Defence and Peace Economics Research Papers (original) (raw)

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- Defence and Peace Economics, Market Structure, Applied Economics, Coordination Game

With more than ten thousand casualties, the ongoing hybrid Ukrainian war between pro-Russian separatists and the government in the Donbass region, Ukraine’s productive core, has taken a severe toll...

- by Julia Bluszcz
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- Business, Defence and Peace Economics
- by John P Dunne
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- Defence and Peace Economics, DEFENCE ECONOMICS
- by Jari Eloranta
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- Defence and Peace Economics, Applied Economics

I MEAN IF YOU KNEW THAT BUILDING SIMPLE ORGANMIC DEVICES WOULD IMPOSE PEACE ON EARTH WOULD YOU DO IT?? WE ARE TALKING A EUPHORIC PEACE THAT GOES WORLDWIDE AND EXTENDS TO THE HEAVENS. AND, AND PROVE THAT ALL HUMANS ARE GODS – DO YOU LIKE... more

- by MIKE EMERY
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Defence and Peace Economics, Peace Movements, Peacekeeping

Políticas de offset, são um instrumento de comércio internacional amplamente difundido, por meio do qual países exigem benefícios adicionais para comprar produtos de fornecedores estrangeiros. Utilizados principalmente com objetivos de desenvolvimento industrial, no Brasil os offsets vêm sendo aplicados há décadas pelo Estado em suas compras militares de produtos de defesa para ampliar a oferta de tecnologia estrangeira no setor aeroespacial. Entretanto, longe de ser um consenso, os offsets são um assunto particularmente polêmico,
sendo constantemente questionados quanto a sua eficiência econômica e a sua eficácia em transferir tecnologia. A notória escassez de informações sobre os resultados dessa prática, faz com que seja difícil concluir em que medida os offsets são benéficos ou maléficos. Este trabalho visa justamente descrever as formas de implementação dos offsets e medir seus resultados com relação à transferência de tecnologia para organizações do setor aeroespacial brasileiro. Com base na teoria disponível sobre os offsets, nas principais características do setor aeroespacial e na literatura sobre o processo de acumulação de capacidades tecnológicas, são analisadas as entradas, as atividades e os resultados de políticas de offset. É realizado um levantamento dos Projetos de Offset implementados a partir das compras de produtos de
defesa geridas pela Comissão Coordenadora do Programa Aeronave de Combate (COPAC) da Aeronáutica. São identificados 67 Projetos de Offset implementados entre 2000 e 2016, dos quais 55 (82%) levaram à capacitação tecnológica de organizações do setor aeroespacial brasileiro. A distribuição das variáveis levantadas para os 55 projetos analisados, descrita por meio de tabelas, gráficos e análises de correspondência, mostra que os offsets possuem uma grande permeabilidade na cadeia aeroespacial brasileira, beneficiando 34 diferentes organizações, predominantemente empresas. Com relação aos resultados, observa-se uma grande concentração de offsets relacionados ao incremento em capacidades de produção e a
ausência de incremento em capacidades de inovação avançadas. Conclui-se que a Política de Offset da Aeronáutica é um importante instrumento para a ampliação da oferta de tecnologia estrangeira no setor aeroespacial brasileiro, pois promove transferências de tecnologia de forma diversificada e oportunidades de relacionamentos tecnológicos relevantes entre organizações brasileiras e estrangeiras. Entretanto, não é possível afirmar que a tecnologia transferida por meio dos offsets analisados está próxima da fronteira tecnológica.

Malawi, as a member and a signatory to the United Nations (UN) Charter, has an obligation to support the vision of UN Peace Support Operations (PSO) under Article 1 of the Charter. Since Malawi started to participate in PSO, the political, military, social, and economic gains or losses have not been assessed. Practically, all issues pertaining to the defense of a nation involve costs and benefits or payoffs, tangible or sometimes intangible, which lend themselves to the economic investigation. While as the bulk of the costs in PSO are borne by the UN, other costs are borne internally by the Troop Contributing Country (TCC). Malawi‟s participation as a TCC to PSO thus needed to be evaluated in order to inform decision-makers. The main objective of the study, therefore, was to evaluate net benefits of the participation of Malawi Defence Force in PSO in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 2006 and 2009. Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) technique was used to assess the net worthiness of the PSO mission in order to derive the Benefit-Cost Ratio (BCR). Both quantitative and qualitative techniques were used to derive monetary values of developmental, operational, capital investment, recurring and social costs and benefits of PSO in DRC. All the costs and benefits were calculated and adjusted to the present value at a 5% discount rate using 2006 as the base year. Total discounted benefits amounted to MK3,264,804,804.29 and total discounted costs amounted to MK1,966,036,201.97, representing a BCR of 1.66:1. The study concludes that for this positive BCR outcome, the decision to involve MDF in PSO, although politically motivated was financially viable for the stated period. The Z-test further confirms the claim that the benefits of Malawi involvement in PSO in DRC between 2006 and 2009 outweigh the costs. The study recommends, among others, that future PSOs should be evaluated well before decisions are made to participate. To this end, Government should develop a national policy on PSO. MDF on its part should also develop guidelines on development, sustainment, and process of PSO. In order to increase the spin-offs, the private and public sector should be incorporated in PSOs.

- by Joe Mambo
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- Defence and Peace Economics, International Security, Security Studies, Peacekeeping

Greece yearly allocates a substantial part of its national income to defence. Its defence burden is the highest among EU and NATO members. Greek military spending has continuously exhibited a steady upward trend. During the post-bipolar era, while most countries have reduced their defence budgets, Greek military spending has grown in real terms by about 35% while, the corresponding change for total EU and NATO military expenditure was –12% and –23.4% respectively. For military hardware, Greece relies almost exclusively on imports. According to SIPRI data during 1996-2000 Greece ranked as the seventh importer of major conventional weapons in the world. Its total imports for this period amounted to about $3665 millions. In the past the development of an indigenous arms production capability was seen as an important step towards achieving a minimum degree military of self sufficiency and thus reduce its dependence on external suppliers of military hardware. The driving forces behind this policy of import substitution were a) the arms embargo during the military dictatorship and b) the fact that Greek defence planners felt that in case of an arms confrontation with Turkey (its mainly rival but at the same time NATO ally) Greece could not rely on its arms suppliers (mainly the USA and West European countries) and that it could be faced with a slow down in equipment and spare parts thus hindering its military effort. A number of industries were thus set up. They were mostly joint ventures between the Greek state and foreign arms producing companies. Most prominent cases were the Hellenic Aerospace Industry (EAB), the Hellenic Arms Industry (EBO), the Hellenic Vehicle Industry (ELBO). About three decades after the original ambitious plans, Greece has achieved a limited degree of import substitution in weapons requirements in such areas as ammunition, portable infantry weapons, jeeps and trucks, APCs and IFVs, and in airplane and helicopter maintenance. These however represent only a small proportion of the needs in military hardware. The majority of weapons systems are still imported including fighter planes, MBTs, helicopters, naval units, electronic equipment etc. All of which are of crucial determinants of the fighting capability of the Greek armed forces. Similarly, plans for extensive co-production agreements have not fully materialized while export performance has at best been limited. Currently the Greek defence industry is comprised of about 80 companies with a yearly turnover of more than 1,4 bn.€ and employing more than 16200 people. Most of the major indigenous military producers have for a number of years been facing important problems, of both financial and technological nature.
This paper attempts to address some important questions concerning the Greek arms industry. For example, why has Greece, despite its importance as a major importer and, until recently, the favourable conditions in the global defence market (the huge downturn that has however started to reverse during the last two years) not been able to succeed in its import substitution policy in defence procurement and thus effectively supporting the indigenous defence industry? Why do foreign firms have to look for capable local partners each time a Greek defence program is executed, and not vice versa? That is, why are Greek firms not capable of searching for, and assembling, industrial groups of local and foreign firms, in order to pursue the opportunities that appear in the local defence market? The paper surveys the Greek defence industry and its development over the last decades and discusses the options available to it in order to overcome its current problems. Emphasis is placed upon the technological capabilities of the local firms and upon the role that the defence procurement process can possibly play in augmenting these, so as to embed Greece in the current techno – economic paradigm.

In 2014, at the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine and Russia‘s aggression against this neighboring country, Lithuania became concerned about the strengthening of its military capabilities, augmenting the National Defense System (NDS) budget by almost 50% in two years. This may be considered unprecedented, if seen against the background of the presidential elections and those to the European Parliament, the fiscal discipline, the introduction of euro, as well as Russia‘s economic sanctions, the political decision in the course of 2014 on increasing the defense assignation by 130 million litas and in 2015 the increase by planned additional 356 million litas. This article analyzes two closely related problems of the Lithuanian NDS capabilities. First of all, changes in the NDS financing are explored in the context of permanent agreements of Lithuanian political parties concerning the allocation of 2% of the GDP for defense. This is followed by the discussion of the issues of military personnel staffing and training of the reserve as well as future challenges. This research contributes to the assessment
of the critical NDS financing and staffing not only within academic circles but particularly among politicians and society in general. Additionally, it contributes to the awareness of the problems the
army encountered in seeking to implement the objective set for it: to ensure the military security of the state. In the presence of the emerging threats in the region, this is of particularly great significance
to the demilitarized and pacifist society of Lithuania. The article aims at identifying financing and personnel planning problems throughout a quarter of the century, ranging from the restoration of the Army of the Republic of Lithuania to 2014 inclusively. At the same time, the study encourages a discussion by the academic community on issues of the military security of the Lithuanian State and provides analyses as well as possible development scenarios.

- by Vytautas Jokubauskas
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- Strategy (Military Science), Defence and Peace Economics, NATO, War Studies
- by Nikolaos Tzifakis
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- Critical Theory, Military History, Criminology, Sociology of Culture

Formal university and college Intelligence Studies degree programs have experienced a pronounced growth in recent years, exhibiting a richness in diversity and engagement in both institutional type and instructional delivery. At face value American academia seems about to embark on a new era of cooperation and understanding with the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). But in seeking to determine whether progress in this development is as significant as is hoped in Washington, DC, this study reveals a persisting historical concern and academic bias that constrains the latent collaboration.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Business, Business Administration, Business Ethics, History
- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- History, Military History, Bioinformatics, Sociology
- by Rubens de S. Duarte and +2
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- Defence and Peace Economics, Defence, Defence and Security, Defesa do Estado
- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Business, Management, Business Administration, Religion
- by Direnç Kanol
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- Social Movements, Health Psychology, Geography, Political Geography and Geopolitics

Greece yearly allocates a substantial part of its national income to defence and its defence burden is the highest among EU and NATO members. To meet the demand for military hardware it relies almost exclusively on imports, ranking among the largest conventional arms importers in the world. Despite efforts to develop a domestic defence industry, indigenous production only covers a limited proportion of Greece's demand for military equipment. The majority of weapons, including sophisticated and technologically advanced systems, are imported from the major arms producers. This paper critically surveys the Greek defence industrial base, its structure and recent performance, and assesses its future options.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Business, Engineering, Religion, Comparative Religion

The intent of this chapter is to re-imagine and apply the term " civil disobedience " to the cyber domain. The full extent of how it can apply will be analyzed in a framework of the evolutionary rights of protest. Traditional civil disobedience is a " performance " via visual and physical mediums, while cyber disobedience is essentially a digital performance with difficulty in attributing true ownership of the act. This is an interesting antithesis to the physical protestor, who uses strategic visibility, threat of arrest, and popular backlash against state behavior as vital aspects of the disobedience. These variables are noticeably absent in cyber disobedience.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Critical Theory, Business, Discourse Analysis, History

Σε περίπτωση που επιθυμείτε μέρος ή το σύνολο της μελέτης, παρακαλώ απευθυνθείτε στον συγγραφέα.

Although the US and its Western allies had long relationship with Africa in various categories of aid and development, China’s recent entry into the Dark Continent caused huge displeasure to the traditional donors. The Asian giant’s economic investment in Africa was so huge that it engaged scholars to analyze the trend from various perspectives including politics, economics, commerce, governance, human rights as well as security. The move also became an awakening or a reawakening for the US and its think tank in that, with the magnitude of rich resources under its soil, Africa is to be redefined in a more appealing fashion very unlike the Dark Continent the West had misinterpreted it for calculated hidden interests. It is based on this background that this study problematises the nature of the competition between the two giants and the implications it may hold for Africa.

Cyberspace is everywhere in today’s world and has significant implications not only for global economic activity, but also for international politics and transnational social relations. This compilation addresses for the first time the “cyberization” of international relations - the growing dependence of actors in IR on the infrastructure and instruments of the internet, and the penetration of cyberspace into all fields of their activities. The volume approaches this topical issue in a comprehensive and interdisciplinary fashion, bringing together scholars from disciplines such as IR, security studies, ICT studies and philosophy as well as experts from everyday cyber-practice.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Discourse Analysis, Comparative Religion, History, Military History

This article is a description of a theoretical analysis for the changing conceptions of defense and security in the era of defense globalization. The globalization of defense shows that the perception of threats and international and national security has been changed because of the complexity of the industrial relations which is experiencing liberalization. Defense globalization makes collaboration and cooperation becomes so rapid. This paper use qualitative approach andit framed by theoretical studies, so as to discuss the issue in general and broad. The conclusion is that the evolution of the defense industry makes an approach and context of defending the country should evolve as well. Not just to understand the non military defense , but an understanding of the industrial procedures , diplomacy and cooperation , is one of today's key of defending country.

This article examines the openly adversarial neoconservative foundation under George Bush to the supposedly more ‘engaged’ diplomatic interaction under Barack Obama. What will be exposed is a fairly uninspired and non-innovative American policy that not only fails to consider Russian initiatives from Russia’s own national security perspectives, but aims to contain it within a continued Cold War box that not only sours opportunities for collaboration but guarantees the absence of partnership in areas of global security. This piece examines the consequences of imagining Russia only as nemesis.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Critical Theory, Business, Business Administration, Business Ethics

Nos últimos anos houve um renascimento do interesse dos economistas pelo estudo da violência, conflitos e guerras, que cada vez mais passam a ser entendidos como pontos centrais para explicar a trajetória de desenvolvimento institucional de diferentes sociedades. Entretanto, o objeto é complexo e a agenda de pesquisa, muito recente, faz com que ainda exista muitas lacunas importantes, teóricas e empíricas. Esta tese contribui para esse esforço de pesquisa oferecendo uma tipologia abrangente da violência; inserindo a dinâmica tecnológica e organizacional da produção de armas no arcabouço conceitual da nova economia institucional; avançando uma hipótese de entendimento dos bens do setor de defesa como bens de crença (credence goods) e um novo entendimento do problema da escravidão no processo de constituição do Estado, com consequências para a diferenciação entre ordens de acesso limitado e ordens de acesso aberto. Aplicamos esse arcabouço conceitual e fornecemos evidências da sua utilidade revisitando a história econômica dos Estados Unidos de 1840 a 1940.

- by Thomas Victor Conti
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- Military History, Economic History, Violence, Defence and Peace Economics

Regardless of the various definitions regarding the capabilities based
planning, there are a few essential issues which have to be addressed when talking about it: the concept of uncertainty, the fact that all capabilities have to be developed within the economic framework, under resource constraints and the fact that affordability and sustainability are intrinsic components of any capability.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Business, Business Administration, Religion, Military History

Since 9/11, intelligence has evolved within a changing atmosphere of modern tactics and techniques for information collection. This atmosphere, coupled with massive leaps in technological advancement such as social media, mobile communications, processing analytics, large-form solid-state data storage, novel computational hardware, and software equipment, has thrust intelligence communities around the world into a strange new world of multi-dimensional intelligence. While science and technology and human capability both remain valuable facets of the same overlapping intelligence construct, there is an emerging trend of diametrically opposed camps pushing for one method over the other. This article explains how in terms of field application and intelligence information processing and analysis, both HUMINT and TECHINT could be maximized by the elimination of forced rivalry and by the encouragement of mutual cooperation that is currently lacking.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Information Systems, Discourse Analysis, History, Military History

History and geographical coordinates are two most important features in making up of any nation's foreign policy. The most important factor influencing1 the operational part of foreign policy is the geopolitics that governs the nation and its neighboring region. After India became independent in 1947, it initiated the process of developing its foreign policy. This research paper traces the foreign policy of Indian Prime Ministers from Nehru till the present times. As the analysis progresses, the focus would be on understanding the dramatic transitions witnessed by Indian foreign policy. There will be special emphasis upon theorizing the transition of foreign policy of India at the end of the Cold War and how India adjusted its relationship with the West.

Africa and India each have a big island off their south-eastern tips – Madagascar and
Sri Lanka respectively. These two islands share many commonalities: their populations
today are 22 and 24 million respectively 1 ; each has multi-ethnic population; each was a
colony of a Western power (from 1882/1897 and 1815); and each became independent
post-WWII (in 1960 and 1948); each has extremely high, unique bio-diversity, similarly
threatened by deforestation; each holds a strategic maritime location, yet prone to natural
hazards (albeit, arguably, Sri Lanka’s is more so, in both cases 2 ); each had adopted socialist
economic policies at some point of the 1970s and then radically liberalised their
economies; and each has experienced multiple serious political and constitutional crises
over the past 50 years.
Most importantly for this discussion, both islands had an equally miserable state of
economic affairs in the 1960s and the early 1970s, throughout which their GDP per capita
indicators, seen on the title page, make it seem as if their economies had been glued
together. They were each a poor, agrarian, commodity-exporting economy. But then,
from the late 1970s onwards, Sri Lanka entered and has remained on an amazing
economic growth path that has allowed it to increase its GDP per capita from 273$ in
1980 to 3’820$ in 2014 3 , while Madagascar’s GDP per capita between 1980 and 2014
decreased from 462$ to 449$ 4 . Sri Lanka has become a middle-income, industrialised,
service-based economy with the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in South
Asia 5 and even has its own space satellite 6 . Madagascar has around 90% of its population
living in poverty 7 and remains among the most backward economies in the world.

- by Angel Versetti
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- Finance, Development Economics, Environmental Economics, Green Economics

Due to the increasing expenditures in defence sector on the worldwide scale there might be a need for states to
reassess impact of national defence industries, defence spending for national economies, security and defence politics and
foreign politics. The usage of political economy theories and its new approaches could support possible ways for
answering question on defence industry impact for nation’s welfare, security and economics.

This study examines the implementation of the European Union (EU) defence package, which consists of the Defence Procurement Directive 2009/81/EC and the Intra-Community Transfers Directive 2009/43/EC, during the period from 2016 to 2020. It is organised in two parts.
The first part of the study, prepared internally, examines the evaluations carried out on the implementation of the two directives to identify persisting challenges. It surveys institutional and policy novelties in the field of EU defence cooperation so as to place the implementation of the two directives in context, and then examines Parliament's oversight work. It goes on to lay out the main elements that are likely to affect the future of EU defence industrial cooperation, and provides options for moving forward. The second part of the study, which was outsourced, is based on primary research (a survey and interviews) and aims to assess the effectiveness, efficiency, relevance and added value of the Defence Procurement Directive and the Intra-Community Transfers Directive. It also seeks to identify limitations and challenges, and explore – where possible – the links between the implementation of the two directives.

• There has been an awful lot of noise and blowing wind of late across all forms of social media about an impending WWIII between the United States and Russia, most of which involves further involvement and an intensified escalation within Syria. With the US airstrikes (alongside its allied partners, the UK and France) on Friday night (American time), that crescendo is no doubt going to hit an all-time high of anticipation. To that I offer one small contrary warning: don't hold your breath for the mushroom clouds just yet.

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Military History, Sociology, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology

O objetivo deste artigo é reconsiderar o papel do sistema mercantilista como uma causa determinante para a ascensão do Império Britânico à hegemonia. Eu defino o sistema mercantilista como um conjunto de capacidades sociotécnicas nos setores de transporte e armamentos. Na primeira parte, mostro como a disputa britânica pela hegemonia foi desde seu início baseada nas suas capacidades de organizar e assegurar um sistema internacional de comércio em grande escala. Na parte dois, esse sistema mercantilista, vemos como a construção ferroviária respondia perfeitamente a interesses britânicos industriais e de serviços. Entretanto, sua difusão também foi o ponto de partida para países como os Estados Unidos e a Alemanha organizarem economias nacionais em escalas maiores do que seria possível em um mundo onde o transporte marítimo era a única tecnologia para o transporte eficiente em grande escala. Na parte três, essas novas escalas organizacionais juntam-se às inovações militares do período, que explicam a retomada da colonização do fim do século. Enquanto o sistema mercantilista britânico nunca perdeu seu caráter hegemônico nos mares, o declínio relativo da hegemonia do Império Britânico resulta de uma mudança na natureza dos espaços onde se dava a concorrência economia e a rivalidade política, das economias marítimas para as terrestres. Palavras-chave: Mercantilismo, Império Britânico, Hegemonia Britânica, Ferrovias, Guerra Introdução O interesse acadêmico pelo estudo do mercantilismo cresceu consideravelmente nos últimos anos. As contribuições de Steve Pincus, 1 Lars Magnusson, 2 Philip Stern e Carl Wennerlind 3 recolocaram as polêmicas da definição, temporalidade e validade do conceito de mercantilismo. Os autores concordam que ele não foi uma doutrina coesa. Segundo eles, o que se convencionou entender como " mercantilismo " foi na verdade um conjunto diverso de discursos e práticas que não conseguimos de fato entender sem analisarmos cada caso à luz do seu contexto histórico. Meu argumento segue as principais contribuições do debate historiográfico contemporâneo sobre o mercantilismo, dando grande ênfase ao contexto das ideias e práticas a ele associadas. Na medida em que os autores mercantilistas eram também homens práticos envolvidos com o objeto sobre o qual escreviam, como líderes de negócios ou oficiais de governo, o pensamento desenvolvido por eles era inevitavelmente atrelado às funções que eles exerciam. 4 Logo, quaisquer argumentos quanto à ascensão ou queda das ideias ou práticas mercantilistas devem também lidar com o problema da ascensão ou queda em importância do tipo de atividade e ambiente que em primeiro lugar habilitaram aqueles discursos.

Terrorism can be defined as most infectious disease in today world. It can also be considered as a fatal communicable disease where people do not get sufficient time to revive themselves. It is a purposive creation of some segments of vested interest groups in the World with having a broader view of mass destructions; dislocate the people from their origin of the place. They utilize such mechanism which is success to spread very fast the fear psychosis among the people so that these people lose the faith and confidence among themselves resulting in victimization and untimely death of mass population. Since invention of life, the World must have witnessed of several activities those are barbaric in nature and the amount of loss may be equilibrium to today’s loss on terrorist attack, but unfortunate that, it was not defined and measured in any angles by the intellectual people. Human beings are always in favour of peace and prosperity. Today we will behave ourselves in such a way for ...

- by Dr. Matthew Crosston
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- Business, Business Administration, Military History, Diplomatic History
- by Ralph Rotte
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- Engineering, Defence and Peace Economics, Leadership, Applied Economics
- by David K Levine
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- Game Theory, Terrorism, Defence and Peace Economics, Applied Economics