Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe Research Papers (original) (raw)

Este trabalho visa discutir os conceitos de “diferença colonial” e “pensamento liminar” de Walter Mignolo, em articulação com uma discussão filosófica das questões da diferença e do antagonismo, especialmente de acordo com a proposta de Ernesto Laclau, mas também com reformulações do próprio autor. De acordo com a hipótese do artigo, as relações de alteridade e os antagonismos que compuseram os processos de constituição da modernidade e da colonialidade podem ser compreendidos a partir de uma gramática filosófica estruturada no modo com o qual a questão da diferença foi investigada, especialmente a partir do século XX. Pensá-la em contraposição à ideia marxiana de contradição dialética torna-se um bom recurso para esta análise.

- by
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- Philosophy, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Ernesto Laclau, Walter Mignolo

If politics is ultimately about our deepest fears and desires rather than about, say, tax policy or better health care, then what place is there for a Left whose raison d’être will always be tied to improving the economic fortunes of the least fortunate? One answer is to begin to outline an “economics of meaning,” where economic or class critiques are a means to channel anger, create meaning, and build solidarity rather than to implement better policy outcomes (although, of course, policy changes would be good on their own, for moral rather than necessarily electoral reasons). This requires changing standard conceptions of what elections are for and what it means to win.

- by Shadi Hamid
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- Immigration, Nationalism, Populism, Immigration And Integration In Europe
- by Yohann Douet
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- Marxism, Praxis, French Revolution, Historicism
- by Yahya M Madra and +1
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- Marxist Economics, Class, Jacques Lacan, Slavoj Žižek

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

- by Thomas Clément MERCIER
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- Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, Sociology, Cultural Studies

The rapid rise of "fake news" as a ubiquitous term in global politics has caused widespread debate in democratic societies concerning the distinction between true and false. A number of scholars and journalists have argued that we might be entering a post-truth or post-factual era. 1 In 2016, post-truth was even named word of the year by Oxford Dictionaries, defining the concept as "circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief." Based on this societal diagnosis, analysts have concluded that facts are moving to the background of contemporary politics. Politicians no longer concern themselves with the distinction between fake and real, making democracy shift from a rational to an emotional political system. 2 If we consider this characterization of the post-truth era, one aspect of contemporary politics appears paradoxical: rather than neglecting facts, it seems that democracy is increasingly saturated with disputes over what counts as "true," "real," "false," and "fake." Political actors routinely label their opponents as frauds, while claiming to be the bearers of truth themselves. As US President, Donald Trump, exemplifies, terms such as "fake news" have become a means of bolstering authority and attacking perceived enemies. It has become a way of obtaining and enforcing dominance in the political landscape. Facts are not simply dismissed. As part of a much more complex development, the very meaning or interpretation of the term "facts" seems to have become the epicenter of political struggles. If this is the case, we might consider whether the notions of the "post-truth" or "post-factual" era truly encapsulate the current state of democratic politics. This chapter argues that there is more to the story than what is often told: that facts are not becoming obsolete, but rather highly politicized. The term "fake news" has become a rhetorical weapon, increasingly mobilized by political actors to attack their opponents. As a consequence, the notion of "fake" shifts from a question of information validity to a question of political control: who gets to draw the line between "fake" and "real"?

- by Johan Farkas
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- Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Discourse Theory, Chantal Mouffe, Fake News

In: Imke Hansen, Enrico Heitzer, Katarzyna Nowak (Hg.): Ereignis & Gedächtnis. Neue Perspektiven auf die Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager. Berlin 2014, S. 217-253; Zweitveröffentlichung in: Daniela Allmeier u.a. (Hg.): Erinnerungsorte in Bewegung. Zur Neugestaltung des Gedenkens an Orten nationalsozialistischer Verbrechen. Bielefeld: Transcript 2016.

- by Cornelia Siebeck
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- Social Theory, Cultural Geography, Museum Studies, Cultural Heritage

JOURNAL ARTICLE. The discursive gaze: the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe as framework and instrumentarium for social analysis. - In this article the political discourse theory developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is initiated by some brief comments on the most prevalent critiques of their post-structural approach. From this the basic political and philosophical assumptions underlying their theory are elucidated. Thereupon the conceptual framework of discourse theory is spelled out and clarified at length - discourse, antagonism, dislocation and hegemony - together with Laclau and Mouffe's conception of a radical and plural democracy. The authors then deal with some more profound criticisms put forward with regard to discourse theory: the issues of realism/idealism, the primacy of politics, the need for conceptual specification, and the relation between Marxism and post-Marxism are touched upon. Apart from giving a theoretical overview of this macro-contextual discourse theory, the article also aims to refute the common claim that this type of discourse theory is unfit as an instrument for concrete social analysis. In order to achieve this second objective, a description (and brief evaluation) is given of two research projects where discourse theory has been successfully applied. The first project analyses the construction of (audience) participation in audience discussion television programs; the second project deals with the contemporary issue of Third Way politics and the transformation of welfare states.

- by Patrick De Vos
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- Discourse Analysis, Media Studies, Political Theory, Post-Marxism

Purpose: To apply Discourse Analysis to understand new meaning given to the word 'Swadeshi' [literal meaning: home-grown] and to demonstrate that religio-nationalist discourse employed by Patanjali has given a tremendous growth to its business. Methodology: Iterative data analysis applied in this paper is based on works of Laclau and Mouffe. In this qualitative research methodology, analysis of Long-Interviews of consumers, and Patanjali's marketing campaigns etc is done. Findings: Swadeshi-movement was started as an anti-colonial movement during later half of 19th Century. Later-on it was shaped by M. K Gandhi as Indian Nationalism movement that employed non-consumption of British goods. Seven decades after India's Independence, Swadeshi-movement has gained momentum again, pushed by Patanjali and its controversial founder and Yoga guru, who happens to be a proponent of Hindu right-wing. This research argues that meanings and practices of Swadeshi are religio-nationalist in nature and have impacted not only marketplace but also politics of consumption practices. Limitations: Multiple counter-discourses are simultaneously present in society, challenging hegemonic discourses; however, this paper limits its scope to studying only dominant discourse, the neo-Swadeshi movement. Practical implications: Globally, the rise of populist right-wing has given rise to anti-consumption movements against foreign organizations and people. This paper helps in understanding their influences on businesses and helps us to think more from the perspective of political discourses. This paper helps in understanding consumption practices as a political actions undertaken by consumers. Value: Paper primarily helps us to understand political discourses affecting consumption of presumably non-political entities such as brands.

- by Ronald Hartz
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- Social Movements, Critical Discourse Studies, Organizational Theory, Race and Racism

The research focuses on the field of Internet art, net.art, which followed the emergence of the World Wide Web and often manifested as a result of the need to find alternative ways to deal with and circulate works of art other than the established mechanisms of the dominant market. It is here that we come across one of the first attempts to criticize corporate aesthetics and the commercialization of information through the paradigm of net.art’s pioneer, the Serbian artist Vuk Cosic. This will be the motive to trace a particular field of artistic-activist practice, that of Tactical Media, which have been closely associated with Internet art. The theoretical foundation on which Tactical Media was based is situated around the theory of French philosopher Michel de Certeau on the practice of everyday life, which is transformed into a political tactic. Through the examples of Heath Bunting, ®TM ark and Yes Men we will encounter practices which combine net.art with Tactical Media and develop as forms of critique towards neo-liberal hegemony. In the last chapter, the space of the Internet is proposed as another real space, according to Michel Foucault’s concept of heterotopia. The following dilemma emerges; whether the heterotopia of the Internet will function as an illusory space which enhances the illusion of real space or whether it will manage to become another real public space, through its political constitution, which can also be a result of its contingent artistic treatment. We will follow the thought of theorists such as Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Julian Stallabrass, Rosalyn Deutsche and Oliver Marchart, in order to comprehend, through the theory of the political as antagonism and politics as hegemony, that it is not enough for a public space to be physically or institutionally defined as such in order for it to effectively perform its function.

- by Athanasios Anagnostopoulos
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- Art Theory, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Net Art, Political Art

Der Wiener Philosoph und Politiktheoretiker Oliver Marchart legt mit »Conflictual Aesthetics – Artistic Activism and the Public Sphere« ein ergiebiges Konfliktkunstkonzept vor. Diese Ästhetik gilt nicht dem Schönen, Sinnlichen oder Ambivalenten, sondern den Dynamiken einer Politik der Positionierung. /// auf Skug MUSIKKULTUR – Upload 19.8.2020 /// https://skug.at/die-feindlichen-unterschiede/

- by Drehli Robnik
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- Aesthetics, Political Philosophy, Performing Arts, Art Theory

Populism and populist parties have been gaining relevant and intense attention in the last decade. However, definition of populism is still contested, in particular when related to rightwing parties. In fact, the association of populism and right-wing parties has naturalised, and conceptualization of populism and nationalism has overlapped. The aim of the present research is to analyse the articulation of populism and nationalism with the purpose of showing the distinction between these two concepts and shed light on the real nature of right-wing parties and populist ones based on the idea of populism as a discursive logic. In order to test this hypothesis, the research has conducted a Discourse Analysis on the Twitter accounts of two representative Italian populist and right-nationalist parties: the 5 Stars Movements and Lega, and their respective leaders Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini. By comparing two different populist parties, the research aims to reveal the different articulation of the two nodal points ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ to disclose the distinct meaning-construction the parties operate according to the logic adopted. Moreover, the research is aiming to test the articulation from a chronological perspective by analysing the tweets of the 2018 Italian national elections campaign, the Lega-5 Stars Movement’s government in 2018 and 2019 and the European elections campaign. By conducting this research, the study is meant to contribute to the field of research on nationalism and populism on social media, which is considered a relevant field of study.

- by michela zabaglia
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- Discourse Analysis, Media Studies, Nationalism, Populism

Este trabajo plantea una perspectiva de análisis de la nación como resultado de una lucha hegemónica entre sujetos concretos que abanderan proyectos de nación diversos y antagónicos. En primer lugar analiza las principales formas como se ha argumentado la categoría de nación señalando los límites que presentan para la comprensión del fenómeno y, en segundo lugar, reconstruye la perspectiva de análisis de la nación como lucha hegemónica. Más que una esencia trascendente o un conjunto de rasgos tangibles, la nación es una construcción histórica y artificial resultado de relaciones de poder específicas. En consecuencia, el análisis debe centrase en la lucha entre proyectos de nación, encarnados por sujetos concretos, en pugna por dotarla de significado y constituirse en hegemónicos.

- by Edwin Cruz Rodríguez
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- Post-Marxism, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Marxismo, Ernesto Laclau

The concept of soft power occupies a prominent place in International Relations, foreign policy, and security studies. Primarily developed by Joseph S. Nye, the concept is typically drawn upon to emphasize the more intangible dimensions of power in a field long dominated by overtly material (i.e. military) power. Recently, some scholars have reframed soft power — specifically the key notion of attraction — as a narrative and linguistic process. This literature, however, has downplayed some of the other deep-seated underpinnings of soft power, which this article argues lie in the dynamics of affect. Building upon the International Relations affect and aesthetics literatures, this article develops the concept of soft power as rooted in the political dynamics of emotion and introduces the concept of affective investment. The attraction of soft power stems not only from its cultural influence or narrative construction, but more fundamentally from audiences’ affective investments in the images of identity that it produces. The empirical import of these ideas is offered in an analysis of the construction of American attraction in the war on terror.

- by Ty Solomon
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- Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, Aesthetics, Critical Discourse Studies

The way in which societies institutionalize “collective memory” is one of the most important aspects of contemporary politics, feeding directly into the constitution of individual and communal identities, and creating sources of discord and dialogue. This essay explores some of the most significant issues at stake in debates over the political uses of the past. I suggest that it is important to distinguish between three modes of historical consciousness, memory, mythology, and critical history. I then offer a critique of Avishai Margalit’s "The Ethics of Memory" (2002), arguing that in failing to allow space for “acknowledging” the plurality of communal myths his strong communitarian conception of mnemonic ethics leaves room for the perpetuation of asymmetric power relations and the imposition of hegemonic identities. Developing this line of thought, the essay then explores some of the ways in which agonistic democratic theorists might think through the relationship between past and present, myth and history. I argue that it is necessary to avoid procedures and institutions that entrench diverse identities while simultaneously establishing conditions in which different communities can freely propound their historical identity-constitutive claims.

- by Duncan Bell
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- Critical Theory, Social Theory, Mythology, Philosophy

Este artículo analiza la distinción entre populismo e institucionalismo en Laclau. La hipótesis es que al identificar el populismo con la política y el institucionalismo con la muerte de la política, Laclau modifica su concepto de hegemonía de Hegemonía y Estrategia Socialista generando una tensión entre política como hegemonía y política como populismo. El artículo debate con las principales reflexiones que tratan el concepto de hegemonía en Laclau. El objetivo es mostrar que la política no es sólo impugnación sino también reproducción del orden, y que la muerte de la política es contradictoria con la noción de identidad como diferencia. Las conclusiones plantean una diferenciación entre política y populismo, entendiendo a éste como una forma óntica de construcción de hegemonía.

- by Javier Franzé
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- Political Theory, Politics, Populism, Political Theory (Political Science)

Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität sind traditionell stark umkämpfte politische Gegenstände. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, dass sich die binäre heterosexuelle Geschlechterordnung mit dem Schein des Natürlichen zu umgeben vermag: Nur zu gerne wird die Fiktion eines Urzustandes herangezogen, um zu argumentieren, dass das heterosexuelle Begehren eben deshalb naturgemäß ist, weil es der Reproduktion der Gattung diene und sich die natürlichen Geschlechterrollen wiederum ganz selbstverständlich aus diesen reproduktiven Bedingungen ableiten lassen. Im Zuge der politischen Kämpfe von Gleichheits-, Differenz-und Queerfeminismus um eine emanzipative Geschlechterordnung hat diese Fiktion und die mit ihr einhergehende Formel ‚Biologie ist Schicksal' heute vielerorts ihre Überzeugungskraft eingebüßt. Gleichwohl sind wir derzeit mit einer breiten politischen Bewegung konfrontiert, in der von konservativer, nationalistischer und religiöser Seite unter dem Label des ‚Anti-Genderismus' auf breiter Front Stellung gegen die theoretischen und politischen Errungenschaften des Feminismus und weiterer emanzipatorischer Bewegungen bezogen wird. Der Streitpunkt lässt sich dabei provisorisch auf folgende vereinfachte Formel zuspitzen: Während das politische Projekt des " Anti-Genderismus " auf eine Begrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität zielt, setzen sich viele Akteur_innen aus den Gender Studies für die Entgrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität ein. Auffällig ist nun, dass die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Anti-Genderismus und Gender Studies nicht mithilfe des zwanglosen Zwangs des besseren Arguments geführt wird. Ganz im Gegenteil: Statt mit kommunikativem Handeln wird die Auseinandersetzung vor allem von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus mit den Mitteln sprachlicher Gewalt betrieben. Es sind dabei vor allem die Mittel der Demütigung, der Kränkung und der Diffamierung, die dazu dienen, die politischen Opponent_innen zum Schweigen zu bringen und aus der politischen Arena auszuschließen. Bevor ich es mir im Folgenden zur Aufgabe mache, diese drei Formen der sprachlichen Gewalt genauer zu analysieren, möchte ich zeigen, dass der Einsatz sprachlicher Gewalt von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus nicht einfach auf einen allgemeinen Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur zurückzuführen ist, sondern vielmehr symptomatischen Charakter hat. Die Position des Anti-Genderismus, so möchte ich nämlich zeigen, ist der Sache nach gar nicht dazu in der Lage, sich mit den Gender Studies in einen politischen Wettstreit zu begeben, da die Pluralität von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität das nicht anerkennbare Andere des eigenen politischen Diskurses bildet. Die Diffamierung der Gender Studies mit den Mitteln der sprachlichen Gewalt, so meine These, ist daher nicht dem Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur geschuldet, sondern vielmehr eine inhärente Konsequenz der Positionen des Anti-Genderismus selbst.

- by Steffen Herrmann
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- Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Gender And Violence

'Populism' constitutes one of the most hotly debated topics in contemporary politics and academia. The concept is used to describe a series of heterogeneous phenomena: on the one hand, Donald Trump, BREXIT supporters and the European Far Right in government or in opposition; on the other, Bernie Sanders, the so-called Pink Tide of left-wing populist governments in Latin America and inclusionary populisms in the European South. Recent developments have undoubtedly generated significant research material and a new impetus to the scope and impact of populism research. However, major challenges have also been created, requiring urgent attention. This paper discusses three such challenges (reflexivity, definition, typology) from a discursive perspective. Starting from a double hermeneutic focus on the interaction between academic theorization and political orientation, it highlights the importance of discourse theory in populism research and concludes by formulating a crucial theoretico-political dilemma populism researchers are increasingly facing today.

- by Mauro Basaure and +1
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- Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe

Chantal Mouffe has long been regarded as one of the pinnacle authors of radical democratic theory which aims to offer a left, alternative, model of democracy. In this paper a discussion of one of the most fundamental elements of democracy is discussed: equality. This paper will argue that for a successful and theoretically sound model of democracy to be proposed, a discussion on the formulation and interpretation of equality is essential. However, it will also be claimed that this is one element that is severely lacking in the work of Mouffe. Despite her developments in radical democratic theorising over the past few decades, Mouffe has failed to offer an explicit, radical democratic interpretation of equality. This theoretical gap, it will be argued, can result in Mouffe’s appeals to equality to be read as a being informed by a liberal interpretation or, more simply, as vague postulating. In both cases, the radical, left and democratic potential of Mouffe’s theory is severely hindered. As an alternative, this paper attempts to draw out possible interpretations of this democratic principle implicit in the work of Mouffe and other writers who employ her approach.

- by Leah Skrzypiec
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- Democratic Theory, Equality, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Radical Democracy

The political theory of ideologies proposes a distinct way of conceiving of and analysing political thought, especially as it appears ‘in the wild’. Exploring the claim that there is a form or mode of thinking specific and proper to politics, and that it is the concern of the political theory of ideology, the article examines two of the leading contemporary approaches in this field: the morphological analysis of Michael Freeden and the discourse analysis associated with Ernesto Laclau. In showing how each produces a distinct object for theoretical analysis (respectively,‘the concept’ and ‘the signifier’) the case is made for constituting a third object – the political argument – the apprehension of which requires the integration of aspects of the rhetorical tradition into the political theory of ideologies. The conclusion briefly outlines some of the possible implications, for political theory and analysis more generally, of the rhetorical
conception of political thought and ideology.

- by Alan Finlayson
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- Rhetoric, Political Theory, Ideology, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe
- by Leticia Cesarino
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- Populism, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Cybercultures, Digital Anthropology

Neoliberalism, Media and the Political presents a novel critical analysis of the condition of media and journalism in neoliberal cultures. Emphasizing neoliberalism's status as a political ideology that is simultaneously hostile to politics, the argument is grounded in empirical illustrations from different social contexts, including post-Rogernomics New Zealand, Celtic Tiger Ireland, the Leveson Inquiry into the UK press, and the climate-sceptic blogosphere. Phelan draws on a variety of theoretical sources, especially Laclau and Bourdieu, to affirm the importance of neoliberalism as an analytical concept. Yet, he also interrogates how critiques of neoliberalism – in media research and elsewhere – can reduce social practices to the category of neoliberal. Against the image of a monolithic free-market ideology that imposes itself on other domains, the book identifies the potential sites of a cultural politics within neoliberalized media regimes.

- by Sean Phelan
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- Critical Theory, Cultural Studies, Media Sociology, Political Theory

In the theoretical discussion of populism, two main options can be identified: a perspective conceives the populism as a thin-centered ideology; a second perspective believes that populism is a set of rhetorical, stylistic and organizational tools, which can be used by any political force. With respect to these two perspectives, Ernesto Laclau's proposal outlines a further strategy. This article examines the merits and limitations of Laclau's proposal. This paper highlights two problematic aspects: for Laclau, populism is not only a logic of political discourse, but also a political proposal; furthermore, 'populism', in his perspective, is not a specific phenomenon, because it is the mechanism by which every political identity is produced. The paper suggests that a solution consists in recovering the distinction between the logic of equivalence and the logic of difference, which was advanced by Laclau and Mouffe during the 1980s.

- by Damiano Palano
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- Ideology, Populism, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Chantal Mouffe

Many have noted how the Bush administration’s linking of Iraq to the war on terror lent a certain degree of legitimacy to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Few scholars who have noted this linkage, however, have theorised about the specific discursive mechanisms that allowed Iraq to be incorporated and normalised within the war on terror. This article utilises the theoretical framework of Ernesto Laclau to analyse how ‘Iraq’ was (re)constructed as a threat through the war on terror. The productive power of the discourses constructing ‘Iraq’ is examined in the wording of poll questions as sites of reproduction and naturalisation of the dominant understandings of Iraq and the war on terror. Rather than tools used to measure public opinion that exists independently of them, this article argues that polls are better viewed as vehicles through which foreign policy and security discourses are stabilised and naturalised.

Este trabajo analiza la relación entre formas de representación y política en el caso particular de los primeros años de la Revolución Rusa y de los debates llevados a cabo en el interior del Partido Comunista Argentino (PCA) durante la... more

- by Gimena Crena
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- Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Vanguardia
- by Ernesto Castro
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- Political Philosophy, Populism, Argentina, European Union

En este artículo trataremos de reconstruir brevemente el contexto histórico- político al que las izquierdas modernas de la segunda mitad del siglo XX trataron de hacer frente, como paso previo para enmarcar la obra del teórico político argentino Ernesto Laclau. Discutiremos su pasado como militante en el movimiento peronista así como los límites normativos (epistémicos y éticos) de su proyecto.

Book Review เกี่ยวกับ On the Political ของ Chantal Mouffe

Resenha do livro Camaradas, de Jodi Dean

- by Gabriel Tupinambá
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- Marxism, Slavoj Žižek, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Alain Badiou

Este capítulo parte da hipótese da emergência de um novo regime de sexualidade, apresentada por Carrara (2015), para propor uma ampliação dos elementos e estratégias de análise sobre a trajetória das políticas de gênero e sexualidade na educação brasileira ao longo das duas primeiras décadas do século XXI. O texto busca investigar, em primeiro lugar, até que ponto e como é possível observar no campo das políticas de educação esse referido deslocamento de uma hegemonia dos discursos centrados nos modelos biomédicos, higienistas e eugenistas de controle da sexualidade para um regime hegemônico de discursos articulados em torno das noções sociojurídicas de cidadania e direitos. A seguir, o texto busca evidenciar como a emergência e o fortalecimento dos discursos sociojurídicos no campo da sexualidade, que se tornaram centrais para as políticas de educação no Brasil no início dos anos 2000, passaram a ser fortemente contestados pela articulação de movimentos neoconservadores no campo da educação.

- by Gustavo Oliveira
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- Curriculum Studies, Brazilian Studies, Gender and Sexuality, Curriculum Theory

This paper, by focusing on the different views of the constructivist and discursive camps on topics including agency, consciousness, causality and by reference to the literature on various forms of social identities such as gender, sexual orientation, and class; draws on works of thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Ernesto Laclau, and Chantal Mouffe to provide a poststructuralist critique of constructivist notion of identity. To enrich the argument, the paper builds upon a wide range of theoretical accounts, from John Searle’s analytical philosophy in explanation of social constructionism, to the theoretical debate between Max Weber and Emile Durkheim on the unit of analysis for the study of culture.

- by Navid Yousefian
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- Constructivism, Poststructuralism, Identity (Culture), Race and Ethnicity
- by Daniel Rotstein
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- Cultural Studies, Louis Althusser, Cultural Identity, Michel Foucault
- by Niels Å Andersen
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- Discourse Analysis, Research Methodology, Deconstruction, Social Systems Theory

Este trabajo es una aproximación a la historia política conceptual. El planteamiento central es que el estudio de lo político desde esta perspectiva exige transitar desde la historia
de los conceptos políticos a la historia de los discursos políticos. Ello permite, por una parte, estudiar no sólo la realidad lingüística
o discursiva sino también la no discursiva, no sólo el lenguaje sino también las prácticas con significado y las redes conceptuales o discur- sos más amplios en los que estos se inscriben. Por otra parte, también permite dar prelación a la lucha política como variable explicativa del cambio en los significados de los conceptos a través del tiempo. Para desarrollarlo se realiza un diálogo entre distintas orientaciones: la his- toria conceptual de lo político de Rosanvallon, la historia conceptual de Koselleck, la arqueo- logía y genealogía foucaultianas y el análisis político del discurso de Laclau y Mouffe.

- by Edwin Cruz Rodríguez
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- History, Historiography, Theory of History, Michel Foucault
- by Dave Rear and +1
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- Discourse Analysis, Policy Analysis/Policy Studies, Japanese Language And Culture, Political Science