European Security and Defence Policy Research Papers (original) (raw)

2025, Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung

This article provides an overview of Swiss peace research. It analyzes peace research undertaken in Switzerland from a historical and institutional perspective and demonstrates its multifaceted disciplinary, methodological and thematic approaches. Thereby, it highlights its international embedment as well as its specific profile. The uniqueness of Swiss peace research stems from its link to Swiss foreign and security policy and particularly the concept of neutrality. Important characteristics of Swiss peace research are the promotion of North-South partnerships and

2025

According to B. Szacka, in the case of human communities, for some unknown reasons the distant past is one of the factors which have a sacralizing power. That which has a past, especially a long past, is perceived as something of greater value than something which lacks such a past. A long past is synonymous with permanence and indirectly justifi es the right to existence 1 . Such a validation and legitimization is necessary especially in the case of national communities. A nation without a history is impossible to think of and national aspirations need historical legitimacy: hence the longer and more beautiful its history, the better. According to a nationalistic principle, all nations have a noble and educational past, which only has to be uncovered 2 . This is so because a nation is rooted in the past by its unique historical heritage which makes it distinct from others and which gives it a social and cultural tradition which is specifi c and easily identifi able 3 . Characteristic for ethnic groups and nations, a mythical construction of the past is a signifi cant element of a group's identity. As Maria Bobrownicka states, the starting point for understanding national and cultural identity is the history (facts) and its mythologization through emotive interpretation of its history and popular historiography. The source of mythologizing of one's history is a conglomerate, in different proportions, of authentic 2010. № 1 (7). Январь -Июнь Commentarii E. Michna. The Rusyn's history is more beautiful... 2010. № 1 (7). Январь -Июнь Commentarii E. Michna. The Rusyn's history is more beautiful... 2010. № 1 (7). Январь -Июнь Commentarii E. Michna. The Rusyn's history is more beautiful...

2025, Policy Perspectives

This paper examines President Donald Trump's North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) funding demand of 5 percent Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a strategic business initiative rather than a genuine security policy objective. By identifying the disparity between Trump's business leadership approach and conventional political methodologies, the paper elucidates how his unconventional psychological profile influences his policy decisions. The paper indicates that while the United States (US) nominally contributes 5 percent of its GDP to defense, only a portion directly supports NATO operations, with the remainder financing global force projection. Conversely, European nations' defense industries remain underdeveloped following post-cold war reductions, resulting in dependency on US suppliers. The paper concludes that Trump's demand strategically advances American business interests, as the European nations currently allocate approximately 63 percent of their military procurement budgets to US defense contractors, yielding a substantial return on minimal US investment in NATO's actual operational costs.

2025

A fundamental principle of nonviolent thought is that, in the face of military stalemate, peace must be sought through compromises that are not humiliating for the parties involved in the conflict. In other words, a peace that allows both Ukraine and Russia an honorable way out. The priority, after all, is to put an end to the senseless bloodshed. At a time when we are being led to believe that weapons must have the final say, we still believe in reason and diplomacy. We therefore propose the following concrete measures that respect this principle: 1. Ceasefire along the current front line; return of the fallen, prisoners, and children; 2. The currently occupied territories (Crimea, parts of Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, and Luhansk) shall be demilitarized. They will become temporarily autonomous, governed democratically under the supervision of a peacekeeping contingent composed of military personnel from current BRICS countries (excluding Russia), operating under a UN mandate. After proper demining and reconstruction, these territories will be called, in 25-30 years, to hold a free and democratic referendum, monitored and administered by the United Nations, to decide whether to: (a) continue as autonomous entities; or (b) return to Ukraine as a confederated region. For Crimea, an institutional framework similar to that of Northern Ireland may be considered. 3. Upon reaching a ceasefire and suspending martial law, free elections shall be held in Ukraine, under strict monitoring by international observers. 4. The Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant shall be managed by a neutral third-party body, which will ensure the supply of energy both to the new autonomous territories and to Ukraine. 5. "Territorial" accession of Ukraine to the European Union, with a safeguard clause (intervention by European nations) in the event of external aggression, formalized through integrated treaties with the EU-27. These treaties will serve as security guarantees for the future inviolability of Ukrainian territory. For full economic and legal accession to the EU, Ukraine will follow the standard (but accelerated) procedures for membership. 6. No accession to NATO by Ukraine (in exchange for point 5), but with the possibility to develop its military forces in cooperation with Western partners. 7. Declaration of (armed) neutrality by Ukraine, following the Finnish model (pre-NATO accession). Introduction into the Ukrainian Constitution of an article analogous to Article 11 of the Italian Constitution. 8. Recognition of Russian as a second official language in Ukraine, modeled after other bilingual European nations.

2025

Ein grundlegendes Prinzip des gewaltfreien Denkens besteht darin, dass in einer militärischen Pattsituation ein Frieden nur durch Kompromisse erreicht werden kann, die keine der Konfliktparteien demütigen. Anders gesagt: Es muss sowohl der Ukraine als auch Russland ein ehrenvoller Ausweg ermöglicht werden. Die Priorität besteht darin, das sinnlose Blutvergießen zu beenden. In einer Zeit, in der man uns glauben machen will, dass Waffen das letzte Wort haben, glauben wir weiterhin an Vernunft und Diplomatie.

2025, Hadmérnök

A Magyar Köztársaságnak Európai Uniós és NATO tagságából következően részt kell vennie néhány EU és NATO által lebonyolított hadműveletben. A hadműveletekben a Magyar Honvédség, illetve a Magyar Rendőrség állománya hajt végre feladatokat.... more

2025, Journal of Global History

This article explores how multilateral negotiations for technology trade accelerated the fall of the Cold War economic divide in East Asia. Drawing on archival sources in Japan, the United States, China, Britain, and France, it focuses on computer trade between China and capitalist countries from 1968 to 1980. The computer, a dual-use technology essential to China's industrial and military modernisation, was at the centre of debate among capitalist countries. While competing to export advanced technologies to the China market, they needed to relax export controls through the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls, an international regime to oversee export restrictions on communist countries during the Cold War. This combination of competition and cooperation weakened the restrictive trade regime dating back to before the Korean War, enabling capitalist countries with diverse economic and security interests to find common ground to sell to Chinese customers. By examining this process, this article reveals that dual-use technologies, often viewed in global history as a source of division among states, could in fact promote economic and political interactions across the East-West divide.

2025

This article explores the possible scenarios in Russia’s arms control and disarmament policies after President Medvedev’s inauguration. The author analyzes the experience of the Putin presidency and the U.S.-Soviet agreements during the Cold War, to conclude that the problem of ABM systems and the “strategic stability” principle has become the central one. Therefore, Russia and the U.S. need to rethink their approaches and accept the new realities of their strategic relations in the 21st century.

2025, IEEE

This paper examines the accelerated institutional innovation of the European Union in security and defence following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the growing transatlantic uncertainty with the new Trump presidency. It analyses how the EU has made use of the flexibility of the Lisbon Treaty to introduce new instruments, without formal changes to the Treaty, employing a 'layered' approach to address urgent shortfalls in defence capabilities and industry by using policies distinct from the Common Security and Defence Policy. The study highlights the changes aimed at moving from fragmented national policies towards more integrated ones, to enhance the competitiveness of the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, with increased joint procurement and crossborder cooperation. Governance remains a matter of debate, as Member States must balance national sovereignty with a possible trend towards greater coordination and oversight at Union level. The realignment of cohesion and research policies represents a 'conversion' towards defence objectives, redirecting efforts related to dual-use technologies. The document concludes by identifying avenues for future research, such as the effectiveness of hybrid governance, the potential maturity of Member States to accept greater multilateral oversight, and the future of EU-NATO coordination.

2025, Proceedings of the Defense and Security Policy 2025

The evolving global security landscape necessitates adaptive defence industry policies to address complex challenges. This paper explores the conceptual framework for such policies, emphasising the integration of diverse stakeholders within a robust defence ecosystem, encompassing the ministry of defence, industry, academia, research and development, and international partners. It highlights the need to shift from traditional models reliant on statecentric and hierarchical structures to agile, innovation-driven approaches involving academia, industry, and international cooperation. The study identifies best practices for fostering collaboration, enhancing operational sovereignty, and addressing rapid technological advancements by analysing defence policy models in nations such as Estonia, Finland, the UK, Spain, and Israel. The research underscores the importance of synchronising defence policies with broader industrial and strategic objectives, advocating for a holistic approach that maximises national security and economic resilience. The paper concludes with recommendations for designing comprehensive policies to support defence capability development, ensuring readiness at the "speed of relevance" in an increasingly volatile global environment.

2025, La Francophonie en Asie-Pacifique

At the time of the Indochina War, two dynamics of French foreign policy collided namely the construction of Europe and the struggle to preserve sovereignty in the Far East. After the pivot towards Europe, France tried to maximize its central place among European partners to Europeanize its Vietnamese policy. The objective was to continue the transition to diplomacy more adapted to French means while presenting to the Vietnamese interlocutors a large-scale partnership throughout the European Community. Through this process, France wished to remain the essential link in the cooperation, which it was otherwise seeking to confine to the intergovernmental level. The common European orientations towards the Vietnamese stakeholders between 1973 and 1975 finally led the Nine into paralysis. This only came to an end with reunification and the proclamation of the Socialist Republique of Việt Nam which allowed the establishment of multiform cooperation.

2025, none

Ukraine's Military Forces, like all contemporary militaries, rely on several Space-based capabilities providing vital support for a range of targeting, navigation, and communications services in terms of directing strikes and battlefield movement. Uniquely, much of Ukrainian Space access is dependent on a diversified patchwork of civil third-party providers 12 , which arose early in the war, and critical targeting information provided by Allies, who have their own Space Forces. Building an in-house Space Forces Capability for Ukraine, which would allow for the integration of targeting, navigation, and communications services into a comprehensive defence and offensive architecture would be the next maturing step in the transformation of Ukraine's military forces from their prewar , and current posture. Critically, Ukraine's key strategic disadvantage is its ongoing reliance on Allies for Spacebased communications coverage, and missile early warning systems. The next extension of this, will be fielding its own strategic weaponry in the form of long-range missile complexes that will require satellite support. Currently, Russia despite its evolving military problems still has a major advantage in terms of its military satellite fleet, such as its reconnaissance satellite programs: Persona satellites, which are high-resolution optical reconnaissance craft designed for detailed imaging; and, Bars-M satellites used for cartography and wide-area reconnaissance with lower resolution imagery. There is also the Liana satellite system, a Space-based intelligence program used for electronic warfare and target designation. Russia's Space-based military assets ensure accurate navigation through the GLONASS system and enhance battlefield situational awareness through Persona, significantly strengthening high-precision weaponry and operational awareness 3. Publicly enunciated in early 2022, Ukraine's Space Access Strategy, has been securing three essential Space services pillars: Pillar 1: Remote Sensing Services Pillar 2: Communications Services Pillar 3: Autonomous Capacity to bring this infrastructure into orbit Arguably, Ukraine's Space Access Strategy has reached in 2025 'Pillar 3', in terms of its armed forces' modernization and capability expansion in missile armament, missile defence, and utilizing Space-based support; where it can move away from dependency on the major Space Powers, developing its own capabilities for it to achieve Space Situational Awareness, and be able to monitor opponent Space activity that could impact on its National Security. It has been recently reported that a programme is being initiated, to seek funding for, "[a] … dual-use satellite constellation, dubbed Intermarsat … [potentially] … comprised of more than 70 small satellites in sun-synchronous orbit at an altitude of about 500 kilometres (310 miles). It would provide daily revisits across the belt between the Baltic and the Mediterranean Sea, covering countries as far north as Finland and Estonia and as far south as Bulgaria." 4 The potential size of the constellation could reduce the effectiveness of Russian Antisatellite threats having a number of redundancies, to distribute functions across several satellites in face of threats, such as: (1) Rendezvous and capture technologies; (2) Direct ascent missile attacks; (3) Nuclear space mines detonations in orbit.

2025

The 2025 NATO Summit held in The Hague brought together global leaders not only to address internal alliance dynamics but also to discuss some of the world's most urgent crises. Among the key bilateral talks, the meeting between Turkish President Erdoğan and U.S. President Donald Trump stood out-shedding light on major issues ranging from regional conflicts to economic cooperation.

2025, Léxico de la Unión Europea

2025, Regional, International, and Transatlantic Relations From the Iberian Peninsula to the World

Portugal, a founding NATO member, holds a strategic role in diplomatic relations with Portuguese-speaking states, particularly in the South Atlantic, where most of its former colonies are located. Over its 76-year history, NATO has expanded beyond its traditional sphere, recognizing the need for global partnerships to uphold security. The 1996 Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) between Portugal and Angola exemplifies a strategic alliance that goes beyond historical and cultural ties. The DCA reinforces bilateral relations while promoting NATO's core values, such as collective security and regional stability. Given the South Atlantic's growing relevance, Portugal aligns NATO's interests with those of Angola in areas like maritime security, counterterrorism, and combating illicit trafficking. This chapter examines how Portugal's cooperation with Angola strengthens its role within NATO, reinforcing its geopolitical influence. Additionally, it analyses how this partnership projects NATO's values and presence in Africa and the South Atlantic.

2025

There is not one explanation for the source of revolutions that took place in late 2010 early 2011 in Arab World. Liberalists argue combination of growing inequality produced revolutionary aspiration. Marxists believe that location of Arab states in the capitalist world system produced the revolt. Some scholars believe these revolts to be a reaction to the rapid growth of social media in the region leading to collective action. Others ascribe them to the emergence of a civil. There are still some other authors who explain these revolutions by reference youth unemployment which fueled uprisings. The research, however, was not questioning why revolutions in Arab countries did happen. What was being investigated, rather, is why they ended up differently in different Arab countries. That is, how dictatorship in some of the Arab countries could be overthrown and give a rise to democracy, e.g. Tunisia, whilst it failed to do so in some other Arab countries leading to civil wars (Syria), military splits, or even humanitarian intervention (Libya). This research advanced four hypotheses derived from different theories. Hypothesis one, which was based on the Third Wave of Immanuel Huntington and Stepan's operationalization, argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to consolidate in states that had experienced three consecutive years of democratic level equal or greater than +4. The second hypotheses derived from Lipset's modernization theory and Przeworski's operationalization, argued that it was economic growth that determined outcomes of the Arab Spring leading to democracy in some countries and to the civil war in some others. The third hypothesis was based on Moore's argument of "no bourgeoisieno democracy" and argued that the larger the number of labor force participants in industry sector, the greater probability of democracy to be achieved. Finally, the fourth hypothesis of this research argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to be achieved in countries where the military had less v incentives to stay loyal to the regime. In order to test these hypotheses, the research applied comparative case studies method and contrasted relevant indicators in the countries in question in the ear of 2011. Additionally, the research questions whether there is correlation between democracy level in Arab World and GDP per capita, Military expenditure, and the number of employment level in industry sector in general. For testing this hypothesis, we applied regression analysis taking the figures in a time range from 1960 to 2016. Due to the lack of data for independent variable in the case of Libya, and lack of variation in dependent variable in this country, we excluded Libya from regression analysis, applying only three of initial cases. The research found out whilst military expenditure and GDP per capita were significant in determination of democracy level in Arab countries throughout the history (since 1960), only military choice affected by rational and moral incentives was significant in determination of the outcome of Arab Spring. Despite the limitations of the research, the findings of it are very interesting, since they reveal that, although there were two crucial variables affecting democracy throughout the history, only one of them remained crucial in 2011.

2025, Contemporary Security Policy

Early studies on state drone proliferation argued that it would be temperate, constrained by high financial, technical, and infrastructural requisites and fielded according to the logic of scarce, exquisite airpower. While this rationale has held for limited conflicts, the high attrition and massive demand of a total war compelled strong standing armies to follow a different model of adoption: emulating weaker violent nonstate actors leveraging lowcost commercial platforms. The Russia-Ukraine war has captured this trend. Despite earlier expectations of armies maintaining advanced airpower for strategic ends, underdog Ukraine, followed by Russia have developed heavy reliance on commercial drone technologies for tactical aims. Framing this in military and battlefield innovation literature and drawing on studies on commercial drone use among violent nonstate actors, we argue that this constitutes a new trajectory involving mixed military arsenals enhanced with dual-use commercial platforms.

2025

Questions related to the EU’s ability to foster change in the behaviour of third countries through sanctions have gained salience over the past three decades. This article explores how the nature and type of EU restrictive measures, initially conceived as targeted, preventive and temporary measures, have evolved considerably since then. The EU sanctions against Belarus are used as an illustrative case study in order to shed light on the evolutions within the EU’s sanctions practice. This article first examines the erosion of the targeted character of EU sanctions against Belarus through the broadening of listing criteria and the increasing recourse to sectoral sanctions. It then questions the temporary character of EU sanctions against Belarus by highlighting their indefinite duration and cyclicity. Last but not least, it is argued that EU sanctions against Belarus have an increasingly punitive character. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications that the EU’s evolving sanctions practice can have for the current EU’s sanctions policy toward Belarus as well as for its other sanctions regimes.

2025, IPG-Journal

SPD-Friedensmanifest: teils unglücklich, doch nicht empörend.
Der Aufruhr um das Friedens-Manifest ist völlig überzogen – trotz berechtigter Kritik. Der außenpolitischen Debatte fehlt es an Maß und Tiefgang.

2025

what was followed by maternity leave. Despite the resulting obligations she was able to follow what was going on in the project, she wrote her texts and prepared them for publication. The absence of Dr. M. Grącik--Zajaczkowski was effectively covered by her and my colleague from the Institute: Dr. Joanna Stryjek. Dr. J. Stryjek in the time of run of the project became a deputy dean in WSE. The additional administration obligations haven't prevented her from the responsibilities deriving from the realisation of the project. After return of Dr. Małgorzata Zajaczkowski to her duties, she has done it with double energy load, what can be explained by the fact that she is mother of two energetic girls. Dr. J. Stryjek has offered her support, what means that she was strongly feeling responsibility of the success of the project. We need to remember that working together, undivided, we can do much more and reach much more complicated goals then playing as individuals. This concerns the specific project we have just finished but is not limited to it. It also concerns the work of our Institute, our Collegium, as well as our University -Warsaw School of Economics. This finding goes much further it embraces cooperation between scientific and academic centres as well as the whole country. The last sentence is a wider reflection, which goes beyond the edge of our research project. Cooperation is important especially in a politically divided country or even wider: a number of divides which all of us face in the world political and economic relations.

2025, Social Science Research Network

With UN peace operations involved in increasingly volatile and dangerous situations, there appears to be growing acceptance among member states that UN missions need greater capacity to generate intelligence, both to protect themselves and to fulfill their mandates more effectively. This policy paper strives to unpack the concept of intelligence in UN peace operations by explaining its needs and requirements, existing structures, and limitations and to clearly define the concept of intelligence within the limits of the UN’s fundamental principles and its multilateral and transparent nature. It aims to clarify and demystify the debate on intelligence in UN peace operations and to propose a specific UN approach. In order to reform and strengthen its analytical capacities and capabilities in peace operations, this paper proposes that the UN: - Develops a definition of intelligence different from the traditional military definition, which focuses on serving the national interest and ope...

2025, Journal of policy and strategy

Welcome to the second issue of the Journal of Policy & Strategy in 2025. This issue is dedicated to the late Dr. John S. Foster Jr., who passed away recently at the age of 102. A national treasure, Dr. Foster (known as "Johnny") was a brilliant mind, a former head of Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, and served in the Department of Defense under two presidents and four Secretaries of Defense. Dr. Foster's work drove the development of every nuclear weapon in the U.S. nuclear arsenal today. He was truly an intellectual giant-contributing uniquely to creating and sustaining the nuclear deterrence tools that have enforced great power peace for the past 80 years. This issue begins with a Special Feature in our Analysis section by Matthew R. Costlow on Deterring the New Pacing Threats: Opportunistic and Coordinated Aggression. The analysis considers the risks posed by U.S. adversaries including Russia and China to U.S. and Western security. It draws on lessons learned from the historical examples of the Korean conflict and the Cuban Missile Crisis to highlight a series of recommendations for deterring opportunistic and coordinated aggression in today's volatile and dangerous international strategic environment. The Analysis section also contains articles that address contemporary regional and security issues. Christopher Ford offers an assessment of the motivations behind Russia's nuclear posturing, comparing modern Russian thinking about nuclear weapons to that of the Putin regime's Soviet predecessors. Stephen Blank discusses the current violence by the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen against Red Sea shipping and proposes approaches to restore deterrence and freedom of navigation in the region. And Wannes Verstraete assesses the security implications of the emerging "tripolar nuclear order." This issue's Interviews section features an interview with Thomas Scheber, former Director of Strike Policy and Integration in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, who comments on the importance of modernizing the U.S. nuclear enterprise; the challenges of producing new nuclear warheads; and the need to prioritize implementation of the recommendations in the Strategic Posture Commission's report.

2025, New Bulgarian University

The article focuses both on contemporary requirements and principles for agility and efficiency in the management of organisations and on their potential application in educational processes. It attempts to indicate the reasons for the change in the environment that have occurred, affecting everyone mainly due to the increasing volume of data (knowledge, but also the lack of it), increasingly widespread presence of technologies, and ways for successful adaptation to it. The main premise is that, taking the practice from the brand new concept of “un-leadership”, education should prepare learners for their professional development not through a “corridor” (silo-ed) path, but one that benefits from the achievements and contributions of multiple disciplines, shared, based on the development of qualities and skills through achievement of one’s own experience and building confidence through real results. Examples of already existing educational formats are given and the benefits that a change in the concept, especially in higher education, can and should be achieved are indicated in order to preserve the added value of acquiring a university degree and to have a positive impact on society, institutions and economic growth in an unstable and complex environment.

2025, International Studies Journal (ISJ)

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US and Russian Federation relations have been experienced ups and downs. The period of believing the end of long-lasting competition between the two countries after the cold war was too short enough to approve the optimistic analysis of Westerners politicians. The next developments showed quickly the distance between Moscow and Washington's views on issues of international peace and security. On the one hand, Russia's growing concerns about the former republics on its own periphery were intensified by the increasing effects of the Global War on Terrorism. On the other hand, the US growing presence in West Asia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and then Syrian crisis, Iranian nuclear program and deployment of the US Missile Defense System in Europe, prepared the ground for creating more confrontation between them. A decade after the independence of the former Soviet Republics, Russian president, Vladimir Putin, crafted and fixed a pragmatic foreign policy. Dmitry Medvedev, the next President of Russia, put this policy on the path of "reset", which is now facing with complicated problems. However, the question raised by this article is: "What internal, regional or international factors changed the Russian and US relations during Medvedev's presidency? This paper is based on a descriptive-analytic method, and to examine the mechanisms of this change from the Russian point of view, it studies the positions of its experts.

2025

Η σύγχρονη Ελλάδα αντιμετωπίζει μια από τις σοβαρότερες απειλές για το μέλλον της: τη σταθερή μείωση του πληθυσμού. Το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα δεν είναι απλώς ζήτημα αριθμών, αλλά θεμελιώδης παράγοντας επιβίωσης του έθνους, οικονομικής βιωσιμότητας και κοινωνικής συνοχής.
Η επιλογή του θέματος του παρόντος δοκιμίου εδράζεται στην ανάγκη μιας σφαιρικής κατανόησης του πραγματικού κόστους της ανατροφής παιδιού σήμερα, σε μια χώρα όπου οι αριθμοί γεννήσεων μειώνονται συνεχώς, και η τεκνογονία εξελίσσεται σε πολυτέλεια για λίγους. Πέρα από το προσωπικό βίωμα και την ηθική του γονεϊκού ρόλου, υπάρχει ένα οικονομικό και κοινωνικό κόστος που επιβαρύνει πρωτίστως την οικογένεια, αλλά και τη συλλογική κοινότητα μέσω της δημόσιας εκπαίδευσης και των κοινωνικών παροχών. Η ανάγκη κατανόησης αυτού του κόστους είναι κρίσιμη, διότι διαμορφώνει το κοινωνικό περιβάλλον μέσα στο οποίο οι νέοι παίρνουν αποφάσεις για το αν και πότε θα τεκνοποιήσουν. Οι αποφάσεις αυτές δεν λαμβάνονται στο κενό, αλλά μέσα σε ένα σύστημα κινήτρων, φόρων, ελλείψεων και ανασφάλειας.
Το δοκίμιο ξεκινά με την εξέταση της δομής του ελληνικού συνταξιοδοτικού συστήματος. Αναλύεται πώς η αναδιανεμητική φύση του καθιστά την τεκνογονία όχι μόνο ηθικό καθήκον αλλά και θεμέλιο για τη διατήρηση της βιωσιμότητάς του. Η ανάλυση βασίζεται στο γεγονός ότι κάθε εργαζόμενος σήμερα στηρίζει οικονομικά τους σημερινούς συνταξιούχους. Άρα, όσοι επιλέγουν να μην τεκνοποιήσουν επωφελούνται έμμεσα από την τεκνογονία των άλλων, χωρίς να συμβάλλουν αναλογικά στο σύστημα. Έπειτα, το δοκίμιο εστιάζει στο πραγματικό κόστος ανατροφής ενός παιδιού, όπως αυτό προκύπτει από δικαστικές αποφάσεις διατροφών, την εμπειρική τεκμηρίωση και τις μέσες τιμές της ελληνικής αγοράς. Αναλύεται ο επιμερισμός κόστους ανάμεσα στην οικογένεια και στο κράτος. Η πρώτη καλύπτει τις καθημερινές ανάγκες (διατροφή, στέγαση, ρουχισμός, εκπαίδευση), ενώ η κοινωνία επενδύει σε υποδομές παιδείας, υγείας και διοικητικής μέριμνας.

2025

This study examines the European Union's (EU) power through the theoretical framework of realism and liberalism, with focus on its external engagements and global influence. Realism emphasizes state-centricity and power dynamics, highlighting that state's standing is determined by economic and military capabilities. However, realist scholars struggle to explain the role of the EU in the international system due to its complex, non-state nature. Liberalism, on the other hand, emphasizes cooperation, interdependence, and the spread of norms and values. The EU's normative power is evident in its global promotion of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. However, challenges persist, such as inconsistencies in foreign policy and the EU's use of hard power, like economic sanctions and military operations. The EU's response to crises, such as the migration crisis and climate change, reveals a subtle approach that balances normative and hard power elements. While it is true that normative influence of EU as a supranational organization remains significant, contributing to the shaping of international norms and values, this work argues that its economic and military capabilities often overshadow its normative efforts.

2025, Views on the progress of CSDP – ESDC summer university book 2022

The EU’s efforts to enhance its defence capabilities are not questionable,
regardless of the various debates on how feasible or effective the common defence
appears to be. Interestingly, these debates are often based on different perceptions
of the common defence concept, mainly due to a constructive ambiguity employed in it. This article aims to contribute to clarifying this concept as regards the EU, building on a conceptual analysis to identify the essential attributes that characterise sub-forms under the class of common defence. It is argued that when the EU speaks for the common defence, it implies using shared and co-belonging mild means supported by Member States' (MSs) contributions on acute ones to protect its interests rather than maintaining EU armed forces, at least for the time being.

2025, The Common Security and Defence Policy – New developments and challenges – ESDC autumn university book 2021

A much-debated question is about the EU’s international role. However, this question can lead to misconceived answers since it ignores the conditions that shape the EU’s appearance in the international environment. Assuming that strategic culture is one of the essential elements of an actor’s stance vis-a-vis international evolutions and security concerns, this article attempts to examine whether the existing institutional arrangements at the EU level compose a fertile ground for facilitating the emergence of a comprehensive EU strategic culture. As the argument goes, such a strategic culture can reveal the future role of the EU in the international environment. Thereby, the article suggests that the relevant question shall be transposed from the outcome, meaning the EU’s international presence, to its roots, meaning the strategic culture. For this purpose, the article adopts a neofunctional approach to track the EU Global Strategy (EUGS), the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the European Defence Fund (EDF). In particular, these institutional arrangements are examined through conceptual analysis, supported by quantitative methods where appropriate, to identify critical elements for a spillover effect that could pave the way for a comprehensive strategic culture. In doing so, the article tests the central hypothesis that if supranational aspects prevail in the arrangements under consideration, then an emerging strategic culture has already been on the rails. Ultimately, it is argued that significant prerequisites exist and make the emergence of a comprehensive strategic culture, bolstered with supranational aspects, likely, although not certain.

2025

Quand Donald Trump revendique l’annexion du Groenland au nom de La Défense nationale des USA, il faut lui rappeler l’histoire nucléaire du Groenland entre 1947 et 1968, quand les B-52 de l’US Air Force chargés de bombes atomiques atterrissaient et décollaient de la base de Thule mais aussi s’écrasaient dans les terres et glaciers du Groenland en perdant des bombes atomiques et des aviateurs, tout en irradiant les zones des crashs et les Inuits qui y vivaient.

2025, ESDC AUTUMN UNIVERSITY BOOK 2021. The Common Security and Defence Policy. New developments and Challenges

During the last two decades, societies have faced the growing threat of cyberattacks and malicious cyber activities by both state and non-state actors. It is in this context that the Western Balkans have developed cybersecurity strategies and relevant mechanisms over the last years. The purpose of the paper is to analyse the cybersecurity framework in the Western Balkans and in particular question the extent to which the so-called ‘Brussels Effect’ is in play. In order to achieve that, we will first examine the cybersecurity context developed by the European Union. In a latter phase, we will review the mechanisms and strategies that both the EU through its actions and the Common Security and Defence Policy as well as the Western Balkans states have developed to counter the full spectrum of the cybersecurity challenges. The end goal is to reach a better understanding of how cybersecurity has been developed in the region, but also highlight whether the EU has succeeded in promoting its cybersecurity norms and regulations in the Western Balkans.

2025

Voir tous les formats et éditions L'Allemagne renait de ses cendres L'Union européenne est un pacte nous dit-on qui …. Mais au service d'un pacte militaire qui distribue les rôles. L'Allemagne dont les intérêts supérieures sont forcement incompatibles avec le reste des membres du l'Union et de l'Otan, compte tenu de son histoire, des conditions juridiques et politiques qui sont imposées par justement les grands, se retrouve en train de soutenir une décision collégiale qui n'est rien d'autre que sa propre mise à mort: le boycott de son propre approvisionnement en gaz et pétrole en provenance de la Russie, alors que son peuple, son industrie en dépendent cruellement. Mais dans cette avalanche de coups fourrés, le chancelier allemand croit avoir trouvé le sésame à sa sortie de la position d'Etat laminé, ostracisé, boycotté, surveillé: le retour de la puissance militaire de son pays. Et pour ne pas rater la mise, le chancelier, fidele, à la rigueur et la performance de la Deutsch tradition technologique, il décide d'équiper son armée du fleuron de l'aviation du plus puissant ami, les Etats Unis d'Amérique. Il ne dépense alors que pas moins de 100 milliards de dollars, pour rattraper le retard, et s'équiper de F35, bien sur capables d'emporter des charges nucléaires.

2025

Plus de 2 millions de documents ultra-secrets ont été divulgués par un collectif danois et le journal allemand Spiegel. Si cette fuite s'avérait exacte et confirmée comme fuite d'informations sans précédent, comparable à celle Wicky Leaks elle serait susceptible de bouleverser l'équilibre fragile de la sécurité mondiale. Plus de deux millions de documents confidentiels, provenant des archives internes russes, ont été dévoilés au grand jour. Ces fichiers sensibles révèlent des détails critiques sur les infrastructures nucléaires russes, notamment les sites secrets liés aux missiles hypersoniques Avangard. Une telle divulgation, au coeur d'un climat géopolitique déjà tendu, soulève de graves inquiétudes à l'échelle internationale.

2025

ECRE -Euroopa Põgenike ja Pagulaste Nõukogu (ingl European Council on Refugees and Exiles) EK -Euroopa Komisjon EL -Euroopa Liit ELAK -Riigikogu Euroopa Liidu asjade komisjon EN -Euroopa Nõukogu EP -Euroopa Parlament Eurostat -Euroopa Liidu statistikaamet IOM -Rahvusvaheline Migratsiooniorganisatsioon (ingl International Organization for Migration) IRO -Rahvusvaheline Pagulasorganisatsioon (ingl International Refugee Organisation) ÜP -Euroopa Liidu ühine ümberasustamisprogramm (ingl Joint EU Resettlement Programme) MEIS -Integratsiooni-ja Migratsiooni Sihtasutus UNHCR -ÜRO Pagulaste Ülemvoliniku Amet (ingl United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) ÜRO -Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioon

2025

This Food for Thought paper is a document that gives an initial reflection on the theme. The content is not reflecting the positions of the member states but consists of elements that can initiate and feed the discussions and analyses in the domain of the theme. All our studies are available on www.finabel.org TABLE OF CONTENT Introduction 2 Applications and functioning of blockchain technology 4 Developments in the blockchain technology in the military around the world 13 Challenges and limitations of blockchain: Costs associated with the technology, security loopholes 19 Conclusions and recommendations 23 Bibliography 24

2025, shekhar Gupta

The rapid evolution of computer science, propelled by advancements in Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Quantum Computing, has significantly transformed the cyber threat landscape. These developments have introduced sophisticated cyberattack vectors that challenge traditional security paradigms. Notably, air-gapped systems-networks physically isolated from unsecured networks-once considered impervious to cyber threats, are now vulnerable due to emerging attack methodologies. This paper explores the integration of Blockchain Technology (BCT) and AI to fortify cybersecurity measures within closed network systems. Blockchain's decentralized and immutable ledger ensures data integrity, traceability, and authentication, while smart contracts automate security protocols. Concurrently, AI-driven machine learning algorithms facilitate real-time anomaly detection and predictive threat analysis, establishing a proactive defense mechanism. We propose a permissioned blockchain architecture to regulate access, coupled with AIpowered anomaly detection systems trained on diverse datasets to enhance accuracy. This integrated model aims to provide comprehensive protection, ensuring data confidentiality, integrity, and availability against evolving cyber threats. The synergistic application of these technologies underscores the necessity for continuous innovation and collaboration to safeguard industrial and national security in the digital battlefield.

2025, none

Written using Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) this paper looks at FPVs hunting UGVs scenarios on the Battlefield in Ukraine in the context of the Interposed Front. An Interposed Front is where opponent forces are granularized into independent tactical entities, and interpose among each other. As the 3D Frontline deepens, into an Attack Surface, that area will become saturated with small concealable UGVs undertaking a number of robotic functions such as minefield maintenance 24/7. The immediate airspace above saturates with a continuous presence of FPVs-intensifying the level of kinetic attacks on the battlefield, and can be regarded as a permanent layer over the ground surface that constitutes another Attack Surface.

2025

L’affirmation d’une ambition russe en Afrique, et notamment en Afrique de l’Est, est devenue manifeste depuis deux ans meme si on peut la voir prendre forme des le milieu des annees 2000 et plus nettement encore a partir de 2014. La Russie opere de facon tres differente en comparaison avec la Chine ou avec d’autres pays emergents. Elle vend des armes (tout comme l’Union sovietique) et s’interesse essentiellement aux ressources minieres et energetiques en cultivant sa difference avec les Etats occidentaux. Elle entend ainsi apparaitre comme une puissance globale et non plus regionale, qui en coordination avec la Chine peut fournir une solution alternative au systeme d’alliances et de normes diplomatiques occidentales.

2025, Journalism and Media

Russia's conflict with Ukraine, which escalated into full-scale military confrontation in February 2022, originated in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the backing of pro-Russian separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk. However, this war extends beyond bilateral hostilities, reflecting a broader geopolitical confrontation with the West that aligns with Vladimir Putin's strategic vision, as signalled in his 2007 Munich Security Conference speech. Russian security doctrines have consistently framed the West as an existential threat, a perception reinforced by state-controlled media. This study examines the role of Russian state media in shaping public perceptions of the West between 2014 and 2022. It explores how Russian media, particularly RIA Novosti, constructed adversarial narratives about Latvia, Poland, and Serbia within the framework of Russian security policy. Through qualitative content analysis, the research investigates the alignment of media narratives with official strategic objectives, the portrayal of Western nations as threats, and the intended audience of these narratives. The findings underscore the integral role of state-controlled media in Russia's security strategy, highlighting an increasing consolidation of media control to sustain domestic legitimacy and justify external aggression. As Russia faces growing challenges, media restrictions are expected to intensify, reinforcing state-driven narratives and information isolation.

2025

The enormous amount of data exchanged daily in cyberspace has directed states to review and implement different types of surveillance mechanisms to defend their national interests against harmful cyber activities. The implementation of security requirements by states implies the extension of the concepts of borders and sovereignty from the real world to cyberspace, which means developing a suitable interpretation of these concepts to adapt their traditional legal notions to the technical nature of cyberspace, since the traditional interpretation of these concepts contradicts the rapidly changing nature of cyberspace. The research seeks to elaborate on the scholarly evolution concerning conceptualising borders and sovereignty in cyberspace. Therefore, it contributes to knowledge by providing an acceptable legal interpretation of the concepts of borders and sovereignty in cyberspace and proving their adaptability to the particular nature of this technological sphere of universal interaction. To achieve this objective, the research adopts a doctrinal approach that reviews relevant literature to conclude scholarly interpretations of these concepts in cyberspace.

2025

Since the U.S. Army introduced its Multi-Domain Battle concept in 2017, “multi-domain” has become a cornerstone of Western military thinking, influencing NATO and its member states. However, the absence of a unified vision for multi-domain within NATO has led to divergent approaches, particularly between the U.S. and U.K., whose concepts—multi-domain operations (MDO) and Multi-Domain Integration (MDI), respectively—differ in ambition, analytical rigor, and scope. The U.S. approach focuses on how to employ the military instrument of power, while the U.K.’s MDI envisions a whole-of-government strategy that integrates non-military efforts. This paper examines the evolution of multi-domain concepts in NATO and key member states such as the U.S., U.K., Germany, and France. It highlights conceptual gaps and recommends initiatives that the U.S. can take to align NATO’s vision with its own, including establishing a NATO Center of Excellence and taking a more assertive role in the development of NATO concepts and doctrine. Achieving a shared understanding of multi-domain is critical to enhancing NATO’s collective defense and ensuring its ability to deter and defeat an increasingly aggressive Russia.

2025

This thesis seeks to analyze various interpretations of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty since 1949. Variations in interpretations of Article 5 requirements throw light on evolving conceptions of national security interests and the... more

2025

The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be... more