy stories on the conflict. The media in which peace journalism is not employed turns into a media instigating violence, hatred, and storm. Among the roles of journalists in battle areas include the crucial significance of approaching incidents from peace journalism perspectives. In light of the renewed negotiations in Cyprus for reunification, the Cypriot media should engage in responsible reporting.

- by Metin Ersoy
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- Media Framing, Cyprus conflict, Peace Journalism, News Media Ethics

Kıbrıs sorununun şekillenmeye başladığı 1950’lerde sorunun tarafları çözüme yönelik çeşitli diplomatik faaliyetlerde bulunmuşlar ve bu süreç 1960 yılında Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin ortaya çıkmasıyla neticelenmiştir. Fakat daha sonra adadaki Türk ve Rum toplumları arasında ortaya çıkan anlaşmazlık sonucu Kıbrıs sorunu tekrar gün yüzüne çıkmıştır. Bu tarihten itibaren 1950’lerden farklı olarak tarafların Kıbrıs konusundaki etkisi değişmiş ve yeni politikalar uygulanmaya başlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda 1950’lerde Kıbrıs’ın kendisine bağlı bir ada olmasından dolayı daha aktif bir politika takip eden İngiltere, 1960’larda Kıbrıs Devletinin kuruluş anlaşmasının garantör devletlerinden birisi olmasına rağmen Kıbrıs sorunu konusunda daha pasif bir dış politika izlemeye başlamıştır. Özellikle, 1964 yılında Birleşmiş Milletlerin adaya barış gücü gönderme kararı alması bu durumu daha da hızlandırmıştır. İngilizlerin takip ettiği bu politika sonucu ABD, Kıbrıs sorununda daha aktif rol almaya başlamıştır. Türkiye açısından ise durum tersi bir yol izlemiştir denilebilir. 1950’li yılların başında Kıbrıs sorunu diye bir durumun varlığını kabul etmek istemeyen ve adadaki İngiliz idaresinden memnun bir görüntü sergileyen Türkiye, 1950’lerin sonuna doğru Kıbrıs konusunda tutumunu netleştirmiş ve aktif bir politika uygulamaya başlamıştır. Bu durum 1960’lı yıllarda daha da baskın bir rol almıştır. İngilizlerin adaya olan ilgilerinin azalmasına karşılık Türkiye 1960’larda iki kez adaya askeri müdahale girişiminde bulunmuş fakat bu iki hamlede ABD’nin devreye girmesiyle sonuca ulaşamamıştır. Görüldüğü gibi 1950’ler ve 1960’lar Kıbrıs sorununda takip edilen politika bakımından Türkiye ve İngiltere için çok farklı bir seyir izlemiştir. Bu çalışma da bu dönemler içinde bu iki devletin takip ettiği Kıbrıs politikasının bir değerlendirmesini yapmaktadır.

- by Yasin Coşkun
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- Cyprus Studies, Cyprus conflict, Turkish Foreign Policy, Türkiye Dış Politikası

Independence of Cyprus in 1960 ended neither the Greek demand to annex the island to Greece, nor the Turkish demand to divide the island along the ethnic lines. This paper analyzes the policies of major actors on the Cyprus problem in its crucial years from 1960 to 1975. An overall examination of the British, Turkish, Greek, American and the Soviet policies on Cyprus along with the policies of the Turkish and Greek Cypriots in this period reveals that all sides except Greece developed alternative policies and proposals to solve the problem. Greece was the only side that did not abandon its Cyprus policy of enosis, union with Greece. The unaccommodating approach of Greece on the Cyprus issue not only paved the road for the end of Greek junta (1967-1974) but also for the eventual collapse of southern flank of NATO in 1975. By 1975, Greece left NATO and Turkey suffered the arms embargo of its NATO ally, the United States of America and in response it shut down the majority of American military bases in Turkey and further weakened the southern flank of NATO.

- by Tamer Balci
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- Cyprus Studies, Cyprus conflict, Modern History of Cyprus

This volume is in honour of the acclaimed work of Robert Holland, historian of the British Empire and the Mediterranean, and it brings together essays based on the original research of his colleagues, former students and friends. The focal theme is modern Cyprus, on which much of Robert Holland’s own history writing was concentrated for many years. The essays analyse British rule in Cyprus between 1878 and 1960, and especially the transition to independence; the coverage, however, also incorporates the post-colonial era and the construction of present-day dilemmas. The Cypriot experience intertwines with Anglo-Hellenic relations generally, so that a section of the book is devoted to those aspects that have been central to Robert Holland’s sustained contribution. The essays explore, inter alia, historiography, social history, economics, politics, ideology, education and the 2013 financial crisis. Taken as a collection the essays serve as an appropriate tribute to Robert Holland as well as an innovative addition to the existing historiography of colonial and post-colonial Cyprus. They will be of great interest to anyone interested in Imperial and Commonwealth History, Anglo-Hellenic relations and the Eastern Mediterranean in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

- by Anastasia Yiangou
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- European History, International Relations, Cyprus Studies, British Empire

The purpose of this part is to delineate the theoretical approach that this project intends to embrace in dealing with the Cyprus conflict. To this direction, it brings up a theoretical debate on conflict resolution and conflict... more

The purpose of this part is to delineate the theoretical approach that this project intends to
embrace in dealing with the Cyprus conflict. To this direction, it brings up a theoretical
debate on conflict resolution and conflict transformation approaches and explains why our
project leans towards the latter.

- by Vasileios P. Karakasis
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Conflict, Conflict Resolution, Cyprus conflict
- by Alexandros Nafpliotis
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Violence, Conflict, Conflict Resolution

In this research I assess the impact of the recently discovered gas reserves south off Cyprus on the escalation of the Cyprus conflict. I examine the ideational dynamics underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources. Theoretically motivated by the discursive shift in conflict studies, I prioritise the collectively shared meanings of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot opinion-leaders on the gas reserves and how these justify their conflictual strategies. To uncover these discourses, I apply Q-methodology, a research design tailor-made to ‘measure’ human subjectivity. I distinguish five distinct discourses. With respect to the Greek-Cypriot side, I identify (a) ‘gas boosting our geopolitical standing’, which highlights the sovereignty attributes of the natural resources, (b) ‘pipe-dreams and imported nationalisms’, which acknowledges the opportunistic motives behind the ‘geopolitical overtones’ of the Greek-Cypriot side, and (c) ‘resentment matters’, which emphasizes the Greek-Cypriot grievances. As regards the Turkish-Cypriot side, I came across two different discourses: (e) ‘gas stimulating political equality’, where Turkish-Cypriots stress their grievances over their lack of international status and the opportunities that arise from the gas reserves discovery to reverse their international isolation, and (f) ‘micro-politics’, which highlights the political opportunism of particular policymakers who capitalize on the tensions in order to serve their political careers in the face of domestic turbulence. These discourses provide a holistic framework regarding the ideational factors underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources within the protracted Cyprus conflict.

This paper discusses the historical background of the Cyprus problem as it evolved after independence in 1960 in order to reconsider well established perceptions about the nature of this conflict. In particular, it goes for an approach beyond the common interpretation of the Cyprus problem as being essentially a clash of antagonistic nationalisms, by pointing on other factors at least equally influential on the development of the Cyprus issue in the second half of 20th century, which had less to do with nationalism than with the colonial legacy

- by Mehmet Perincek
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- Russian Studies, American Studies, Terrorism, NATO

In this study, approaches of political parties in Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) to Cyprus Issue will be examined. Although it is impossible to oversee contributions and effects of guarantor states and international organizations to Cyprus Issue, political parties in Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are the reflectors of will of Cypriots. In order to examine politics of political parties, history of Cyprus Issue, general elections and presidential elections since 1976 will be evaluated. Furthermore, leftist and rightist parties that formed governments and Presidents with leftist and rightist backgrounds will be examined in regard to their perspectives of Cyprus Issue. Presidential office runs negotiations with Greek side in the name of Cypriots as their representatives. In this study, literature review was conducted with the help of quantitative study. In addition, interwievss were held with Derviş Eroğlu who is the third President of T.R.N.C. and Assembly Member of Communal Democracy Party, Mehmet Burhan.
Keywords: Cyprus Issue, Turkis Republic of North Cyprus, Political Parties

- by Serhat Kaya
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- 1970s Culture, Cyprus conflict, History of Cyprus, Cyprus

Η Μονή του Αποστόλου Ανδρέα στην Καρπασία αποτελεί μέχρι σήμερα ένα κοινό χώρο λατρείας και προσευχής για Χριστιανούς και Μουσουλμάνους στο νησί. Ένα σύμβολο ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης. Παρά το ότι δεν έγιναν συστηματικές ανασκαφές στη Μονή, διάφορα αρχαιολογικά δεδομένα και πρόσφατα αρχαιολογικά ευρήματα, υποδεικνύουν την ύπαρξή του αρχικά ως ασκητήριο, ήδη από την παλαιοχριστιανική εποχή, και μετά ως μοναστήρι. Ισχυρισμοί εθνικιστικών τουρκικών κύκλων ότι η Μονή σχετίζεται με την ταφή ενός συνοδού του προφήτη Μωάμεθ, που έλαβε μέρος στην πρώτη αραβική επιδρομή του 649 εναντίον της Κύπρου, καμία επιστημονική υποστήριξη δεν συναντά.

Με ποιον τρόπο θα μπορούσε να τεθεί εκ νέου ο προβληματισμός για το σύγχρονο μουσείο μέσα από το ιστορικό παράδειγμα ενός τόπου όπως η Λευκωσία; Ποιες θεωρητικές και σχεδιαστικές προκλήσεις μπορούν να αναδυθούν σε μια πόλη που στο πλούσιο ιστορικό υπόβαθρό της φέρει και τα εμφανή σημάδια μιας σύρραξης, ενός βίαιου δημογραφικού μετα-σχηματισμού και της παγιωμένης διάστασης ανάμεσα στις δύο κύριες εθνοτικές ομάδες οι οποίες κατοικούν εκεί; Ποιο θεωρητικό ή θεσμικό πρόγραμμα θα μπορούσε να αναλάβει τη διαχείριση της σχέσης αυτής της πόλης με το παρελθόν της, όταν οι πολιτειακοί θεσμοί αλλά και οι διάφορες κοινωνικές ομάδες επιδιώκουν να ανασυγκροτούν τούτο το παρελθόν με τρόπο διαφορετικό; Ποια αρχιτεκτονική και χωρική συνθήκη θα μπορούσε να ανταποκριθεί στον συγκεκριμένο προβληματισμό καλλιεργώντας μια ανοιχτή σχέση με την ιστορία πέρα κι έξω από τη διατεταγμένη παραγωγή της «εθνικής μνήμης»; H παρούσα έκδοση περιλαμβάνει κείμενα που συζητούν, μέσα από ειδικά παραδείγματα και ευρύτερες θεωρητικές αναφορές, κεντρικά ερωτήματα των σύγχρονων κοινωνιών, ερωτήματα σχετικά με τη θεσμική διαχείριση του παρελθόντος, με την κατασκευή ηγεμονικών πολιτισμικών αφηγήσεων και με τις πρακτικές της μνημόνευσης. Το ανά χείρας βιβλίο επιδιώκει μέσα από διεπιστημονικές προσεγγίσεις να προωθήσει τη θεωρητική, την ιστοριογραφική και την πολιτισμική κριτική, έχοντας έναν διπλό στόχο: πρώτον, να αναδείξει την παράμετρο του χώρου στις πολιτικές διαχείρισης της μνήμης, εντοπίζοντας υπό διαφορετικές οπτικές τους τρόπους με τους οποίους ο χώρος γίνεται εργαλείο και μέσο των αφηγήσεων για το παρελθόν· δεύτερον, να προβάλει διερευνήσεις, που στο πλαίσιο του αναστοχασμού για τη μουσειακή συνθήκη εισηγούνται χωρικές και αρχιτεκτονικές προσεγγίσεις κριτικής διερώτησης για τον θεσμικό ρόλο του μουσείου και των παραδεδομένων σχέσεων μεταξύ συλλογής, παρατηρητή, κτιρίου και πόλης.

- by Petros Phokaides and +1
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- Cultural Studies, Museum Studies, Postcolonial Studies, Cyprus Studies

Cet article, pensé en 2008-2009 et publié en 2010, tente une synthèse des problèmes historiques qui, depuis le milieu voire le début du XX e siècle, ont plongé l'île de Chypre dans une série de malheurs dont elle ne peut, jusqu'à présent... more