German Reformation Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, ‚Welsche Manier‘ oder der ‚Aufbruch in die Renaissance‘. Italienische Motive in der Architektur Mitteldeutschlands nach 1500, in: Frührenaissance in Mitteldeutschland. Macht. Repräsentation. Frömmigkeit. Katalog zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung. Hrsg. v. Christian Philipsen, Thomas Bauer-Friedrich u...

2025, Die heilige Katharina am Torturm der Moritzburg, in: Frührenaissance in Mitteldeutschland. Macht. Repräsentation. Frömmigkeit. Katalog zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung. Hrsg. v. Christian Philipsen, Thomas Bauer-Friedrich und Philipp Jahn, Leipzig 2024, S. 82-87

He ko Brandl und Anke Neugebauer -Claus Heffner: Standb ld der he lgen Kathar na vom östl chen Torturm der Mor tzburg, 1504 Gr llenburger Sandste n, ehemals polychrome Farbfassung, 160 × 53 × 46 cm; Kulturst ftung Sachsen-Anhalt,... more

2025

The new churches that emerged in the principalities and cities of Protestant Germany in the 1520s and '30s had two chief adversaries, armed Catholicism on the one hand and dissident Anabaptism on the other. In their attempts to deal with... more

2025

In 1520 Martin Luther, whose appeals to ecclesiastical authorities for reform had gone unheeded, published his first appeal to secular authorities for help with reform: Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation on the Reform of the Christian Estate. Over the next quarter century he would issue still more appeals to secular authorities to support and defend needed reforms, in every case indicating the justification for such action and the limits to it. As time passed, his thinking on the subject developed and changed in significant ways in response to new circumstances. At all times the arguments he used were, in the ways and for the reasons here discussed, considerably more complicated than those of his fellow reformers and, consequently, frequently misunderstood, both then and since. Luther has, for example, often been seen as someone who, unlike his fellow reformers, was fundamentally opposed to the much deplored emergence of das landesherrliche Kirhenregiment of Protestant Germany. The relevant texts, however, reveal that Luther was, in his own way, just as much the founder and defender of the territorial church as was anyone else at the time.

2025, Communio Viatorum

The article examines the Reformation as one of the sources of the secularization of art and simultaneously an impulse for new unintended developments with spiritual potential. It argues that the reformers' attitudes towards art helped facilitate the emergence and development of new secular subjects and renewed attention to ordinary life and its artistic reflection. In this way, it fostered a new kind of aesthetics, which some consider to be distinctly Protestant. At the center of this aesthetic is the reversal of hierarchies, affirming elements of life usually considered low and unworthy of aesthetic attention. Some view this kind of "iconoclasm" as not only Protestant but essentially Christian, as it reflects crucial Christian doctrines, namely the incarnation, where one image of God was destroyed in His becoming human. This newly emerged aesthetic is seen as both a product and a part of the transition from religious images to art in its own right, raising new questions about whether art on its own can be a source of spiritual impulses and thus opening the way towards the sacralization of art .

2025

Five centuries of the reformation has passed, I believe that it is about time we move on towards transformation -holistic transformation of persons, the church and our communities. "Ecclesia reformata sic semper reformanda" (The church reformed and always reforming). But even reforms are not enough. Reformation involves patching up, repairing something that is still structurally workable. Luther and other reformation movements failed to restore the church as a popular movement for change. The changes were institutional. From a Catholic institution to a Protestant one; merely changes from the top. Baron-landlords were still oppressing the peasants; the same baron-landlords who protected and sponsored Luther. Luther and his contemporaries frowned upon the Zwickau prophets and the Anabaptists springing from the Peasant War, movements from the underside of history. Later, Catholic and Protestant-dominated states forced the Anabaptists, Waldensians and Albigenses naked out of the churches, burned them as witches, and massacred them in their communities, resisting or not. Michael Servetus escaped burning at the stake by the Spanish Inquisition only for the sentence to be carried out at the instigation of Protestant John Calvin in Switzerland (thus removing a possible last challenge and thereby cementing Calvin's status); from Catholic to Protestant persecution. Reformation from the top caused the separation of the Church of England from Rome with King Henry VIII becoming its head. He at once persecuted the Carthusians, a Catholic order beloved of the people by demolishing their monasteries as well as those who were eventually disgusted by his policies. The restiveness of the English subjects against institutional Anglicanism saw the emergence of the Dissenters, Puritans, Methodists and others.

2025

A long list of German Protestant Reformers had their lives disrupted and their careers threatened by the so-called Augsburg Interim (1548-52), Emperor Charles V's attmept to restore religious unity to Germany by the forceful imposition of a slightly modified versionof Catholicism on the cities and principalities that had adhered to the Reformation. This essay focuses on the role of Johannes Brenz in the passive resistance to the Interim and its effective subversion in the duchy of Württemerg. But in so doing it compares and contrasts Brenz's experience in Württemberg with the significantly different experience of his friend, Philip Melanchthon, in Saxony.

2025

This essay focuses on a disastrous event in the life of Jacobus, author of Speculum musicae, at Paris, presumably around 1319. The event is never far from his mind in the seven books that make up his treatise, and it is recounted in the... more

2025, Vortragsreihe zur Todes

This lecture deals with Elector Frederick III of Saxony, called the Wise (1463, reigned 1486-1525) and his relationship to his favorite hunting lodge Lochau (since 1572 Annaburg).
Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony from 1486 to 1525, is one of the most influential historical figures not only in Central Germany, but also in Europe. With his support for the Augustinian hermit and Wittenberg university lecturer Martin Luther (1483-1546) his actions not only gained significance throughout Germany, but also had a worldwide impact.
It is remarkable how many decisive developments for the Reformation did not take place in Wittenberg, Torgau or Coburg, but at his favorite retreat, the Lochau Hunting Lodge: Here he already had a pre-Lutheran gospel in his bedchamber in 1509, here he heard the first sermons from Luther followers in 1519 and here he had the first writings of Luther acquired. First drafts of Luthers translation of the New Testament arrived throughout 1522 in Lochau, as well as the finished versions in September and December. In Lochau in 1523, he had his court chaplain and his court secretary lay out money as godfather of the local priest's child. In his hunting lodge he received the first Lutheran hymnal of Johann Walter in December 1524. And in Lochau he died 1525.
These events ensured that Frederick was remembered as an aged, cautious and thoughtfully withdrawn prince. But why did this extremely pious prince protect Luther?
This question and the special relationship to the Lochau hunting lodge can only be clarified if one takes a look at the youth of the prince, who helped shape politics not only in Central Germany but also in the Holy Roman Empire for almost four decades and was even elected Roman-German king for a day in 1519.
As a Renaissance prince, he also made outstanding contributions to the transfer of culture from south to north, the promotion of education and the expansion of the country - and Lochau is an example for his ambitions.

2025

Throughout his carrer as a reformer Luther had to deal with problems posed by the various legal codes that were in force (or that some said should be in force) in the church and state of his day. This article explores Luther's attitude towards Law in General, Roman Law, Germanic Law, Mosaic Law, and especially Canon Law, concernng which there was much more controversy than was the case with the others.

2025

Taking aim at the widespread view that Melanchthon and Luther were of two minds on the duty of princes in matters of religion, this article explores the way in which the two Wittenberg colleagues, reasoning independently but at the same time in constant conversation with one another, arrived at virtually identical views of the duty of princes to support and maintain true religion.

2025

When St John's conventual church was completed in the year 1577, 1 the appearance of the interior was significantly different to what one sees today [Figure 1]. In contrast with the exuberant embellishment it was simple and plain. The only possible accessories would have been a simple stone main altar with the mannerist style altarpiece depicting The Baptism of Christ by Perez d'Aleccio. 2 During recent conservation works, where the marble tiles were lifted, emerged the original stone steps that once led to the main altar at the back of the church. The significance of this discovery is the subject of this paper. Considering that most of the marble and gilded carvings took place in the seventeenth century it is evident that the presbytery had a very different arrangement.

2025, Dissertation (Princeton University)

Would Boethius and Jacobus of Liège recognize 21st-century music theory as an extension of their own work, or as a contradiction of it? If the musical treatises of the Middle Ages—including the values that generate and inform them—are fundamentally different from the music-theoretical writings of today, how exactly do they differ? In this study, I will examine three relations between theory and practice that appear within the Speculum musicae, relations that bear directly upon these questions. First, I will examine the cognitive relation between theory and practice in which the two are understood as activities of the soul aiming at different ends. Second, I will consider the relation between the musicus and cantor (understood as embodiments of theory and practice) and the ways in which Jacobus extends and modifies the received understanding of this relation. Third, I will examine the taxonomic relations into which Jacobus divides music (with music considered as genus), the taxonomies into which he integrates music (with music considered as a species of a genus), and the principles that determine these classifications. Finally, I will consider how Jacobus’ understanding of these relations between theory and practice—the cognitive, the social, and the taxonomic—influenced his judgment of the ars nova. Though the chief aim of this study is to clarify the relations between theory and practice as Jacobus employs them in the Speculum musicae, it will also (in its introduction and conclusion) consider the implications of these relations for our understanding of the continuities and discontinuities within the history of thinking and writing about music.

2025, Reformation and Everyday Life

The Reformation of Everyday Life Everyday life is that aspect of human culture that is common to all. Parents and children, work and care -these are everywhere. It is in the everyday life of families that religion is lived and traditions are passed on to the next generation. And it is in everyday life that theological core figures are transformed into social imaginaries that guide human life in different ways. 1 It was through everyday life that people in Early Modern European societies felt, dealt with, integrated, or resisted the changes that the Reformation brought with it. This volume focuses on the relationship between the Reformation and everyday life in a number of different contexts. The aim was not to provide a comprehensive overview, but rather to raise the question of the benefits to scholarship of focusing on the religious formation of everyday life. The background is a REFORC conference held in Aarhus in May 2021 as the final conference of a multi-year collaborative 1 Cf. B.K. Holm, "Theologisch-soziale Formationen der lutherischen Wirkungsgeschichte", in H. Assel/ J.A. Steiger/A.E. Walter (ed.), Reformatio Baltica. Kulturwirkungen der Reformation in den Metropolen des Ostseeraums (Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, 2017) 921-32; B. K.

2024, Schreibkalender und ihre Autoren in Mittel-, Ost- und Ostmitteleuropa (1540-1850), (Hg.) Werner Greilling - Klaus-Dieter Herbst

The Archive of Charles University is taking care about a collection of writing calendars from the years 1679-1786, mostly the German version of "Titular-Kalender zu Ehren Sancti Wenceslai", that were released by the privileged publishers (Johann Arnolt von Dobroslawin, Karl Gerzabek, Georg Labaun). These calendars were originally stored in the frames of archival funds (namely in so-called Bachmann's Manipulation), but later they were transferred to the collection of old prints. Most of the calendars include the handwritten remarks of their users: 1) before the end of the 40's of the 18th century undoubtedly officers of the university transformation; 2) in the second half of the 18th century a private person. The importance of the collection is based on their close connection with the practice of administration at the baroque university.

2024, Leiden-Boston: Brill

"Early Modern Fire" offers new perspectives on the history of fire in early modern Europe (ca. 1600–1800). Far from the background role that scholarship has traditionally assigned to fire, the essays in this volume demonstrate its centrality to understanding the entangled histories of science, technology, and society in the pre-industrial period.
Analysing case studies ranging from alchemy to cooking and from firefighting to fireworks, the contributors show that the history of fire is not only one of change and progress, but also of continuity, characterised by the persistence of traditional know-how, small-scale innovation, and the coexistence of different paradigms.

2024, Cristianesimo nella storia

2024, Geschichte – Kirchengeschichte – Reformation

„The Protestant Reformation has always had a powerful attraction for both professional historians and popular writers: it stands as a colossus with one foot in the medieval and one foot in the modern worlds; it was a time of passionate... more

2024, The Pelican Record, Corpus Christi College, Oxford

Alex Shinn investigates how a sixteenth-century reformer left his mark on Corpus chapel, reflecting a period of exile in Zürich and the religious upheavals of the time.

2024, Theology, Modernity, and the Visual Arts

Do you understand me, Asher Lev? This is not a toy. This is not a child scrawling on a wall. This is a tradition; it is a religion, Asher Lev. You are entering a religion called painting.-Chaim Potok, My Name is Asher Lev 1 M ODERN ART WAS driven by a par tic u lar kind of faith. It was an aggressive faith, a risky faith, which could, at any time, become doubt. In addition, it seemed to be a faith that required doubt. Such theological language might seem surprising since modern artistic practice has had an ambivalent relation to religion, especially the Christian Church. But modern artistic practices developed an apparatus that might best be described as a secular theology, with creeds, doctrines, hagiographies, rituals, confessions, and, yes, a kind of faith. Sociologist Sarah Thornton writes, 'con temporary art has become a kind of alternative religion for atheists', adding that it 'demands leaps of faith, but [.. .] rewards the believer with a sense of consequence'. 2 This kind of religious behaviour that Thornton observes is in part a remnant of a 'theology' that drove modernist painting for nearly a century, from its emergence in Paris in the 1880s through the 1960s: a theology that had at its core a kind of 'faith' that has often either been overlooked completely by theorists, art historians, and critics, or pop u lar ized into an 'art as religion' discourse that has flowed through the visual arts since the early nineteenth century. 3

2024

Posted as FAQ 113 with FAQs 49 and 15 We are naturally very interested in people's perception of the word Evangelical since it is a key word in the name of our translation. Asking someone to define the word evangelical reminds us of the story about a group of people trying to describe an elephant. It depends on whether they are holding on to the elephant's side, or its ear, or its trunk, or its tail, or its leg, or its tusks. Evangelical means one thing to a pollster trying to define a sociological group for his poll. He is probably going to define evangelical just by asking the interviewee, "Are you evangelical?" In the Jimmy Carter era the pollster would have asked, "Are you born again?" The term evangelical may be defined as adherence to a specific doctrinal standard by one Evangelical Christian deciding whether another denomination has the right to the name Evangelical. To some politicians the term might mean a white male Christian who is Republican.

2024, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 25.11.2005, Nr. 275, S. 36

2024

In his discussion of the psychodynamics of orality, the Jesuit linguist and philosopher Walter Ong writes that ''the interiorizing force of the oral word relates in a special way to the sacral, to the ultimate concerns of existence. In most religions the spoken word functions integrally in ceremonial and devotional life ... In Christianity, for example, the Bible is read aloud at liturgical services. For God is thought of always as 'speaking' to human beings, not writing to them ... [Indeed] the Hebrew word dabar, which means word, means also event and thus refers directly to the spoken word " 1 A gathering such as this-of Lutheran historians, theologians, and pastors-may not be surprised by such sentiments. When Luther speaks of God, he does so in tenns of speech. God is the One who speaks. When he speaks ofthe Christian community, he invokes the same image: "Since the church owes its birth to the word, is nourished, aided and strengthened by it, it is obvious that it cannot be without the Word. •>2 Thus, in his explanation of the Apostles' Creed, Luther writes of the Holy Spirit who

2024, Kirchenmusik und Kantorenausbildung Tagungsbericht der 1. Südosteuropäischen Regionaltagung der IAH, Subotica, 17.–19. August 2018

Regarding religious music in the Slovene Catholic Church today, congregational singing with organ accompaniment can still be considered as the norm. While there is evidence of pipe organs in the territory of present Slovenia already in the Late Medieval Period, and the oldest still preserved in-struments in Slovene churches date back to the 17th century, reports concerning organ accompa-niment of hymns as well as Slovene organ hymnbooks are a much more recent. A newly complet-ed bibliography of Slovene printed hymn sources from the 19th century allows us for the first time to take a closer look at organ accompaniment of Slovene hymns. Interestingly, individual hymn sources also served as important tools in education of organists. The paper tries to draw a connection between Slovene hymns, their sources and organ accompaniment of hymn singing in the territory with Slovene population in the 19th century.

2024

artin Luther celebrated his rst Mass on May 2, 1507, in the chapel of the cloister of the Order of Augustinian Hermits in Erfurt, the order he had joined two years earlier. His role was new, but the place was not: the rhythms of his religious life would have taken him to that chapel every day of the week-for prayer, for the Divine O ce, for the Mass. He had been ordained earlier that spring, perhaps on Easter. That rst Mass was important to him then: he invited friends to attend it. It was important to his family: his father rode into Erfurt and bestowed on the monastery 20 gulden. At the end of his life, in his last lectures on Genesis, he returned to it. 1 Like so many men in the sixteenth century who wrote against the medieval Mass and formulated new liturgies for their communities, Luther was an ordained priest. He knew the Mass as most Christians to this day could notas sacerdos. There are traces of that particular intimacy in Luther's writings on it, both his criticisms and his liturgical formulae, in his preservation of the Canon's narrative of the Last Supper, instead of a direct transcription from one of the synoptic Gospels or Paul's First Letter to the Corinthians, 2 in his preservation of cadences of the medieval liturgy: prayers, readings, chant. Of all the Evangelicals-those who held medieval Christianity to the test of the written Word of God-Luther clove most closely to the medieval Mass. In his German Mass, he retained more of parts of the medieval Mass than did the Anabaptists, Martin Bucer, Huldyrch Zwingli, or John Calvin: the Kyrie, collect, the Epistle chanted, the Gospel chanted, the Credo, the sermon, the Lord's Prayer, the consecration and the Gospel narrative at the center of the canon, retaining the elevation even as Luther was rede ning its signi cance, the Sanctus, the Agnus Dei. 3 He retained much that was ancient but not apostolic.

2024, 구자용

인간의 하나님 경외 문제는 실제로 구약지혜문학에서 인간의 경험과 직결되는 몇 가지 주요 주제 중 하나이다. 욥기는 이 주제를 특히 현실적 방식으로, 즉 의인이든 악인이든 상관없이 모든 사람의 행복, 불행과 관련하여 논의하고 있다. 욥이 아내에게 한 유명한 말(2:10aβγ)은 이러한 양면적 삶의 상황과 관련이 있다. 사탄은 욥의 경건에 대해 하나님과 논쟁을 벌이며, 욥에 대한 야웨의 흔들리지 않는 신뢰에 미묘한 의문을 제기한다(1:9b). 그는 욥의 경건이 인간의 이 양면적 삶 조건의 한 측면과만 관련이 있다고 주장한다. 그가 보기에 욥은 자기 행복, 즉 야웨의 세 겹의 둘러싸 보호함, 즉 자신과 집과 소유물에 대한 보호 때문에 하나님을 두려워한다고 판단한다(1:10a). 그리고 야웨께 욥이 이 세 겹의 둘러싸 보호하는 장치를 잃어도 여전히 그의 경건함을 유지할 수 있는지 시험해 보라고 요청한다. 그 결과 욥은 하나님과 사탄 사이의 거래에 대해 알지 못한 채 불행을 겪게 된다. 욥의 경건에 대한 동일한 담론은 욥과 친구들 사이의 시적 부분에서도 계속된다. 그러나 이 글에서는 욥의 독백 중 일부 구절만을 선별하여 살펴본다. 특히 19:6ff는 1:9b. 10a 및 2:4b. 5a의 사탄 진술과 비교된다. 그리고 마치 데칼코마니처럼 그 두 본문 사이에 분명한 대비가 형성되어 있음을 발견한다. 빌닷의 두 번째 연설에 대한 욥의 대답은 사탄에 의해 제시된바, 욥이 하나님을 두려워하는 이유인 하나님의 세 겹의 둘러쌈이 놀랍게도 다 무너지는 것을 서술한다. 그런데도 욥은 마치 사탄의 의심에 맞서 자신을 증명하는 것처럼 고난 속에서도 여전히 하나님을 두려워하는 것으로 서술된다. 여기서 이 논문이 주장하고자 하는바, 질문과 대답의 구조가 성립된다. 이 구조는 내용뿐만 아니라 둘러쌈의 모티브의 연결을 통해서도 분명하게 드러나지만, 놀랍게도 이 모티브는 둘 사이에서 현저하게 다른 방식으로 사용된다. 사탄은 산문부에서 그것을 하나님의 보호 활동으로 보지만 욥은 시문부에서 그것을 하나님을 적대적 공격으로만 해석한다. 이러한 분위기는 3:23의 욥 탄원에서 시작된 후 변함없이 유지되며, 마침내 19:6ff에서 절정에 이른다. 거기서 욥은 자신의 구속자(고엘)을 자신의 육체적 살로써 영접하기를 희망한다. 이 논문은 이 두 본문의 비교를 통해 다음의 질문에 답하고자 한다: ‘인간은 고난 가운데서 과연 무엇을 할 수 있는가?’ 욥기에 하나님에 대한 두려움과 고난의 연관성에 대한 직접적인 언급은 없지만, 욥은 고난을 통해, 그것이 긍정적이든 부정적이든 끊임없이 하나님을 찾고 고난의 의미를 이해하고자 노력한다.
Die Frage nach der Gottesfurcht des Menschen gehört eigentlich zu einem von mehreren Hauptthemen der alttestamentlichen Weisheitsliteratur, das tatsächlich unmittelbar mit der menschlichen Erfahrung verbunden ist. Das Buch Hiob behandelt dieses Thema auf besonders realistische Weise, nämlich in Bezug auf Glück und Unglück aller Menschen, unabhängig davon, ob es sich um einen Gerechten oder einen Ungerechten handelt. Hiobs berühmte Aussage an seine Frau (2,10aβγ) steht in Verbindung mit dieser zweiseitigen Lebenslage. Der Satan setzt sich mit Gott über die Frömmigkeit Hiobs auseinander. Er stellt das unerschütterliche Vertrauen Jahwes auf Hiob subtil in Frage (1,9b). Er behauptet, dass sich Hiobs Frömmigkeit nur auf einen Aspekt dieser zweiseitigen menschlichen Lebenslage beziehen würde. Aus seiner Sicht fürchtet Hiob Gott nur auf sein Glück beziehend, das heißt, aufgrund eines dreifachen Umschließens zum Schutz durch Jahwe: um ihn selbst, sein Haus und seinen Besitz (1,10a). Und er fordert Jahwe auf, Hiob auf die Probe zu stellen, ob er immer noch seine Frömmigkeit bewahren würde, obwohl er dieses dreifache Umschließen zum Schutz verlieren sollte. So leidet Hiob ohne Kenntnis von der Abmachung zwischen Gott und dem Satan unter seinem Unglück. Derselbe Diskurs über Hiobs Frömmigkeit setzt sich im poetischen Teil zwischen Hiob und seinen Freunden fort. In diesem Aufsatz jedoch werden ausgewählte Stellen von Hiobs Monolog betrachtet. Besonders wird 19,6ff zur Aussage Satans in 1,9b.10a und 2,4b.5a zum Vergleich herangezogen. Ein deutlicher Kontrast wird nämlich dazwischen gebildet wie eine Décalcomanie. Hiobs Antwort auf die zweite Rede Bildads erweist das erstaunliche Abreißen des dreifachen Umschließens Gottes, das der Satan als Grund für die Gottesfurcht Hiobs angibt. Trotzdem scheint Hiob inmitten seines Leidens immer noch Gott zu fürchten, als ob er sich gegen die Zweifel des Satans beweist. Daher ist eine Frage- und Antwortstruktur denkbar. Diese Struktur wird nicht nur inhaltlich, sondern auch mit der Verkettung des Umschließungsmotives offensichtlich. Dieses Motiv aber wird in beiden Stellen auffallend unterschiedlich angewendet. Der Satan sieht es im prosaischen Teil als eine schützende Aktivität Gottes, aber Hiob interpretiert dasselbe in dem poetischen Teil nur als eine Absperrung Gottes. Diese Stimmung beginnt im poetischen Teil von 3,23 und bleibt weiter unverändert, schließlich erreicht sie in 19,6ff ihren Höhepunkt. Dort hofft Hiob mit einem beharrenden Anschauen an seinen Erlöser, ihn in sein Fleisch zu empfangen. Dabei wird die folgende Frage in Betracht gezogen: Was kann der Mensch inmitten seines Leidens überhaupt tun? Es gibt eigentlich keinen direkten Hinweis auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Gottesfurcht und Leid, dennoch versucht Hiob ständig, Gott beharrend zu eruieren und den Sinn seines Leidens zu begreifen, unabhängig davon, ob er den positiv oder negativ bewertet.

2024, Journal of Law and Religion

Martin Luther (1483-1546) repeatedly addressed the question of whether political resistance might be directed lawfully against sovereign rulers if they acted tyrannically in light of the Apostle Paul's admonition in Romans 13 to honor divinely ordained secular authority. The situation became acute during the 1530s, when the forces of Emperor Charles V and the German Catholic princes threatened to reimpose Catholicism in the Lutheran territories by force. Amidst the crisis, Luther accepted legal arguments delegitimizing Charles as emperor, and, in 1539, with both sides mobilized for war, he contributed the theological argument that the emperor was the mercenary of a papal Antichrist and Beerwolff. Despite viewing the struggle in such apocalyptic terms, however, Luther's own words from the 1520s until his death reveal that his insistence upon obeying "legitimate" authority never varied. Only if commanded to violate godly law were Christian subjects to disobey their rulers and suffer the consequences. After Luther's death, Lutheran resistance theory continued to evolve and interact with Calvinist theory. Thus it exerted a long-term impact both within and well beyond the church when it was appropriated by the Magdeburg pastors, French Huguenots, Dutch revolutionaries, and English Puritans, though not always as Luther would have intended.

2024

Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY4.0 es zu wissen, Hussiten gewesen.9 Im Herbst desselben Jahres bekannte er dann öffentlich, anlässlich der wahrscheinlich in Wittenberg erfolgten ersten Drucklegung von "De ecclesia", ein so verständiges und edles Buch sei in 400 Jahren nicht geschrieben worden. Die Identifikation mit dem Ketzer Hus transformiert sich allerdings mit der Verbrennung von Bannandrohungsbulle und einigen Büchern des kanonischen Rechts im Dezember 1520 schnell in seine Überbietung: Er sei "fünfmal" radikaler als Hus, der ja lediglich einen tyrannischen Papst aus der Christenheit ausgeschlossen sehen wollte, während er, Luther, grundsätzlich bestreite, dass das Papsttum einer göttlichen Ordnung entstamme.10 In den folgenden Jahren und Jahrzehnten wird Hus nicht nur von Luther selbst, sondern von der gesamten protestantischen Bewegung zum Vorläufer der Reformation stilisiert, seine Schriften werden ediert und seine Person wird zum Gegenstand textlicher und bildlicher Propaganda gemacht. So brachte Johann Agricola, Schüler Luthers und Editor etlicher Hus-Schriften, eine "Tragedia Johannis Huss" (1537) auf die Bühne, in der das Leben und Sterben des böhmischen Märtyrers im Stil einer echten Heiligenerzählung dramatisiert wurde. In der Vorrede zum Stück deutete er eine angebliche (apokryphe) Prophezeiung von Hus aus, die Luther bereits früher auf sich bezogen hatte: Die geröstete Gans (Hus auf dem Scheiterhaufen) werde sich in einen schneeweißen Schwan mit einer hellen und klaren Stimme verwandeln, dessen Gesang nicht nur in Böhmen, sondern in der ganzen Welt erschallen werde.11 Allein diesen beiden Gestalten -die ‚Gans' Hus und der ‚Schwan' Lutherverklammern so die beiden Untersuchungsgebiete Böhmen und Sachsen. Dabei erscheint heute, historiografisch gesehen, die Deutungsfigur einer möglichen "Vorläuferschaft" der böhmischen Reformation zu stark mit der lutherischen Eigengeschichte verknüpft und dadurch tendenziell überholt. In anderer Hinsicht freilich fügt sie sich hervorragend in übergreifende neuere Forschungstendenzen ein. In deren Konsequenz ist die früher selbstverständliche Prämisse, der Reformation sei ein grundlegender Umbruchscharakter eigen gewesen, produktiv in Frage gestellt worden. Von verschiedener Seite her hat deren Zäsurcharakter eine Relativierung insofern erfahren, als sie nun stärker als Kern eines weiter ausgreifenden temps des réformes begriffen wurde.12 In dieser Perspektive ließe sich 9 T.

2024

Following WWII, European countries experienced the influx of foreign workers needed for their raevived industries. At first, the guest workers were expected to return to their home countries. That did not happen. Eventually, their families joined them. As a result, the demographic scene changed. That became a challenge to the Christian churches.

2024

This is my review of the first edition of Nauert's splendid work on Renaissance humanism.

2024

Is Matthew Barrett's Reformation as Renewal about the Reformation or is it the author's dispute with narrow-minded fundamentalists, who ignore theological education and historical knowledge while �uoting the Reformers' "sola scriptura"? �is debate is necessary, indeed. As a Reformation historian who is indebted to the sources, I cannot avoid being �uite critical in my assessment.

2024, Journal of Reformed Theology

The decisive impulse of the Zurich Reformation was not a particular theological tenet or the religious experience of one single reformer. It was the discovery of the authority of God's Word. This discovery was essentially a liberating experience. Scripture was experienced as the place for encountering the living God, who is intrinsically a gracious God, and who correspondingly makes his will known to people. Given the circumstances of early modernity, it was, however, consequent and inevitable that in the process of restructuring a Christian society and church according to God's Word the Bible became the authoritative scripture., Abstract The decisive impulse of the Zurich Reformation was not a particular theological tenet or the religious experience of one single reformer. It was the discovery of the authority of God's Word. This discovery was essentially a liberating experience. Scripture was experienced as the place for encountering the living God, who is intrinsically a gracious God, and who correspondingly makes his will known to people. Given the circumstances of early modernity, it was, however, consequent and inevitable that in the process of restructuring a Christian society and church according to God's Word the Bible became the authoritative scripture.

2024

Dye zaigung des hochlobwirdigen hailigthums der Stifftkirchen aller hailigen zu wittenburg, Wittenberg 1509 (VD16 Z 250). Einschlägig sind der siebte und achte Gang mit Christus-bzw. Passionsreliquien. Die in dem silbernen Bild des nackten Christuskindes unter Nr. 7,6 eingeschlossene Reliquie "Vom Goldt [der Heiligen Drei Könige] ein partickel", dürfte kaum die gesuchte Münze sein. Allerdings ist der Judaspfennig möglicherweise erst nach 1509 in die Weisung eingefügt worden. Auf eine entsprechende Überprüfung des zeitlich nächsten Heiltumsregisters in der Jenenser Universitätsbibliothek, Ms. App. 23b ("Ein kurcz Register über das Hochwirdig Hayligtumb der loblichen Stiftskyrche Aller Hayligen zu Wittenberg"), haben wir verzichten müssen.

2024

Das griechische Wort trag-ōdia verweist auf trágos, den Bock, und ōde, den Gesang. Eine Tragödie ist also der Bocksgesang, der bei Festlichkeiten zu Ehren des Fruchtbarkeitsgottes Dionysos vorgetragen wurde. Laut der etymologischen Bestimmung ist Tragik also zunächst das, was eine Tragödie ausmacht: "Das tragische Schicksal ist das ‚tragödienartige': so wie es in der Tragödie erscheint." 3 Konzeptualisiert wird der Begriff Tragik erst mit der Poetik des Aristoteles. Aristoteles verwendet den Begriff als Merkmal der Qualität einer Tragödie, "ja er kann sogar den Superlativ bilden und Euripides als den ‚tragischsten aller Dichter' bezeichnen." 4 Die Tragödie des König Ödipus zeichnet sich bei Sophokles durch eine auffällige Struktur aus: "Tragisch, nämlich (tragisch-)ironisch ist ein Schicksal, das im, ja durch den Versuch, das Unheil abzuwehren, es hervorbringt. Das gilt für Ödipus' Schicksal, weil er es ist, der die Handlung richtenden Untersuchens durchführt, deren Zwang zur verurteilenden Selbsterkenntnis er am Schluß erliegt." 5 Auch Peter Szondi erkennt im König Ödipus diese Struktur oder Methodik des Tragischen: "Auf welche Stelle im Schicksal des Helden der Blick sich auch heftet, ihm begegnet jene Einheit von Rettung und Vernichtung, die ein Grundzug alles Tragischen ist. Denn nicht Vernichtung ist tragisch, sondern daß Rettung zu Vernichtung wird, nicht im Untergang des Helden vollzieht sich die Tragik, sondern darin, daß der Mensch auf dem Weg untergeht, den er eingeschlagen hat, um dem Untergang zu entgehen." 6 Ödipus' Tragödie zeigt die ‚Ironie des Schicksals' als eine "paradoxe Konstellation, die einem als frivoles Spiel einer höheren Macht erscheint." 7 Christoph Menke setzt der Tragik der Tragödie dabei eine Bedingung: "Die Darstellung des Tragischen geschieht in der Tragödie erst auf der Bühne, also im Theater. (Das klassische Modell dagegen sagt: Die Darstellung des Tragischen in der Tragödie geschieht-auch schon-in ihrem Text und

2024, Canon & Culture

This paper aims to provide a critical evaluation of J. Louis Martyn’s assertion regarding the apocalyptic Paul and to suggest Paul’s apocalyptic Gospel in Galatians by investigating linguistic features and semantic patterns. Martyn understands Paul’s apoc- alyptic gospel within the frame of the Jewish apocalyptic eschatology. The current article, however, suggests that even if we may find the Jewish cultural and religious traces in Galatians, the apostle does not present a stark division between this age(the present) and the age to come(the future), nor does he exhibits a futuristic view of the new era. For Paul, the advent of Christ brought the new age into this age. In this regard, the coming of Christ is the turning point from the past to the present rather than from the present(this age) to the future(the age to come), as presented in the Jewish apocalyptic eschatology. In addition, Martyn views the coming of Christ as an abrupt invasion of God’s time, not necessarily in a continuation of Israel’s salvation history. In contrast, this article maintains that the epochal turn- ing point through Christ should be understood as the fulfillment of God’s covenant with Abraham. To paraphrase, Christ’s epiph- any is not the invasion but the continuation and accomplish- ment of the salvation history of Israel. Paul does not unfold Sonderweg for the Gentile or propose two different covenants to Jews and Gentiles. For Paul, the coming of Christ has con- tinuity with Israel’s history, and it is apocalyptic that God in- augurates a new phase of covenant and fulfillment of salvation.

2024

2024, The Journal of the Church History Society in Korea

Pietism was a movement that attempted the direction of godliness (Frömmigkeitswende) by emphasizing godly living and holiness. What was
the ultimate goal of pietists ultimately aimed at in the inner life of the
individual rather than the doctrine? Are they just oriented to the ethical
perfection of holy life (Vollkommenheit)? Was they a moralist or legalist,
often encountered in two thousand years of Christian history? Not many
today consider godliness similar to legalistic moralism.
This misunderstanding can be seen as a result of the pietist explaining
salvation. Pietists, like Luther, said that justification by faith alone was the
fountainhead from which all other doctrines flowed, but criticized the
so-called “false faith, the dead faith.” In addition, they emphasized the vital
life of faith and the holy life of godliness, and understood that active
goodness was the only sign of true faith. In this process, Pietists used
‘rebirth/regeneration (Wiedergeburt)’ more than forensic conception of
justification.
One of the modern theologians is Jürgen Moltmann, who positively evaluates this concept of rebirth and reinterprets it. The influence of Pietism on Moltmann theology is well known. Moltmann gained important insights from Zinzendorf's Christology in the theological development of the Passion and Holy Spirit of Jesus Christ. His Trinity theory is similar to that of Friedrich Christoph Ottinger. Also, in developing eschatological theology, Moltmann critically embraced the eschatological views of Spener, Bengel and Ottinger. In addition, in connection with the soteriological ideas of justification, sanctification, and rebirth/regeneration, Moltmann points out the limitations of the forensic justification of Lutheran orthodoxy and mentions supplementation with the concept of pietistic rebirth/ regeneration. Nevertheless, the influence of Pietism on Moltmann's soteriology has not been studied in earnest.
In this paper, we will compare and analyze the concept of Spener and
Moltmann's rebirth/regeneration to see how Moltmann accepted and
transformed the pietistic understanding of rebirth/regeneration. This paper aims to provide a balanced view of pietism as well as to provide important academic data for the study of pietist influence history on Moltmann theology.

2024, The Journal of the Church History Society in Korea

This paper aims at the research on the theological change of the radical
Pietist Gottfried Arnold. It is well-known, that it is discussed in Arnold’s
research, whether there has been a change in Arnold’s theological views in
the course of his life.
In his largest work Unparteyische Kirchen-und Ketzer-historie [i.e. Impartial
History of the Church and of Heresy] (Frankfurt, 1699-1700), Arnold showed very sympathy towards heresy than towards any established Church, or especially the clergy. He thought that the worst calamity in Church history was its establishment as the accepted and orthodox faith by the Roman Emperor Constantine in the fourth century. Arnold evinced a remarkable sympathy for a huge variety of “heretics.” Absolutely he was the radical representatives of Pietism.
However, Arnold had become a moderate Pietist from the radical representatives of Pietism after his marriage (1701) and his acceptance of a regular pastoral position (1702). He produced a number of noteworthy works on practical theology.
The primary purpose of this study is to examine why Arnold married and
took over the church office. This study mainly utilizes Arnold’s writings in
1700-1701 as primary sources.

2024, Korean Journal of Christian Studies

This paper aims at the development of the image of Luther in the Lutheran
orthodoxy of the 17th century. The Lutheran orthodoxy of the 17th century defended their theological position using the method of the Aristotelian philosophy in the polemical controversies with the Catholics and Calvinists. They described their theological theses in its dogmatic form. Here Luther’s theology played a very important role in the construction of the Orthodox teaching building. For the Lutheran the important was of only Luther’s theology as the true Christian doctrine, that it was necessary to salvation. This led to the understanding of Luther’s teaching authority of the Church, i.e. Luther was the only teacher of the church. The personal and biographical description of Luther did not matter for the Lutheran. Instead of the personality of Luther the Lutheran viewed Luther only as a teaching authority of the Church in the polemical dispute with the opponents. This resulted in the image of Luther: “Luther as an angel of the Apocalypse”and “Luther’s legality to the Reformation.”
For the support of Luther’s teaching authority the Lutheran moved to approach the Apocalypse 14:6-7. According to this biblical statement God sent an angel in the history to preach the pure doctrine of the Gospel. The Lutheran identified Luther with this angel. This has led to the image of Luther as the apocalyptic angel. For the legitimacy of Luther’s teaching authority, on the other hand, the Lutheran orthodoxy also established Luther’s legality to the Reformation by his call to the ordained priesthood, while recognizing him as doctor of theology and professor at the university.

2024

Einleitung Johann Crüger (1598-1662) ist zugleich bekannt und unbekannt. Er war Kirchenmusiker und Komponist, aber in den Büchern der allgemeinen Musikgeschichte trifft man seinen Namen selten. Auch wenn man einen gläubigen Christen, oder sogar einen kirchenmusikalischen Menschen, fragt, ob er Johann Crüger kenne, wird einem nicht immer positiv geantwortet werden. Wenn man aber vor einem solchen Menschen die Melodie von z. B. "Nun danket alle Gott", "Herzliebster Jesu, was hast du verbrochen" oder "Dank sei dir, Vater, für das ewge Leben" summt 4 , dann wird einem fast immer sofort geantwortet werden: "Ah, das kenne ich doch!" So werden die Kirchenlieder Crügers auch heute bei den beiden westkirchlichen Konfessionener selbst war evangelisch-lutherischgern gesungen, auch außerhalb der deutschsprachigen Länder (mindestens in den Niederlanden, Finnland und Japan 5). Seine Melodien sind auch wegen der Bearbeitungen verschiedener Komponisten,

2024, Spiritualistische Tradition im Protestantismus

* Ebd. 1019-1020, Nr. in8 b. 8 Ebd. 1020, Nr. ii2i b : "Non abhorrebam ab ulla moderatione de coena Domini, quae extat in vestro scripto". 4 Ebd. 5 Ebd. « Ebd. 7 Ebd. 1021, Nr. 1121b: "Constat enim me non belligerari cum illa moderatione, quae est in tuo scripto". 8 Ebd. 1020, Nr. 1121b. * Hierzu und zu dem Folgenden siehe vor allem: G. Eberlein, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen Schlesiens im 16. Jahrhundert, 215-234; Sehling III, 418-420 (Lit.). 10 Hierzu und zu dem Folgenden siehe: Acta Capituli Wratislaviensis, Wroclaw DA, III, b. ib, 682-684. Vgl. A. Kastner, Archiv für die Geschichte des Bisthums Breslau, I, 71.

2024, Opera Historica

This article focuses on communications which took place by means of gifts between scholars of the Renaissance period. Its aim is to present the correspondence of Poles with Erasmus of Rotterdam and its symbolic meaning. The Poles courted Erasmus by means of numerous gifts which carried a certain message and functioned within the framework of certain ritual gestures. These gestures constituted a certain model of the social behaviour of humanists, and Polish intellectuals wished to observe them as a means of joining this community. The gifts were therefore a symbol of the cultural and intellectual aspirations of Polish scholars – an expression of a certain snobbery, as well as the need to feature among a considerable group of Erasmus’s friends.

2024

It was never published as an article, but it is, I think, a useful summary of an interesting aspect of the struggle of the German reformers to achieve an appropriate system of governance for churches that, having thrown off the authority of the Catholic bishops, depended on the support and protection of secular rulers for their survival. In order not to exceed my allotted time at the meeting in San Antonio, I omitted discussion of certain matters, the knowledge of which on the part of the audience I was able to take for granted. I have used the notes to fill in at least the most important of those gaps.] 1 Bishops: what are they? what are they supposed to do? what options does one have if they don't do it do it? are bishops really necessary? These were questions that confronted the German reformers during the entire period from the posting of the Ninety-Five Theses in 1517 to the proclamation of the Religious Peace of Augsburg in 1555 and even beyond. My interest in Philip Melanchthon's answers to these questions was sparked by the assertion of no less an authority than Heinz Scheible that for Melanchthon "the maintenance of the [existing] episcopal

2024, Ikon

The German Reformation is popularly romanticized as being set in motion by one Herculean figure, who dared to go face to face with the monolithic power and theology of the Roman Catholic Church. It is also thought that the Reformation was in essence iconoclastic, leaving in its wake churches totally cleansed of devotional statues and images. The reality, of course, is quite different. The pre-Reformation and Reformation periods were social, political and theological complexities, which we are still only learning to decipher. This paper will evaluate two images of St Francis of Assisi: one is a painting done in 1502 by Lucas Cranach the Elder and the other a woodcut done c. 1550. Not only is there a radical rupture in the use of images of the saint in these periods, but there is an even more radical continuity. The reversal of image and prototype, which takes place between Francis and Christ and which merits the condemnation of Luther, is the same reversal which eventually characterizes the images of Luther himself.

2024, IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS)

Luther's and Zwingli's understanding of the Lord's Supper is the main focus that forms the framework of this research. Before the Reformation, several divergent views had been expressed among scholars to resolve the controversy over the substance of the Lord's Supper. However, in the Marburg debate between Luther and Zwingli, the doctrine met the needed consideration in scholarship. Using a content analysis approach, the current study performed a comparative evaluation of the theology of Luther and Zwingli concerning the Lord's Supper. The purpose of the study is to compare and evaluate the views of the reformers, namely, Luther and Zwingli on the Lord's Supper, and to examine their influence on the theological enterprise and Christian denominations as a whole. Theologically, the study has revealed that the words of Jesus "This is my Body" should not be viewed in the context of its literal sense, but rather in a symbolic or figurative sense. The body of Christ has been crucified once for humanity and it makes no sense for Christ to be crucified again at the Lord's Supper. This can be discerned from the words of Jesus Christ "Do this in remembrance of me" (Luke 22:19). This fixes the biblical doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Thus, the bread is a figure (sign), which points to the death of Christ. Therefore, Christians celebrate this ordinance to commemorate the death of Christ. Significantly, the paper contributes to the ongoing exploration of the Lord's Supper, fostering a deeper understanding of its theological meaning and significance in contemporary theological discourse