European Security Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, Theoretical Criminology

While much has been written on private security expansion in a few English-speaking industrialized democracies, less is known about why the industry does not develop uniformly around the world. We propose some hypotheses about constraints on private security growth in other settings, based on three comparative case studies in authoritarian states (Russia and Georgia), developing countries (Guyana and Trinidad) and non-‘Anglosphere’ industrialized democracies (continental Europe). In authoritarian states, private policing is more politically sensitive than in democratic states, sometimes resulting in more draconian restrictions on it. In developing societies, despite widespread fear of crime, potential consumers sometimes favour in-house measures over private security firms and electronic devices. In developed democracies, variation in private security growth reflects regulatory, institutional and ideological differences between the Anglosphere and continental Europe. We conclude tha...

2025, World Journal of Research and Review

Based on the historical dynamics, the geo-political location is a key aspect to determine the security policy of the states and its long-term strategies. The first consideration is the provision of sovereignty and territorial integrity, and its maintenance requires deterring a potential enemy, and in some cases, self-defense. In order to achieve this task, the most experienced methods in national security architecture are strategic alliance and policy of neutrality. Among the mentioned strategies, special importance is given to the cost-benefit analysis and the foreign political vector, on which the states establish the security policy and the possible strategies for its provision. The dynamics of international relations and empirical experience shows that some states violate international agreements and create a destructive environment. When the important players violate the general principles of international law and create such an environment, a domino effect of global vulnerability is created. When the international order can no longer provide stability, then neutral states are at high risk and start looking for allies to provide security. The formation of a security policy begins in proportion to the increased risks and challenges, which changes the existing conditions on the international platform and states remain without international guarantees. States try to increase their security and reduce risks by diversifying their sources of security, thus they form certain relationships into the military alliances.

2025

Ein grundlegendes Prinzip des gewaltfreien Denkens besteht darin, dass in einer militärischen Pattsituation ein Frieden nur durch Kompromisse erreicht werden kann, die keine der Konfliktparteien demütigen. Anders gesagt: Es muss sowohl der Ukraine als auch Russland ein ehrenvoller Ausweg ermöglicht werden. Die Priorität besteht darin, das sinnlose Blutvergießen zu beenden. In einer Zeit, in der man uns glauben machen will, dass Waffen das letzte Wort haben, glauben wir weiterhin an Vernunft und Diplomatie.

2025, IEEE

This paper examines the accelerated institutional innovation of the European Union in security and defence following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the growing transatlantic uncertainty with the new Trump presidency. It analyses how the EU has made use of the flexibility of the Lisbon Treaty to introduce new instruments, without formal changes to the Treaty, employing a 'layered' approach to address urgent shortfalls in defence capabilities and industry by using policies distinct from the Common Security and Defence Policy. The study highlights the changes aimed at moving from fragmented national policies towards more integrated ones, to enhance the competitiveness of the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, with increased joint procurement and crossborder cooperation. Governance remains a matter of debate, as Member States must balance national sovereignty with a possible trend towards greater coordination and oversight at Union level. The realignment of cohesion and research policies represents a 'conversion' towards defence objectives, redirecting efforts related to dual-use technologies. The document concludes by identifying avenues for future research, such as the effectiveness of hybrid governance, the potential maturity of Member States to accept greater multilateral oversight, and the future of EU-NATO coordination.

2025, Foresight and STI Governance

Emerging disruptive technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) are fueling global rivalry by changing the power dynamics among countries. This article examines the implications of AI for the prospects of defense competition between major powers such as the United States and China. It presents possible scenarios of such competition through 2050 and their implications for smaller countries with limited geopolitical influence as they adapt to the increasingly complex context these processes create. The scenarios provide not only structured pictures of possible futures but also a strategic canvas for developing proactive national security policies in the changing international landscape. In the context of rapid technological advances and strategic competition, smaller countries face both challenges and opportunities as they navigate their own paths. The proposed recommendations aim to “level the playing field” and help such states not only address the challenges posed by AI in the military sphere but also seize the opportunities arising from technological shifts. The findings presented can serve as a basis for developing national security strategies even in the context of institutional and infrastructural limitations. Decision makers will be able to navigate and effectively act in a complex, changing arena, the dynamism of which is largely determined by AI technologies.

2025, Proceedings of the Defense and Security Policy 2025

The evolving global security landscape necessitates adaptive defence industry policies to address complex challenges. This paper explores the conceptual framework for such policies, emphasising the integration of diverse stakeholders within a robust defence ecosystem, encompassing the ministry of defence, industry, academia, research and development, and international partners. It highlights the need to shift from traditional models reliant on statecentric and hierarchical structures to agile, innovation-driven approaches involving academia, industry, and international cooperation. The study identifies best practices for fostering collaboration, enhancing operational sovereignty, and addressing rapid technological advancements by analysing defence policy models in nations such as Estonia, Finland, the UK, Spain, and Israel. The research underscores the importance of synchronising defence policies with broader industrial and strategic objectives, advocating for a holistic approach that maximises national security and economic resilience. The paper concludes with recommendations for designing comprehensive policies to support defence capability development, ensuring readiness at the "speed of relevance" in an increasingly volatile global environment.

2025, Léxico de la Unión Europea

2025, Language in Society

Large language models based on machine-learning technologies are reshaping linguistic contexts and understandings of language. We explore these reconfigurations by investigating discursive positionings of traditional institutional guardians of power in language in response to these changes. Focusing on the discourse of the Real Academia Española (RAE), we show how RAE's social functions, ways of asserting authority, and the nature, function, and rightful ownership of RAE's standard language have been reimagined. Crucially, RAE presents itself as a professional soft power that protects the rights of Spanish speakers. Drawing on tropes of authenticity and endangerment, it conceptualises language generated by machinelearning technologies as inauthentic and as destroying the authentic Spanish of human Spanish speakers. We argue that these discourses are indexical of a power struggle where the role of traditional language norming institutions is reshaped in the face of sociotechnical innovations that are in the hands of global commercial companies. (Standard language, AI technology, language academies, authority in language, big tech, Real Academia Española)*

2025, ICRS Paper Series

Brazil's civil-military relations are in turmoil due to the military's excessive autonomy and central position in state apparatuses. This has led to decreased oversight and accountability, hindering the development of effective defense policies. The military's bargaining power is influenced by its corporate identity and the centrality of military elites for civil political calculation. Brazil's 20thcentury military regime led to deformations in the police, intelligence services, and armed forces. I argue that Lula Luisa da Silva and Dilma Rousseff administrations have ignored that legacy and committed institutional sins, incentivizing the military to engage in domestic politics.

2025, Analytical note

Today, the whole world is waiting for a ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as negotiations between Ukraine and Russia. But if we speak in the language of politics, then a ceasefire in Ukraine (freezing the conflict) is only a temporary truce,... more

2025, The scientific heritage

Abstract
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the history of the OSCE's formation. It notes that the Berlin and Cuban crises led the Eastern and Western blocs to "withdraw" from confrontation and resolve problems peace-fully. Starting from the mid-1960s, proposals from both blocs to hold consultations on ensuring security in Europe increased. This idea began to be implemented with meetings held in the early 1970s.
The article aims to answer three main research questions. First, it determines the reasons and history of the path leading to the Helsinki process - the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Second, it identifies the goals and interests of the Western and Eastern blocs in convening the CSCE. Third, it examines the process of the CSCE's creation and its transformation into the OSCE - from Helsinki to Budapest. To answer these research questions, official OSCE documents were used, along with scientific literature in various languages.
The article concludes that the series of conferences resulting in the signing of the Helsinki Final Act was one of the most important factors in the Eastern Bloc's collapse. In particular, the human rights issues included in the third basket of the Helsinki Final Act provided significant advantages for the Western Bloc. The CSCE's main achievement was the signing of the "Convention on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe." The CSCE, which went through an organizational stage from 1990-1994, became the OSCE in 1995. The organization supported Westernization processes of the newly independent states in the former Soviet region and other former Eastern Bloc members in the post-Cold War period. Unfortunately, this organization lacks a mechanism to implement the documents it has adopted.

2025, Contemporary Security Policy

This article explores the transnational professional experiences of Chiefs of Defence (CHODs) and their connection to states’ positions in the international system. Although the military is a symbol of national sovereignty and autonomy, transnational influences shape modern military elites in significant ways. Introducing a novel dataset covering 511 CHODs from 82 countries, this study identifies three key transnational practices: international professional military education, participation in multinational operations, and service in multinational headquarters. The findings reveal that military transnationalization is not an isolated phenomenon but a global trend with distinct variations. NATO membership significantly expands opportunities for transnational engagement, while great-power militaries tend to disseminate rather than acquire knowledge. Medium and small states, by contrast, leverage international experience to enhance military professionalism. This study contributes to scholarship on military elites and transnational processes, demonstrating that military professionalism is increasingly embedded within global networks.

2025, Views on the progress of CSDP – ESDC summer university book 2022

The EU’s efforts to enhance its defence capabilities are not questionable,
regardless of the various debates on how feasible or effective the common defence
appears to be. Interestingly, these debates are often based on different perceptions
of the common defence concept, mainly due to a constructive ambiguity employed in it. This article aims to contribute to clarifying this concept as regards the EU, building on a conceptual analysis to identify the essential attributes that characterise sub-forms under the class of common defence. It is argued that when the EU speaks for the common defence, it implies using shared and co-belonging mild means supported by Member States' (MSs) contributions on acute ones to protect its interests rather than maintaining EU armed forces, at least for the time being.

2025, The Common Security and Defence Policy – New developments and challenges – ESDC autumn university book 2021

A much-debated question is about the EU’s international role. However, this question can lead to misconceived answers since it ignores the conditions that shape the EU’s appearance in the international environment. Assuming that strategic culture is one of the essential elements of an actor’s stance vis-a-vis international evolutions and security concerns, this article attempts to examine whether the existing institutional arrangements at the EU level compose a fertile ground for facilitating the emergence of a comprehensive EU strategic culture. As the argument goes, such a strategic culture can reveal the future role of the EU in the international environment. Thereby, the article suggests that the relevant question shall be transposed from the outcome, meaning the EU’s international presence, to its roots, meaning the strategic culture. For this purpose, the article adopts a neofunctional approach to track the EU Global Strategy (EUGS), the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the European Defence Fund (EDF). In particular, these institutional arrangements are examined through conceptual analysis, supported by quantitative methods where appropriate, to identify critical elements for a spillover effect that could pave the way for a comprehensive strategic culture. In doing so, the article tests the central hypothesis that if supranational aspects prevail in the arrangements under consideration, then an emerging strategic culture has already been on the rails. Ultimately, it is argued that significant prerequisites exist and make the emergence of a comprehensive strategic culture, bolstered with supranational aspects, likely, although not certain.

2025, Journalism and Media

Russia's conflict with Ukraine, which escalated into full-scale military confrontation in February 2022, originated in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the backing of pro-Russian separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk. However, this war extends beyond bilateral hostilities, reflecting a broader geopolitical confrontation with the West that aligns with Vladimir Putin's strategic vision, as signalled in his 2007 Munich Security Conference speech. Russian security doctrines have consistently framed the West as an existential threat, a perception reinforced by state-controlled media. This study examines the role of Russian state media in shaping public perceptions of the West between 2014 and 2022. It explores how Russian media, particularly RIA Novosti, constructed adversarial narratives about Latvia, Poland, and Serbia within the framework of Russian security policy. Through qualitative content analysis, the research investigates the alignment of media narratives with official strategic objectives, the portrayal of Western nations as threats, and the intended audience of these narratives. The findings underscore the integral role of state-controlled media in Russia's security strategy, highlighting an increasing consolidation of media control to sustain domestic legitimacy and justify external aggression. As Russia faces growing challenges, media restrictions are expected to intensify, reinforcing state-driven narratives and information isolation.

2025

Foi com todo o gosto que aceitei o amável e honroso convite do Exmo. Director do IDN, General Abel Cabral Couto, para, no âmbito desta visita de fim de curso, e na oportunidade da presença do curso em Viena, fazer um breve relato sobre os condicionalismos que rodearam as negociações que decorreram nesta capital no passado recente e que aqui prosseguem actualmente. Tentarei ainda, na medida do possível, antecipar os desen• volvimentos prováveis do processo até à reunião de seguimento de Helsínquia, em Março de 1992, bem como as opções negociais que, a meu ver, se porão no decurso dos três meses previstos para a duração daquela reunião e na fase «post-Helsínquia» que, estou persuadido, terá lugar quase ime• diatamente após, em Viena. A minha exposição incidirá, naturalmente, sobre a vertente da segurança e sobre os aspectos institucionais da CSCE -designadamente as estruturas criadas pela Cimeira de Paris -que lhes estão mais directamente ligados. Não abarcarei, deste modo, a globalidade do processo da CSCE, com o seu múltiplo acervo, cujo acompanhamento não cabe na esfera de actua• ção desta representação permanente. (*) Exposição ao CDN 92, na sua deslocação a Viena. em 7 de Junho de 199t, pelo Embaixador Manuel Barreiros.

2025

In July 2020, the government of Israel mandated cooperation between the Ministry of Health (MOH) and the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) to address the COVID-19 crisis. Our research aims to reveal the consequences of this cooperation. We examine how the two organizations dealt with COVID-19 investigations and morbidity challenges. The article's theoretical framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of fields, showing the conflictual relations between the military and the civilian fields during COVID-19 efforts, as reflected in the relations between the IDF and the MOH. Twenty semi-constructed interviews were conducted with MOH and IDF personnel from February to May 2021. Results show cooperation alongside conflicts and demonstrate the military's extensive intrusion into a field outside its natural domain. The MOH acknowledged the potential benefit of the IDF's mobilization yet sensed that the IDF came to "save the day" while placing them in an inferior position. According to the IDF's interviewees, the MOH's "professional approach" often clashed with their action-based approach. In Bourdieu's terms, while the healthcare system can use human capital in its actions, the IDF system enjoys greater symbolic, social, cultural, and economic capital. This advantage in capital placed the two fields, MOH and IDF, in an unbalanced power relationship, explaining the IDF's taking over. We assumed that the securitization process of health services with alignment of expectations, division of authority, and open communication has the potential to help organizations better manage clashes in national and global crises.

2025

The Politics, Economics, and Inclusive Development series examines the challenges and progress in promoting humanistic development. The complex tasks of simultaneously pursuing economic growth, broad participation and equity, democratic peace, and sustainability require scholarship that merges in-depth analysis of the many factors that infl uence development outcomes with contextually rich experiences. The single-or multiauthored monographs use an interdisciplinary methodology to explore diverse experiences of individual nations, world regions, or the entire global system in their quest for more democratic, technically sound, and sustainable development. The publications from the Politics, Economics, and Inclusive Development series will be valuable to students, scholars, policymakers, and international development practitioners.

2025, EUROPEAN SKY SHIELD INITIATIVE Capacities, Criticisms, and Türkiye’s Contribution

The European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), spearheaded by Germany, emerged in response to escalating missile threats, particularly from Russia, following Moscow’s aggressive actions in Ukraine. ESSI’s central objective is to establish a unified, ground-based air and missile defense system across Europe to bolster collective security. Proposed by Chancellor Olaf Scholz in 2022, the initiative now includes 21 member countries, including recent entrants like Türkiye and Greece. ESSI is designed to enhance NATO’s air defense capabilities through the deployment of multi-layered systems capable of addressing both short and long-range missile threats. However, the initiative must navigate several strategic, technical, and political challenges to achieve its full operational potential and effectively counter emerging threats, particularly Russia’s advanced missile systems like the Iskander and Kinzhal. Türkiye’s accession to ESSI in February 2024 significantly strengthens the initiative, given its strategic geographic location and advanced air defense capabilities. Over the past decade, Türkiye has made substantial investments in developing indigenous air defense systems, including the HİSAR and SİPER projects, which address short to long-range missile threats. These systems, which leverage domestic technology and innovation, fill critical gaps in ESSI, particularly in the area of short-range defense, a key necessity for many member countries. Türkiye’s longstanding experience in managing complex security environments on its borders, combined with its sophisticated air defense infrastructure, positions it as a valuable contributor to the initiative. However, its historically delicate relations with Russia introduce a layer of complexity to its role within ESSI, especially given its balanced stance in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Despite the promise of ESSI, it faces critiques from within Europe, particularly from France, which argues that the initiative overly relies on non-European defense systems, thereby undermining the continent’s strategic autonomy. The lack of a coherent, integrated strategy across member states, coupled with varying system requirements, has also been identified as a significant obstacle to ESSI’s success. Moreover, political challenges, including the management of leadership and coordination within the initiative, require careful handling to ensure its effectiveness. While ESSI represents a major step forward in strengthening Europe’s air defense, these challenges must be addressed to ensure the initiative delivers on its promise of enhanced collective security.

2025

Practitioners with limited security resources lack appropriate guidelines when protecting targets against mass-casualty attacks. Existing guidelines about prioritization between targets and protective security measures are either very abstract or consist of roughly collected advice. Combining game theory with practically oriented literature, such as situational crime prevention, crime scripts and crime prevention through environmental design, this dissertation establishes a systematic framework for prioritizing between targets and measures and provides concrete policy recommendations (given certain assumptions about motivation). I argue that: 1. If terrorists cannot be deterred from attacking, strategic authorities will ensure that the terrorists attack well-protected targets. Protection is desirable not only when it deters the terrorists from attacking, but also when it causes the terrorists to target sites that are less rather than more damaging for the authorities. When protecting against mass-casualty attacks, the authorities should give priority to potential targets with a high expected number of casualties, many foreigners, low employee density, many hiding places, many access points, high anonymity, high share of earlier attacks, and high system fragility. When protecting against explosive attacks on railway networks, the best protective security measures focus on limiting the damage caused by an explosive attack, rather than on reducing the probability of an attack's being successful. By thinking counter-terrorism when designing railway carriages, we may significantly reduce the expected damage caused by explosive attacks on railway. Many of this dissertation's models generate interesting empirically testable implications. Unfortunately, lack of appropriate data prevents proper testing of these empirical implications as well as testing of assumptions underlying the models; available datasets do not distinguish between attacks where the terrorists seek mass-killings and attacks where they do not. My policy recommendations are, furthermore, less concrete because of the very generic depiction of the terrorists in my models. To refine these recommendations, more

2025

The paper explores the historical evolution of terrorism, emphasizing the transition from state-sponsored actions to the rise of non-state actors utilizing guerrilla tactics, particularly from the 1950s to the late 20th century. It examines the motivations behind various terrorist movements, linking them to geopolitical and socio-religious contexts, and discusses contemporary implications seen in events like the Charlie Hebdo attacks in France.

2025, Independetnt Research Publication

This paper explores Turkey’s evolving position in global drug trafficking networks, emphasizing its transition from a traditional transit route to a more complex role that includes both consumption and production dynamics. Based on firsthand operational experience and field observation, the study analyzes border vulnerabilities, smuggling trends, policy failures, and institutional responses. The research further identifies digital trafficking methods, gaps in inter-agency coordination, and proposes a series of national and international policy recommendations. The paper contributes to both security literature and policymaking by bridging law enforcement insights with academic analysis.

2025, Security through Unity: Europe’s Challenges after Ukraine Crisis

The international Civil-Military Relations Conference 2023, titled “Security through Unity: Europe's Challenges after Ukraine Crisis”, took place as a cooperation event with the Order of St. George, a European Order of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine at the National Defense Academy in Vienna
from September 13-15, bringing together experts and experts from the military and civilian sectors. The conference provided an important platform for the exchange of ideas and solutions to ensure Europe's security in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis.
With over 70 participants from Kazakhstan to the United States, from Germany to Egypt, and from various sectors of civil and military organizations, the main purpose of the three-day conference was to discuss the challenges facing Europe and to find ways to achieve unity and security.

2025

Alcune considerazioni sulla battaglia dei dazi avviata dall'amministrazione americana.
La mossa di apertura di una grande partita la cui posta è il superamento del modello mercatista, nel quale simmetrici squilibri erano tenuti in equilibrio dalla centralità dell'alta finanza, nel contesto di un dominio unilaterale del mondo da parte dell'Occidente collettivo a guida americana.
Ora che questo equilibrio non è più sostenibile, neppure nel centro, si apre la ricerca a tentoni di uno nuovo. Non sarà facile, né pacifico, e sfiderà le nostre comode convinzioni (tra le quali quella, centrale, di essere i "buoni" e in linea con la "storia").

2025, Refleksje

Czerwona panika i ukształtowany na jej fali konserwatywny nurt polityczny maccartyzmu miał duży wpływ zarówno na amerykańskie społeczeństwo, jak i politykę wewnętrzną Stanów Zjednoczonych. Narastające od lat 40. antykomunistyczne nastroje... more

2025, Mondoperaio

Per tre anni, i leader dell'Europa occidentale hanno inanellato una serie di errori politici e strategici, contribuendo al protrarsi del conflitto e delle sofferenze del popolo ucraino. L'invasione russa su larga scala è stata resa possibile dal fallimento della deterrenza occidentale, a sua volta conseguenza di una lunga catena di accomodamenti che, a partire dal 1999, hanno alimentato l'aggressività di Mosca. I successi russi nell'Ucraina sud-orientale, seppur limitati e ottenuti a un costo insostenibile, sono anch'essi frutto dell'indecisione, dell'ambiguità e della timidezza con cui l'Occidente, e in particolare l'Europa, ha gestito il sostegno alla resistenza ucraina. Osservare oggi i leader europei confrontarsi con l'improvviso (ma non imprevedibile) cambio di rotta della politica americana, e affrettarsi a costruire una difesa comune adeguata alla minaccia, sarebbe uno spettacolo gratificante, se il prezzo dei loro errori e della loro miopia non ricadesse interamente sui cittadini europei.

2025, Forthcoming as chapter in Polycentric Federalism and World Orders, New Ideas for Classical Liberal & Libertarian Foreign Policy, Palgrave Studies in International Relations, ed. by Brandon Christensen.

Since its inception, the design of a European Union (EU) has been inspired by federalist ideas. Nevertheless, the EU today, although it has federalist characteristics, is neither a federation nor a confederation. It is best described in... more

2025

This study was led by the Public Interest Journalism Lab (PIJL) in collaboration with the Kharkiv Institute for Social Research. The research was made possible thanks to the support of PIJL.... more

2025

Executive Summary. The EU’s enlargement towards the Western Balkans and Turkey would represent an enlargement towards a geographical zone neighbouring instability and insecurity. At the same time, the integration of these countries in the EU would represent the main solution to the security problems that emanate from this region. > Yet, at present, a major obstacle for the EU’s enlargement policy stems from within the Union. > This obstacle can be overcome: ‘enlargement’ can once again bring dynamism into the European integration process, if it is designed to become a solution to the problem of security through solidarity against terror and coordination on migration management. > To this effect, decision-makers in EU institutions and member states need to face the fear that the prospect of another enlargement often represents. Debates about enlargement should be upheld not only by EU policy-makers, but also by academia and civil society organisations. Enlargement concerns E...

2025, A Guerra na Ucrânia A Nova Arquitetura de Defesa da Europa

Tenente-General Pilav (REF) Alfredo Pereira da Cruz A invasão da Ucrânia pela Rússia em fevereiro de 2022 chegou como um abalo telúrico, fundamentalmente pela escala e pelo seu comportamento desafiante das leis internacionais. O espírito revanchista do presidente russo Vladimir Putin era bem conhecido, contudo o seu desejo de lançar uma guerra de conquista em larga escala, foi um novo e grave desafio, não só para o seu vizinho, como para a estabilidade regional e em última instância a própria ordem liberal global. Ao contrário do afirmado pelos especialistas ocidentais, de que a invasão seria um "passeio no parque" e a conquista da Ucrânia era uma questão de dias ou semanas, nada aconteceu como planeado. Três anos estão decorridos, a guerra continua num impasse, como alguns ganhos táticos da Rússia, a custos elevadíssimos em homens e material. Se a Rússia fosse a formidável e temível força militar, que os analistas militares e civis ocidentais, particularmente da NATO, pretendiam ou julgavam que fosse, se os efetivos militares fossem inesgotáveis, a guerra teria acabado rapidamente com a conquista de Kiev e a instalação de um governo fantoche por Vladimir Putin. Contudo a guerra dura há 36 meses, a Ucrânia perdeu território, mas tem dado uma incrível demonstração de vontade, coragem e determinação na defesa do seu país e da sua liberdade.

2025, European Security

In this article, we investigate how the EU mobilises a spatiotemporal imaginary of the "local" in its counter-radicalisation activities as a means of navigating subsidiarity principles and expanding its remit as a "holistic security actor" (cf. . The European Union's fight against terrorism: discourse, policies, identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press). Extant work on the EU's terrorism prevention efforts has focused on how the organisation constructs transnational terror threats that require supranational, EU-level responses. Our research makes an original contribution to these literatures by demonstrating how the EU also seeks to intervene "below" the level of the nation state. EU counter-radicalisation works directly with subnational actors in municipalities, cities, and frontline public services across Member States. Employing the first systematic analysis of the EU's Radicalisation Awareness Network (RAN) outputs, we demonstrate how "the local" frames pre-emptive counter-terrorism interventions as "upstream". "Closer", or "localised", reads as "earlier" in this discourse. We also unpack how EU institutions and Member States have voiced concerns about the circumvention of subsidiarity (through engagement with local actors across the Union), by criticising the "effectiveness" of RAN. While the European Commission has taken steps towards addressing these grievances, its proposals reflect a further renegotiation and repositioning of the EU as a security "facilitator" across spaces deemed simultaneously local and transnational.

2025, HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe)

Lors de ces voeux pour l'année 2018, le Président de la République Emmanuel Macron a indiqué qu'il « continuerai[t] à travailler avec chacun de nos partenaires européens et tout particulièrement avec l'Allemagne. Ce colloque intime avec nos amis allemands est la condition nécessaire à toute avancée européenne ; elle n'exclut pas le dialogue avec tous nos autres partenaires mais elle est ce par quoi tout commence. [Il a] besoin que nous allions plus loin sur ce plan-là aussi et que nous rompions avec les habitudes passées, que nous retrouvions ce goût en commun d'un avenir dont nous décidons pour nous-mêmes ». Comment alors ne pas s'interroger sur le rôle que pourrait jouer ce couple franco-allemand dans le cadre de la Politique de sécurité et défense commune ? Cet article est l'occasion de démontrer que le couple franco-allemand se présente comme le moteur de cette relance de la défense européenne en multipliant les initiatives bilatérales en vue de les européaniser et de rendre la PSDC plus effective. Un tel bilan ne peut se dresser sans avoir au préalable rappelé que ce rôle de moteur n'est pas nouveau et provient d'un lien historique fort entre le couple franco-allemand et la défense européenne.

2025, RICRI

Resumo: A sociedade internacional se encontra, neste século, envolta em instabilidades no tangente à segurança internacional. Os debates sobre as instituições, normas e influência do Estado Moderno estão no olho do furacão do Sistema Internacional. O que põe em xeque não só as relações entre os Estados-nação, mas toda a sociedade internacional, em algum modo, e a constituição da segurança coletiva. A partir destes princípios lançamos um olhar para a Ucrânia, com o intuito de analisar até que ponto o alargamento da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN), no pós-Guerra Fria, a Estados centrais no xadrez internacional, vem se traduzindo num braço armado do soft power europeu, ou parte do modus operandi das questões de segurança nacional americanas. Dentro desta continua fluidez da estrutura da OTAN indica uma mutação do paradigma westfaliano, no mundo globalizado, seguida da reinterpretação da segurança coletiva ao invadir sui generis o espaço vital russo, ameaçando retomar os tempos conflituosos das Grandes Guerras.

2025, Internationale Politik Quarterly

The Indo-Pacific is increasingly becoming a global powerhouse. The strategic constellation of the greater region is conflict-laden—and a major challenge for Europe.

2025

This report is a short examination of Russia’s perception of Arctic security. It focuses on its fears and posturing, with recommendations for Canada on dealing with Moscow in the region, both now and in the longer-term. This analysis is... more

This report is a short examination of Russia’s perception of Arctic security. It focuses on
its fears and posturing, with recommendations for Canada on dealing with Moscow in the
region, both now and in the longer-term. This analysis is a condensed version of the longer
CMSN report on the same subject: The “Fourth Battle” for the Arctic

2025

JD Vance distorts the truth about Eastern Europe. This article exposes Russia’s deep interference in Romania’s elections, the Kremlin’s threats, and why the stakes for democracy have never been higher

2025, Cognition, communication, discourse

Developed in the field of international relations, the theory of the strategic narrative (Miskimmon et al., 2013; 2017 among others) identifies it as a means for political actors to construct a shared meaning of international politics, and to shape the perceptions, beliefs, and behaviour of domestic and international actors. The authors of the theory maintain that the explanation of the workings of the strategic narrative presumes the study of its formation, projection, and reception. Such explanation brings together various scholarly fields aimed at the search of the lacking methodology that demonstrates how the formation, projection, and reception aspects of the strategic narrative work together as a triptych. The proposed article approaches this problem from the perspective of cognitive linguistics that studies conceptual grounds for verbally delivered information. The article forwards and tests a novel methodological framework, which posits a cognitive ontology of the information, featured verbally and visually, as the feasible grounds for tracking regularities in the simultaneous dynamics of the three narrative aspects. The article focuses on the projection / reception narrative aspects, represented in a media news text and the readers' responses to itthe issue relevant for the linguistic field of intertextuality. Methodologically and thematically, the article continues the previous research (Zhabotynska & Velivchenko, 2019; Zhabotynska & Ryzhova, 2022; Chaban et al. 2023; Chaban et al. 2024 among others) of the formation / projection aspects of the strategic narrative featured in a news media text.

2025

The group also benefitted from the input of various officials from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence, each acting in a personal capacity. Alexander Mattelaer (Egmont and Vrije Universiteit Brussel) and Laura Vansina (Vrije Universiteit Brussel and University of Warwick) edited the text; they are indebted to all members for sharing their insights and comments. The resulting Egmont Paper does not necessarily represent the individual views of each member of the group; the responsibility for any errors lies with the editors alone.

2025

Negocieri transatlantice. Cooperarea româno – americană în educație, cultură și arte investighează fluxul dinamic de idei și schimburile culturale complexe care au dat naștere unei mari diversități de reprezentări reciproce, descriind deopotrivă implicațiile politice și de identitate ale relațiilor româno-americane.
Transatlantic Negotiations. Romanian - American Cooperation in Education, Culture, and Arts studies the dynamic flow of ideas and the intricate cultural exchanges that have given rise to various mutual representations. It describes the political and identity implications of Romanian-American relations.

2025

Öz Sogȗk Savaş (1947-1991) doneminde Batı Blogȗnu koruma misyonuyla kurulan NATO, savaş sonrası da etkin olmuş, uluslararası guvenlik ve savunma temelinde NATO genişlemesi Amerika Birleşik Devletleri istegȋyle onemli bir işlev kazanmıştır. Digȇr yandan NATO'nun devamlılıgȋnın ulkeler açısından onemine Almanya kapsamında bakıldıgȋnda, Berlin Duvarı'nın yıkılması, Sogȗk Savaş sonrasında kriz sureçlerinin devam etmesi gibi sorunlar, Almanya'yı ozellikle de Rusya politikalarına karşı koruyacak gelişmelerin onemli oldugȗnu gostermektedir. Burada ise NATO, uluslararası duzeyde etkinligȋni artırmak amacıyla genişleme politikasını hedef almıştır. Dolayısıyla NATO'nun genişlemesi ve etkinligȋni devam ettirmesi ulkeler için, ozellikle de Almanya için onemli bir yere sahiptir. Ancak ozellikle Kırmızı-Yeşil koalisyonun 1998-2005 yılları arasında dış politikada guvenlik stratejilerini temel aldıgȋ uygulamalar onemli bir yere sahiptir. NATO'nun genişleme surecinde gerekli buẗun destegȋ Almanya'dan gorecegȋne yonelik algı, Almanya'nın bu konuda onemli atılımlarda bulunmasına ortam hazırlamıştır. Genel olarak çalışmada Almanya'nın dış politikasının, Avrupa entegrasyonu ile transatlantik taahhuẗler arasında bir denge ile karakterize ettigȋ duşunuldugȗnde NATO genişlemesi ve NATO'nun muẗtefiklerinden beklentisi karşısında Almanya'nın iç ve dış politikasını şekillendirme çabaları ele alınmış; ulusal oldugȗ kadar uluslararası arenada da yuksek oneme sahip teror gibi konularda Avrupa için 'çerçeve ulke' rolunun asıl korudugȗ ve Kırmızı-Yeşil koalisyon doneminde ulusal guvenligȋ ve uluslararası rolune yonelik dinamikleri nasıl şekillendirdigȋ tartışılmıştır.

2025, Ukraine-Analysen

Zusammenfassung Dieser Artikel untersucht die bilateralen Sicherheitsabkommen, die die Ukraine mit ihren Partnern geschlossen hat, um der russischen Aggression zu begegnen und die NATO-Mitgliedschaft der Ukraine voranzubringen. Die bilateralen Vereinbarungen, die getroffen wurden, sind zwar rechtlich nicht bindend, schaffen aber einen Rahmen für bilaterale und multilaterale Sicherheitskooperationen. Die Abkommen zielen in erster Linie darauf ab, den militärischen Ausrüstungsbedarf der Ukraine sicherzustellen. Auch wenn die Sicherheit der Ukraine kurzfristig so kaum hergestellt werden kann, sind die Abkommen ein wichtiger Schritt, um eine glaubwürdige Abschreckung aufzubauen und die Ukraine vollumfänglich in ein kollektives Sicherheitskonzept zu integrieren.

2025, Reality of Politics

The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions. The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions.

2025, Calculating Troop Contributions of European NATO Countries to a Ukraine Peacekeeping Force

In the fall of 2014, I published the first article worldwide that spelled out a potential peacekeeping force in Ukraine with "What's Peace in the Donbas Worth to Us?". In the article, I argued that at least 50,000 peacekeepers with a robust mandate would be needed. Currently, there is a lot of talk about a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine and the necessity to back such a settlement up with tangible security guarantees, which might include a major peacekeeping mission. Given the length of the contact line between Ukraine and the Russian forces, experts put the number of peacekeepers to secure it at around 200,000 or more.

2025, Poland, Germany and Ukraine at a Turning Point: Making or Breaking the Western Alliance

Support for Ukraine in the Russian war has been weakening among German voters throughout 2024, and anti-establishment parties have been successfully taking on their representation at the national level. These groups are mainly successful in the Eastern provinces of the country, which make up only 20% of the total vote. Such parties tend to gain voter support with the weakening of the economy.
Unlike the dominant parties in the German Bundestag who support weapons deliveries to Ukraine, the majority of Germans oppose them. However, this will – mostly – not influence their voting decisions in the next federal election in February 2025 —except for those also distrustful of democracy. But the growing anti-establishment feeling and increasing voter volatility make it difficult to predict the next election results. The consequences of this for support for Ukraine might be hard to plan for as a result. Over the course of 2024, Germans have increasingly objected to weapons deliveries to Ukraine. Those who object now make up more than 50% of the popula-
tion. In contrast, the majority of the members of parliament of the mainstream political parties (Christian Democrats, Social Democrats, Liberals and Greens) approve of supplying weapons to Ukraine, levying sanctions against Russia, and taking in Ukrainian refugees.
There thus seems to be a representation gap that two political parties are
trying to use to gain votes from at least a considerable minority contesting Germany’s support for Ukraine: the conservative left Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht (Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht - BSW) and the far-right Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland - AfD). The far-left Die Linke (the Left) also engages in such rhetoric at times. The results of federal elections, which will be held in February 2025, will depend on the outcome of these attempts at representation and the electora performance of these parties, especially the AfD. The more successful the AfD and
BSW are in the upcoming election, the worse for Ukraine’s cause in Germany.