Flanders Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The concept of the mobility budget (MB) has gained much positive attention in Flanders in less than a decade. Many actors embrace the concept as a solution to the dominance of the company car and the problems associated with it; in... more

The concept of the mobility budget (MB) has gained much positive attention in Flanders in less than a decade. Many actors embrace the concept as a solution to the dominance of the company car and the problems associated with it; in particular, the MB is framed as a solution to the ‘congestion evil’ in Belgium. The claims made by the proponents of the concept are based on hopes and a few anecdotal policy shifts from companies in Belgium and the Netherlands – a thorough academic assessment of the concept is missing. Therefore, this thesis assesses the potential of the MB with respect to its transport related promises and offers a general reflection on the concept.
I use a stepwise assessment to scrutinise the MB. Firstly, I offer an in-depth analysis of the debate in Flanders to understand how the concept was able to generate enthusiasm among key players and which features are most likely institutionalised. Secondly, I examine the voluntary implementation of the MB by employers in Belgium. Thirdly, I look into expected participation rates by employees with a CC. Lastly, I study the choices made by current CC owners within the MB and if these choices enable changes in travel patterns.
The methods used in this stepwise assessment vary from one step to the other. For the first step I studied articles and papers from actors and reporters, as is commonly done in a discourse analysis. The results for the second step, the implementation of the MB, are based on the outcomes of my questionnaire and the research done by others. In the assessment of the participation rates I also relied on my survey, complemented by a large dataset of travel behaviour in Belgium (BELDAM). For the choice behaviour within the MB, I drew from data concerning a mixture-amount stated choice experiment, which was part of my questionnaire. For respondents I approached employers with a request to co-operate in the research project and to provide me with a sample of target group candidates: CC owners within the company. The final response rate was excellent, and I managed to find 817 useful cases in total.
The MB is predominantly presented as a fixed annual budget provided to the employee with a CC by the employer. The amount of budget is based on the current capital and distance costs of the CC. The budget can be used for a range of multimodal transport options including the car. Some regard the concept of the MB to be a technical-juridical issue; the results from my discourse analysis suggests otherwise, mainly due to the inherent different positions regarding the CC. In the dominant version of the MB, the rather beneficial position of the CC is not to be altered; it is used as a point of reference instead. The results of the discourse analysis demonstrate that the concept is in line with the idea of mobility as a service and pragmatic multimodal policies. More general, I observe that the MB is a neoliberal policy concept, as it draws from economic theory, fosters a particular freedom of choice, promotes self-control and it is presented as the only feasible option in contemporary Flanders.
The MB is promoted as the alternative to the CC. Hence, considerations related to the implementation by employers are expected to be a trade-off between the CC and the MB. Arguments in favour of a CC policy are the role of the car as an efficient work tool, the possibilities for economies of scale in the procurement of company vehicles, the corroborative power of the car as status symbol, and the overall image of the company. Relevant institutional factors and potential barriers to change are company culture, the symbolic meaning of the car, and male-dominant workforce in certain sectors. Factors in favour of the MB are employee satisfaction, cost-control, the promotion of self-control among employees, and public relations related arguments. An important institutional aspect here is the performative power of the MB and the discourse associated with it. Implementation rates of flexible benefit plans and the MB suggest an implementation in a minority of the companies in Flanders. These levels are expected to be especially low in small and medium sized companies that account for a majority of employees with a CC.
Participation by target group members is determined by their attitude towards the MB, the current benefit they enjoy from having a CC, and the potential to use other transport modes. The attitudes of CC owners are relatively negative towards the MB in comparison to other employees. Target group members stress the need for a car for professional reasons or their family situation, or they emphasise the lack of alternatives. More degrees of freedom in the make and type of car are welcomed by many. The CC is used intensively for commuting, business trips and private trips. People with a CC cover an additional 6 800 km for private purposes on average, compared to employees without a CC, which suggests that this benefit in kind is eagerly consumed. With respect to the opportunities for mode switching, I conclude that in four out of every five cases the alternative to the CC is a private car.
The results of the choice models suggest that CC owners are willing to waive their CC or that they are willing to select a cheaper model. However, in almost all cases this is in exchange for an end-of-year bonus or additional leave days. Hence, the main competitors for the CC are not transport related. Moreover, these were offered at a beneficial ratio to the CC, which implies extension of the tax benefits for the CC to other spheres.
All in all, I conclude that the contribution of the voluntary MB for CC owners to the transport policy objectives is very small. For example, the reduction in car use for the daily commute is situated in the range of zero to one percent for car commuters, and close to zero for all road users during peak hours. The most significant effects are to be expected near major centres of employment, which are also the most congested areas. The combination of modest implementation rates by employers, low participation rates by employees, and the private car as primary alternative to the CC are the cause of the small impact. In line with this outcome, I suggest that the MB concept allows some actors to reframe the problem of the CC from under-taxation to a lack of choice, the inflexibility of regulation and the administrative burden of the fiscal system. The main contribution of the MB to transport policy objectives might be more indirect, as it can create more awareness regarding the travel behaviour among CC owners and probably will contribute to a revaluation of fringe benefits.