Hellenistic Historiography Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

By courtesy of Editions Delga (Paris), I am pleased to offer to the public two chapters of a French partial translation that is actually in process, from "I classici nella storia della letteratura latina" (1994), by Luciano Canfora and Renata Roncali. The whole French volume's title will be "Politique et littérature dans la Rome ancienne depuis les origines jusqu'à Augustin" and will include several chapters by Luciano Canfora. The present file includes the introductory chapter of the book, "Rome, cité grecque", and the chapter on "Ennius et son entourage", introducing Ennius life and works.

- by Luigi-Alberto Sanchi
- •
- Ancient History, Classics, Latin Literature, Roman History

Édouard Will est une des principales figures de l'histoire grecque au XX e

- by Laetitia Graslin and +1
- •
- Ancient History, Hellenistic History, Hellenistic Historiography, Ancient Greek History
- by Lisa Irene Hau
- •
- Greek Literature, Polybius, Hellenistic Historiography, Greek Historiography

One might suggest it is a tautology to posit that the corpus of work produced by Greek historians in the fifth and fourth centuries BC as the foundation of later historiographies. However, this paper will advance that this does not necessarily follow unless the Greeks were the first people to engage in the purposeful production of a historical record. Certainly, there were earlier efforts in other cultures to record data for various purposes. 1 Though it might be the case that such records are historic in nature, as well as a source for historical data, such records differ significantly from what the Greeks produced. The distinguishing feature separating Greek historical writing from these earlier efforts is the motivation for their works. The 5 th century B.C. witnessed the emergence of Greek authors who sought to record more than simply useful data for their culture (e.g., temple records), or information useful for reinforcing cultural norms (e.g., the Ancient Near Eastern proverb genre employed in the training and correct of children).

- by Alan Corlew
- •
- Hellenistic History, Historiography, State Formation, Ancient Historiography

Junto con Heródoto y Tucídides, Polibio es considerado actualmente uno de los tres grandes historiadores griegos de la Antigüedad. Desde su reaparición en la Italia renacentista sus Historias han sido consideradas por diversos pensadores modernos como una fuente de inspiración para la reflexión política y filosófica, pero también por los historiadores a partir del siglo XIX como un objeto de estudio muy significativo, en especial, por la calidad de su información sobre la expansión romana por el Mediterráneo entre los siglos III-II a.C. En las últimas dos décadas se ha incrementado el interés historiográfico por la obra de este historiador helenístico tardío. Nuevos abordajes teóricos han contribuido, en efecto, a poner en evidencia la centralidad de su forma narrativa y su marco político-cultural en la construcción discursiva de sentidos específicos para su público. En consonancia con investigaciones recientes, este libro apunta a dilucidar algunos de los vínculos existentes entre los objetivos didácticos, de formación de la élite griega y romana, y la dimensión de la memoria, la identidad y la autorrepresentación del propio historiador aqueo como político. En líneas generales, y contra la tesis de una "romanización" de su pensamiento, se busca contribuir a resituar a Polibio dentro del horizonte político-cultural propiamente helenístico.

- by Alexander Meeus and +2
- •
- Ancient History, Hellenistic History, Ancient Historiography, Polybius

According to Diodorus, Demetrius, the son of Antigonus Monophthalmus, earned his famous sobriquet, 'Poliorcetes' during his spectacular siege of Rhodes in-BC. The ancient implications of this unique epithet are unremarkable, but modern scholarship has often taken the allocation of the surname, in retrospect, to be ironic. The thinking goes that, in the context of Rhodes, Demetrius was certainly the besieger, but he was not the taker of that city. This notion probably originates with Plutarch, whose Life of Demetrius is built around the trope that his famous subject aspired to much, but accomplished little. However, a systematic scrutiny of Demetrius' lifelong siege enterprises demonstrates that his nickname was, in fact, well-deserved. This paper suggests that the image of Demetrius as a 'Besieger' but not a 'Taker' of cities is more a construct facilitated by Plutarch and peddled by superficial modern analyses, than a reality.

This article is about the presence of Alexander the Great in Babylon in 331 and 323 BC. Five Babylonian texts are edited and discussed (among which fragments of astronomical diaries and the "Dynastic Prophecy", a precursor of prophecies as in Daniel 11). The impact of Babylonian wisdom (astronomy, astrology and divination) on Alexander's decisions is explored.

- by Arturo Sanchez Sanz
- •
- Religion, History, Ancient History, Sociology

Ce volume est issu de recherches menées depuis 1997 en Histoire ancienne à l'Université Libre de Bruxelles. Durant ces années, nombreux furent les proches, membres de ma famille, amis et professeurs, qui m'ont soutenue et encouragée pour mener à bien la réalisation de ce livre; qu'ils trouvent tous ici l'expression de mes plus chaleureux remerciements. Je voudrais remercier tout spécialement Michèle Broze, Patrick Constancio, Lambros Couloubaritsis, Baudouin Decharneux, Alexis D'hautcourt, Guy Donnay, Alain Duplouy, Natacha Massar, Laurence Totelin, Carine Van Liefferinge et Sylvie Vanséveren pour les conseils scientifiques qu'ils m'ont généreusement prodigués. Je tiens également à évoquer l'appui du Fonds National belge de la Recherche Scientifique, qui m'a octroyé un mandat d'« Aspirant » en octobre 1999 et grâce auquel je jouis depuis lors des meilleures conditions de travail qui soient. Que les différents membres des commissions 'Histoire' et 'Histoire des religions' soient remerciés pour la confiance qu'ils m'ont témoignée. Finalement, toute ma gratitude s'adresse à M. Didier Viviers, qui a accueilli cette publication dans la nouvelle collection « Culture et cité » et qui, lors de nos discussions fructueuses, m'a suggéré avec beaucoup de pertinence de nombreux remaniements. Bruxelles, le 20 novembre 2000. « Une légende s'amarre au temps et s'étale sur un espace pour recouvrir le merveilleux qu'elle véhicule d'une pellicule de vraisemblance. Transmise de génération en génération, elle livre un modèle inaccessible car fabuleux, un exemple dont l'intensité ne peut être revécue par le commun des mortels. (...) Née d'une tradition tacitement reconnue à la fois comme douteuse mais non dépourvue de valeur historique, la légende flatte l'imaginaire collectif qui se prend à rêver sur son patrimoine spirituel. » Reynal SOREL, Orphée et l'orphisme, Paris, 1995, p. 17.

- by Aude Busine
- •
- Plato, Aristotle, Hellenistic Historiography, Plutarch
- by Klaus Geus
- •
- New Testament, Ancient Historiography, Biblical Theology, Ancient Geography

RE: Facades, illusions & ideological concepts created & promoted by ancient royalty out of necessity; effective creation of an alternate version of reality. It is only by knowing this information that the true nature of ancient texts may... more

- by Roman Piso
- •
- Religion, Christianity, Gnosticism, Ancient Egyptian Religion

El origen del nombre EBRO, es un extracto del libro HIJOS DE TITANES • EL SECRETO ÍBERO, en el cual Enrique Cabrejas nos relata de modo llano su experiencia personal con un descubrimiento extraordinario. El 21 de Abril de 2012 consiguió lo que parecía imposible: descifrar la escritura ibérica. Un hito sin precedentes en la historia de la escritura, solo al alcance de los grandes y comparable a los realizados por Champollion al descodificar la escritura jeroglífica egipcia o Michael Ventris con la escritura de Creta. Desde este instante la obra de Enrique Cabrejas lo convierte en un referente destacado a nivel mundial en historia y lingüística. Las innumerables pruebas y significados que nos reporta, antes desconocidos, son una referencia obligada para todos aquellos que quieran comprender la historia, la lengua antigua e, incluso, también la moderna de nuestro país, o para quienes en el futuro deseen estudiarla e investigarla en profundidad, más si cabe desde el mundo académico. Hasta la fecha, el significado de esas enigmáticas escrituras no se conocía, aunque desde la comunidad científica se le dio validez a un origen indiscutible celta. Estas páginas nos revelan qué hay de cierto en todo ello. La transcripción, resuelta de numerosos textos íberos y celtíberos nos sorprende con un desenlace tan inesperado como fascinante que va más allá del descifrado de una lengua antigua. Capaz de responder a las preguntas que se han formulado los historiadores, lingüistas, investigadores y expertos durante décadas y nunca supieron ni acertaron responder: ¿Quiénes fueron los íberos y los celtíberos? ¿Cómo se llamaban? ¿De dónde vinieron? ¿Cómo llegaron? ¿Cuáles fueron sus costumbres? ¿Qué escritura es la ibérica? ¿Cuál es la ancestral y extraordinaria cultura que nos legaron?
HIJOS DE TITANES • EL SECRETO ÍBERO nos ilumina y nos abre los ojos, no solo para saber quiénes fuimos sino para conocer quiénes somos. Todo está implícito en su escritura y por primera vez ve la luz a través de esta imprescindible publicación.

- by enrique cabrejas
- •
- History, Cultural History, Geography, Philosophy

The chronography of Josephus, as presented in his major work the Jewish Antiquities, with significant additions in his Against Apion, covered the entire past of his nation. The antiquity of the Jews was defended by use of Graeco-Oriental chronographical sources, beginning with Manetho. Josephus claimed that Jacob lived some 1000 years (and Moses nearly 500) before the Fall of Troy, the earliest event thought as historical by Greeks. This event he placed at c. 1120 BC, lower than Eratosthenes’ canonical 1183 BC, but within the wider Greek estimates extending from 1335 to c. 937 BC. Given Josephus’ dating of the beginning of Solomon’s reign to 1129 BC, the king had to be contemporary with Troy. This synchronism, recorded in the Tyrian Annals, is not explicitly spelt out by the Jewish historian for understandable reasons. The Annals followed a ‘low’ chronology, placing the Trojan War in the 10th century, incompatible with the ‘high’ chronology originally employed by Josephus placing it in the 12th. The problem of absolute chronology was intensified by the internal difficulties of Biblical dating, such as the Fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians, the baseline for all calculations back in time, which had been set higher than reality, producing an error of 73 years. To this Josephus added various erroneous time-lengths back to Moses, including the addition of 40 years to the reign of Solomon. Such inflations in the ‘absolute’ chronology meant that significant ‘relative’ links, previously discussed in the Antiquities, had to be downplayed in Apion. This included the friendship of Solomon with the ‘Queen of Sheba’ and the identity of king ‘Shishak’ who invaded Jerusalem after Solomon’s death. Manetho placed the Fall of Troy in the reign of ‘Thouoris’, i.e. the female pharaoh Tausret. Had Josephus known the gender of Thuoris, he would have jumped to the opportunity to identify her with the Queen of Sheba, instead of the remote Nitocris. This would have provided him with the desired synchronism of Solomon with Troy from the Phoenician record. It would also have provided him with a powerful pharaoh following Thuoris, to identify with ‘Shishak’, namely ‘Rhampsinitos’ – almost certainly Ramesses III.

- by Nikos Kokkinos
- •
- Roman History, Jewish History, Hellenistic Historiography, Josephus

C. P. Cavafy’s “Orophernes” is a complex and elusive poem, in which impressions formed by a rare Hellenistic coin are contrasted to a poetic narrative of the obscure king’s life. This paper seeks definitive answers to questions concerning the visual and textual sources Cavafy consulted in composing it. Since the 1930s, both literature scholars and numismatists have proposed that Cavafy saw the coin’s reproduction in one of several numismatic editions and have often assumed that he obtained historical information from his readings of ancient texts. Careful consideration of the poem’s publication history shows that these arguments are unfounded. The silver coin of Orophernes was described as golden in the poem’s first version, published in 1916 and 1917, and was only corrected in its third printing, in 1923. The only publication in which Cavafy could see a reproduction of the portrait without finding out that the coin was made of silver was E. R. Bevan’s 'The Ηouse of Seleucus' (1902), a book which the poet owned and which features a photograph of Orophernes’ portrait without providing any further information on the coin. Based on this evidence, we may safely assume that Bevan’s historical text served as Cavafy’s main source for his treatment of Orophernes’ life and character, as well. These findings place Cavafy’s historicism in a concrete context of textual and visual sources in ways that allow further critical revisions of his poetic and intellectual pursuits.

- by Omar Coloru
- •
- Violence, Geopolitics, Hellenistic Historiography, Alexander the Great
- by Lisa Irene Hau and +2
- •
- Hellenistic Historiography, Greek Historiography, Ancient Greek Historiography, Diodorus Siculus
- by Omar Coloru
- •
- Hellenistic History, Central Asia (History), Hellenistic Historiography, Strabo

Fifteen years following the publication of Arthur Eckstein's seminal study, Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome, McGill's Department of History and Classical Studies is proud to host an online lecture series in honor of Professor Eckstein. These lectures will provide an opportunity to reflect on several research themes that have informed Prof. Eckstein's work: the development of Roman imperialism, the relationship between Rome and the Hellenistic world, ancient political theory, and the interdisciplinary approach to history, to name a few. The lectures, open to all, will be held online and followed by a period of exchange between the speakers and the participants.

- by Pierre-Luc Brisson
- •
- Roman History, Hellenistic Historiography, Roman imperialism, Ancient Rome
- by Ivan Ladynin
- •
- History, Classics, Hellenistic Historiography
- by John Hyland
- •
- Hellenistic History, Ancient Science, Hellenistic Historiography, Seleucid Empire

Starting from two current misconceptions about Droysen's concept of Hellenism, this text discusses two questions: which was Droysen's concept of Hellenism? Is it valid today to employ it if not as an aim, at least as a stimulus? The text investigates first the origins and main tenets of Droysen's concept, then argues for its usage with qualifications and according to some of Droysen's meditations found in his Grundriß – as analogical method to self-knowledge.

The living traditions of monodic Orthodox chant were going through innovations, as the music theory and its notation were created starting from 1814. They are the results of a reform finished under the third generation or the “4th music... more

- by Oliver Gerlach
- •
- Ethnohistory, Music, Church Music, Music History

This paper explores the possibility of gaining fresh insight into Diodoros’ Bibliotheke by means of the concepts of narrator and narratorial persona.
It falls in three parts. Part 1 offers a formal, narratological analysis of the Diodorean
narrator. Part 2 characterises Diodoros’ narratorial persona and argues that it is more fruitful to regard it as a deliberate ‘persona’ claiming authority by
placing itself in the historiographical tradition than as the autobiographical voice of the author. Part 3 analyses the narratorial register of four stretches of narrative
from the Bibliotheke based on four different sources. It demonstrates that different branches of Greek historiography had traditionally used different modes of
narration and argues that Diodoros may consciously have aimed to imitate the narrative mode of his predecessors in each area rather than mechanically taking over the narrative mode of his sources.

Course Description: This course offers an introduction to the history of ancient Greece from the Bronze Age to the end of the Hellenistic Age (roughly the 16 th to the 1 st centuries BCE), drawing on both source materials and modern works. This is a student-driven seminar based on readings, presentations, and in-class discussions on the societal, religious, and political developments of the Greek world in antiquity. Students will become familiar with the Bronze, Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and early Roman periods of Greek history. The foundation of this course is the geopolitical history of the expanding Greek world; however, students also will engage the importance of ancient Greek culture, literature, religion, art, and gender roles. Through the investigation of texts, architecture, and archaeology, students will gain an appreciation of not just the ruling classes of the ancient Greek world, but also of the daily lives of normal Greeks and Hellenized native peoples. This will be a reading seminar course driven primarily by student participation. It will focus mostly on modern studies but also will feature a wide array of literary and archaeological source materials. Students will investigate historiographical arguments, lead class discussions, and prepare presentations.

- by Nikolaus L Overtoom
- •
- Creative Writing, Ancient Egyptian Religion, History, Ancient History
- by Philip Rance
- •
- Ancient History, Greek Literature, Roman Historiography, Hellenistic History
- by Brian Sheridan
- •
- Polybius, Hellenistic Historiography, Diodorus Siculus

In this paper I examine the missing chronological entries in Book XVIII of Diodorus Siculus’ Bibliotheca. Traditionally scholars have explained the missing chronological entries in terms ranging from Diodorus’ inability to control his chronological material to a mixture of laziness and/ or incompetence. However, having assessed the evidence I suggest that the chronological entries were not omitted by Diodorus, but rather that they are the result of a lacuna in Book XVIII. In support of this I examine Diodorus’ use of his chronological entries in Books XI-XX. As additional evidence I suggest further problems with the narrative of Book XVIII relating to the career of Krateros.

- by Brian Sheridan
- •
- Hellenistic History, Hellenistic Historiography, Diodorus Siculus

This is list of literary sources for the history of classical Greco -Roman civilization

- by Salmedin Mesihović
- •
- History, Ancient History, Archaeology, Classical Archaeology

The Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires are usually studied separately, or otherwise included in broader examinations of the Hellenistic World. This book proposes a more dynamic comparison, with a particular, though not exclusive focus on the interaction of the royal centers with local populations and elites. Both political entities are approached as multiethnic empires whose resemblance and entanglement are sufficient to make comparisons meaningful. In the process of comparing them, differences and connections become more salient and better explained. We aim to explore the different structural capacities for, and levels of, integration that were either aspired to or achieved by the kings and populations of each empire. ; TOC at https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/comparing-the-ptolemaic-and-seleucid-empires/A4D4EDDBBB1C0CC8D4C2F2CA83717678

Resumen: En este trabajo propongo un análisis de los elementos que integran la Biblioteca Histórica de Diodoro de Sicilia y que permiten entender el texto como una obra de historia universal. Expongo un recorrido por la historia y particularidades del género historiográfico para situar la obra como parte de una tradición literaria con un modelo propio, pero que a su vez presenta elementos específicos en cada uno de sus exponentes.
Abstract: In this paper I propose an analysis of the elements that constitute Diodorus's Library of History that will allow us to understand the text as a work of universal history. I expose a journey through the history and peculiarities of the historiographical genre to situate the work as part of a literary tradition with its own model, but which presents at the same time specific elements in each of its exponents.

Mes travaux précédents portaient sur les Guerres de Pyrrhos en Italie et en Sicile. Il y fut essentiellement question de la bataille d’Héraclée et de la campagne sicilienne, mais également de manipulations politiques, de propagande et de stratégie économique. Nous avons pu y observer le déferlement des forces, phalanges contre légions, et les ruses éventuelles du Sénat pour essayer de gagner du temps face à l’irrésistible avancée de l’Epirote. Nous avons vu avec quelle poigne il administrait les cités de Grande-Grèce nouvellement acquises, ainsi que son ambition à bâtir un empire. Toutes ces observations et intuitions furent faites dans l’objectif de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment une série de victoires a-t-elle pu conduire à un désastre ? » Les victoires de Pyrrhos n’étaient-elles pas effectivement qualifiées de « victoire à la Pyrrhus », c’est-à-dire une victoire dont le coût équivaut à celui d’une défaite ? Mon mémoire de l’année dernière s’était donc concentré sur l’étude de cette expression. Il cherchait à limiter l’impact de cette dernière et insistait sur la présence d’autres facteurs pour expliquer la défaite finale de l’Epirote. Cependant, de nombreuses zones d’ombres purent demeurer sans justifications et la résolution du conflit était pour le moins absente, voire incohérente entre les faits et ce que purent rapporter les auteurs antiques. Pyrrhos ne nous était pas apparu vaincu. C’est pourquoi, nous nous demandons désormais si au désastre de Bénévent, Pyrrhos n’avait-il pas au contraire goûté aux joies de la victoire ?
Nous consacrerons exclusivement notre première partie à l’étude des guerres d’Italie, afin de démontrer que Pyrrhos fut un conquérant victorieux, en tout cas invaincu face aux Romains, et qu’il ne connût pas après Héraclée de « victoires à la Pyrrhus » non plus.
Dans une deuxième partie, nous démontrerons que Pyrrhos, loin d’être défait à Bénévent, parvint à arracher aux Romains une paix qui lui fut favorable, faisant de lui, le grand vainqueur de ces guerres.
Pour enfin démontrer dans une troisième partie que la victoire de l’Epirote fut finalement la défaite de tout un peuple, sa mort laissant « un vide politique » que son entourage ne parvint pas à combler. Ce qui, couplé à tout ce qu’il put apprendre et inspirer aux Romains, ternit considérablement la portée de sa victoire. Rome défaite en 275 avant J.-C. se retrouvait vainqueur sur tous les plans en 272 avant J.-C et pouvait poursuivre son irrésistible ascension en subjuguant tout le monde connu.

- by cusseau charles
- •
- History, Economic History, Roman History, Roman Historiography
- by Thomas Schneider
- •
- Egyptology, Hellenistic Historiography, Manetho
- by Silvia Barbantani
- •
- Classics, Polybius, Hellenistic Historiography, Classical philology
- by Vladimir Kashcheev
- •
- Religion, History, Ancient History, Military History