Ibn Sina Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025

This dissertation examines complex theological-philosophical speculations concerning the concept of nonbeing in the classical period of Islam.

2025, Rethinking Intentionality, Person, and the Essence: Aquinas, Scotus, Stein, ed. Anna Tropia and Daniele De Santis, 109-134, Investigating Medieval Philosophy (Brill, 2024)

Much important work has already been done to trace the medieval history of intentionality, as well as to place medieval Latin and Islamic approaches to intentionality into conversation with phenomenological approaches. The present chapter operates in the latter, vein of scholarship, juxtaposing two historically distant notions which (I hope to show) can usefully illuminate each other: namely, the phenomenologist Edith Stein’s notion of the “living I” in her Finite and Eternal Being (composed in the late 1930s), and the Scholastic thinker Thomas Aquinas’s notion of intellect as a kind of life. Placed in conversation with each other, these two suggest an intriguingly distinctive, non-standard approach to intentionality in terms of vital striving—what I will call a “vital” notion of intentionality, as opposed to a more widespread “semantic” notion.

2025

Astrolojinin gerçeklik statüsüne ilişkin iddialar geçmişten günümüze değin devam etmekte olup, astrolojinin bilimden uzak bir kehanet biçimi olduğunu kabul görmektedir. Bu anlamda epistemolojik açıdan bakıldığında astrolojinin bilim içerisinde değerlendirilemeyeceği anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak buna karşın astroloji, tarih boyunca insanların ilgilisini çekmiştir. Aynı zamanda bu sadece bireysel değil devlet alanında da etkili olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Osmanlı Devlet yapılanmasında nizam oluşturma konusunun, astroloji ile bağlantısı değerlendirilmiştir. Bu sayede modern bilimin gecikmesinin sebepleri arasında Osmanlı astrolojisinin konumu tartışılmış ve yeni bir perspektif sunulmuştur. Bu bağlamda, 1787 tarihinde kaleme alınan Ahkam-ı Sal takvimi kayıtlarından yola çıkarak iktidar ile astroloji ilişkisi, iktidar ile müneccim ilişkisini değerlendirmiştir. Aynı zamanda astrolojinin gerek Osmanlının modern astronomiye geçişindeki gecikmesinin bir etkisi olarak ve gerek bilimsel bilginin anlaşılamamasında bir etken olarak karşımıza çıkan nizam ve astroloji ilişkisini tartışılmıştır.

2025, Manoscritti miniati della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli. II. Francia, Inghilterra, Spagna, Belgio, Germania, Boemia (secoli XIII-XIV), con addenda ai codici miniati italiani (Indici e Cataloghi, n.s., XXXI), a cura di T. D’Urso, A. Improta, M.G. Mansi, Roma 2025, pp. 15-22

2025, Türk-İslam Tıp Tarihi Araştırmalarında Kaynaklar

Meşhur Hintli hekimler olan Suśruta, Caraka ve Vāgbhata öncesi Hint tıbbının temel kaynakları genelde M.Ö. 5000'lerden M.Ö. 600'lere kadar şifahi olarak aktarılagelen primitif ve vedik dönem bilgilerinden oluşurken bu hekimlerin yazdıkları külliyatlarla birlikte yazılı bir tıp literatürü oluşmuştur. M.Ö. 600'lerde yaşadığı varsayılan Suśruta ''cerrahinin babası'' ve rinoplasti cerrahisinin öncüsü olarak kabul edilmektedir. Eserinde çok sayıda cerrahi operasyon ve alet hakkında bilgi verir. Tıbbi droglar ve terkipler konusunda ön plana çıkan Caraka M.Ö. 4. yüzyıla tarihlendirilmektedir. Vāgbhaṭa da tıp külliyatını bu iki hekimin eserlerini yorumlamak suretiyle meydana getirmiş olup Galen ile çağdaş sayılır. Bu külliyatlarda hastalıkların tedavisine yönelik yaklaşım beş element (esir/eter, ateş, toprak, su, hava) ve tridoşa (vata-kapha-pitta) çerçevesindedir. Onların bu külliyatlarının bir kısmı veya tamamı doğrudan veya yorumlanmak suretiyle Abbasi devletinin ilk yıllarında Arapça'ya aktarılmıştır. Günümüzde bu üç külliyatın Sanskrit dilindeki yazma nüshaları tahkik edilerek birçok dile çevrilmiştir. Bu külliyatların hiçbiri Türkçeye çevrilmemiştir.
The main sources of Indian medicine before the renowned Indian physicians Suśruta, Caraka and Vāgbhata generally consisted of primitive and Vedic period information that was transmitted orally from 5000s BCE to the 600s BCE. Afterwards, a written medical literature emerged with the works written by these physicians. Suśruta, who is thought to have lived in the 600s BCE, is considered the "father of surgery" and the pioneer of rhinoplasty surgery. In his work, he provides information about many surgical operations and instruments. Caraka, who stands out in the field of medical drugs and preparations, is dated to the 4th century BCE. Another famous physician, Vāgbhata, created his medical corpus by interpreting the works of these two physicians and is considered a contemporary of Aelius Galenus or before. In these corpuses, the approach to the treatment of diseases is based on the framework of five elements (space/ether, fire, earth, water, air), and tridosha (vata-kapha-pitta). Some or all of their corpuses were translated into Arabic directly or through interpretation in the early years of the Abbasid Caliphate. At the present time, the manuscripts of these three corpuses in the Sanskrit have been studied, and translated into many languages. But none of these corpuses have been translated into Turkish.

2025, The second annual IEEE BENELUX/DSP Valley …

Abstract: In this paper we investigate the use of pattern recognition techniques for recognizing two features of Persian music, dastgah and maqam, by their relation to musical scale and mode. We define some statistical measures that... more

2025, Osmanlı'da İlm-i Ahlak

2025, Studia Islamica

Voici une étude approfondie sur la doctrine de la prophétie chez Avicenne, issue de la thèse d'habilitation à diriger des recherches (HDR) de Meryem Sebti, chercheuse au CNRS et spécialiste de la pensée d' Avicenne (Ibn Sīna). Pour ce faire, M. S. s'appuie principalement sur le livre X de la « Métaphysique » du Shifāʾ, un livre important du philosophe mais souvent négligé par les spécialistes contemporains. Le livre X lui-même est l'un des rares lieux, où Avicenne élabore longuement sa philosophie pratique, c'est-à-dire sa pensée politique et éthique. M. S. propose une nouvelle lecture de ce livre, à la lumière de la doctrine de la « providence (ʿināya) divine » d' Avicenne. Pour elle, la prophétie chez Avicenne ne peut être séparée de cette doctrine de la providence, parce que la présence du prophète elle-même « est la preuve que Dieu ne les abandonne pas à leurs passions et qu'Il les guide pour rendre possible leur retour à Lui » (p. 13). Le prophète n'est pas la simple « conséquence d'une émanation procédant de Dieu » (p. 12) mais il agit comme médiateur qui assure « la continuité ininterrompue qui relie, entre le monde sensible et le monde céleste » (p. 12). Le livre est composé de deux parties, suivies d'une nouvelle traduction du livre X de la Métaphysique du Shifāʾ d' Avicenne (la première traduction française de ce livre a été réalisée par G. C. Anawati en 1978 et publiée par J. Vrin). Cette division présente les différentes articulations de la prophétie comme « effet » de la providence divine. La première partie (143 p.) contient six chapitres discutant le statut de prophète dans le système métaphysique d' Avicenne en tant que médiateur entre le monde sensible et le monde intelligible. La seconde partie (86 p.), qui est composée de sept chapitres, porte sur la prophétie dans sa dimension éthique et politique. En ce qui concerne la traduction, elle est fondée sur l'édition de S. Dunya et S. Zāyid, (Caire, 1960) comparée avec l'édition de H. Z. Amoli (Qom, 1997). L'importance du prophète dans le système métaphysique d' Avicenne comme le montre M. S. dans la première partie, se justifie tout d'abord par la supériorité de son Intellect (ʿaql). Dans la doctrine d' Avicenne, la finalité de l'homme se définit par la perfection de l'intellect. Pour ce faire, il a besoin de transformer son intellect matériel (aql hayūlānī) en intellect en acte (ʿaql bi-l-fiʿl). Il s'agit d'une phase où l'intellect humain atteint sa pleine potentialité. Cette transformation nécessite d'un côté l'intervention de l'Intellect agent, qui n'est autre que la dixième intelligence séparée du cosmos (p. 60), et d'un autre côté -pour les hommes en général -le travail de préparation (p. 61).

2025, Kervan. International Journal of Afro-Asiatic Studies

This paper outlines some of the historical and epistemological themes of al-Risālat al-Kāmiliyya fī al-Sīrat al-Nabawiyya (‘the Epistle of Kāmil on the life-story of the Prophet’; henceforth, Risālat Kāmiliyya ) by Ibn al-Nafīs (d. 1288) in the context of discussions about testimony in Medieval Islamicate intellectual milieus. The paper is divided into three parts. The first one will offer a brief description of the place of testimony in Medieval epistemic discussions, with some comparative elements. The second part presents a short summary of Risālat Kāmiliyya ’s close precedent, Ibn Ṭufayl’s Risālat Ḥ ayy Ibn Yaqẓān , with some remarks on the role of testimony in its epistemology. In the third part, Risālat Kāmiliyya ’s original epistemic stance on testimony will be examined and discussed, with some proposals about its historical and philosophical significance.

2025, Hitit İlahiyat Dergisi

Averroes (d. 595/1198), known as a staunch defender of Aristotelian thought, made important criticisms of Avicennan ontology in various works, arguing that Avicenna’s (d. 428/1037) views on the relation between quiddity and existence... more

2025

This article considers Avicenna’s insistence on the disunity between the souls of humans, animals, and plants and the mixed elemental bodies in which they inhere. In particular, it looks at (1) why Avicenna rejects their unity and (2) why this rejection, pace some contemporary scholars, is compatible with the status of these souls as substances. I show that both points derive from the causal role that these souls and the elements play in the coming to be and passing away of mixed elemental bodies.

2025, A Review of Contemporary Philosophy

This research aims to clarify the differences in defining cognitive goals and beneficial sciences between Al-Fa ra bī and Al-Ghaza lī , based on their theoretical and practical classifications of the sciences. To achieve its objectives, the study adopts three main methodologies: the descriptive approach, the analytical approach, and the comparative approach. The findings indicate that Al-Fa ra bī classifies the sciences from a logical and philosophical perspective, while Al-Ghaza lī approaches them from a purely religious and Sufi standpoint. However, both thinkers agree that the ultimate purpose of these sciences is to achieve human happiness. According to Al-Fa ra bī , beneficial sciences are those that develop the intellect and contribute to the wellbeing of society within the framework of the ideal city. He views knowledge as an end in itself and maintains that the advancement of human beings in the theoretical sciences brings them closer to true happiness. In contrast, Al-Ghaza lī defines beneficial sciences as those that strengthen faith and purify the soul, thereby leading to eternal happiness. He considers knowledge not as an end, but as a means to righteous action, where the correct application of knowledge enables self-purification. If misused, however, knowledge may become a source of harm to its possessor.

2025, Zemin Dergisi

This article examines the religious, historical, and cultural background of the 120-year lifespan wish expressed in nine ḳaṣīdes composed by Şeyḫu’l-İslām and poet Ḫocazāde Meḥmed Efendi (d. 1615) and presented to Sultan Aḥmed I (r. 1603-1617). While extending wishes for a long life to the sultan was a common convention in Ottoman poetry, Ḫocazāde Meḥmed Efendi’s specific reference to the number 120 was not arbitrary. Rather, it reflects the limit set for human life in Genesis 6:3, which was transmitted into Islamic literature. To demonstrate how the notion of a 120-year lifespan came to be regarded as an ideal in Islamic tradition, the article draws upon a variety of sources from fields such as medicine, astrology, and Sufism. Certain medical and astrological texts identify 120 years as the natural duration of human life, and a special prayer text aimed at reaching this age has been identi-fied. This prayer, seen as the Islamic counterpart to the well-established Jewish and Iranian tradition of wishing someone a 120-year life, was transcribed by renowned Ottoman calligraphers in the art of ḥüsnüḫaṭ, as attested by several extant examples. The article also addresses traditions concerning historical figures such as Aḥmed Yesevī (d. 1166) and Şeyḫ Edebali (d. 1326), who are reputed to have lived 120 years, noting that those believed to have reached this age were often regarded as spiritual and intellectual leaders. Within this broader framework, the study argues that the 120-year lifespan was understood not merely as a biological limit but as a divine favor and an ideal human age. In the final section, the article investigates how this symbolic age and the wish to attain it are reflected in Ḫocazāde Meḥmed Efendi’s odes to Sultan Aḥmed I, and identifies the particular contexts in which this prayer is poetically articulated.
Bu makale, şeyhülislam ve şair Hocazâde Mehmed Efendi’nin (ö. 1615) Sultan I. Ahmed’e (salt. 1603-1617) sunduğu dokuz kasîdede dile getirdiği 120 yıl ömür temennisinin dinî, tarihî ve kültürel arka planını incelemektedir. Osmanlı şiirinde sultana uzun ömür dilemek yaygın bir gelenek olsa da Hocazâde Mehmed Efendi’nin dile getirdiği 120 sayısı rastgele bir sayı değildir. Kitab-ı Mukaddes’in Tekvin 6:3 ayetinde insan ömrü için belirlenen 120 yıllık sınırın İslam literatüründeki bir yansıması-dır. Makalede, İslam tarihinde 120 yıl ömrün ideal bir ömür süresi olarak nasıl benimsendiğini ortaya koymak amacıyla tıp, astroloji, tasavvuf gibi çeşitli alanlardan örnekler sunulmuştur. Tıp ve astroloji alanındaki bazı kaynaklarda insanın doğal ömür süresinin 120 yıl olduğu kabul edilirken bu yaşa kadar yaşamak için özel bir dua metninin bulunduğu tespit edilmiştir. Yahudi inancında ve İran geleneğinde yerleşmiş olan “120 yıl yaşa” temennisinin İslam inancında bireysel bir duaya dönüşmüş hâli olarak değerlendirilebilecek bu dua metninin meşhur Osmanlı hattatları tarafından hüsnühat sanatıyla yazıya geçirildiği çeşitli örneklerle gösterilmiştir. Makalede ayrıca Ahmed Yesevî (ö. 1166) ve Şeyh Edebali (ö. 1326) gibi bazı tarihî şahsiyetlerin 120 yıl yaşadığına dair rivayetler de ele alınmış ve bu süreye ulaştığına inanılan kişilerin genellikle manevi ve ilmî önderler olduğu belirtilmiştir. Bu bağlamda 120 yılın yalnızca biyolojik bir sınır olarak değil ilahi bir lütuf ve ideal bir ömür süresi olarak görüldüğü anlaşılmaktadır. Kültürel ve tarihî arka planı ortaya koyduğumuz çalışmamızın son bölümünde, bu maksimum yaşam süresinin ve ona ulaşma temennisinin Hocazâde Mehmet Efendi’nin Sultan I. Ahmed’e sunduğu kasîdelerde nasıl karşılık bulduğu incelenmiş ayrıca şairin bu özel duayı hangi özel durumlarda dile getirdiği ortaya konulmuştur.

2025, Fardhil Azri

Makalah ini meninjau perbahasan klasik dan moden tentang hubungan Tuhan dengan masa, dengan menilai kembali (Tajdid) kepada makna Kamal (kesempurnaan Ilahi), definisi Masa, dan perbezaan antara Masa Metafizik dan Masa Fizikal. Perbahasan... more

2025

Hayatları, çalışmaları ve düşünceleri ile insaniyete hizmet etmiş ve büyük bir şöhret kazanmış bir çok şahsiyetlerin, hakikî hayatları yanında, halkın tasavvur ve muhayyilesinde, bâzan bununla hiç bir alâkası bulunmayan başka bir hayatları daha vardır. Onlar, halkın gözünde, kendi ideal yaşama, düşünce ve mefkûıelerinin müşahhas tim salleri haline gelmişlerdir; onların maceraları, aşkları ve alel'âde hare ketleri hakikat değil, halkın arzu ve emellerinin ifadesidir. Düşman ları, bâzan hayatta karşılarına çıkmış olan hakikî düşmanları değil, belki halkın öyle gördüğü kimselerdir. İşte İbn Sînâ da, Türk halkının gözünde, onun yaşama ve düşünce idealinin müşahhas bir timsâli ha line girmiştir. Türk halk hikâyeleri-belki başka milletlerin halk hikâ yeleri ile beraber-, çok zaman onun felsefesinin tamamiyle zıddı olan fikirleri ona söyletmiş, onu kendisi ile alâkası olmayan bir çok vak'a* ların kahramanı yapmıştır. Anadolu'da İbn Sînâ'nın hayatının-daha doğrusu halkın tasav vurunda ona isnad edilen maceralarınbir halk hikâyesi şeklinde anlatıldığının ilk deliline h. X. (mîlâdî XVI.) asrın sonlarında rastlıyo ruz. O zaman, Derviş Hasan Medhî adlı biri, duyduğu Ebû Ali İbn Sînâ hikâyelerini toplamış ve bir ki t ab haline getirerek, h. 982-1003 (milâdî 1574-1595) yıiiarı arasında hüküm sürmüş olan Osmanlı hü kümdarı Sultan III. Murad'a takdim etmiştir. Bu eserin elimizde hiç bir nüshası yoktur. Onun için mâhiyet ve muhtevâsı hakkında bir şey söylemek mümkün değildir. Bu hikâyeleri ikinci defa toplayıp, onlara şimdilik son şekiini vermiş olan S ey y id Zıyâeddın Yahyâ'ya göre, bu eser, «Murâd-ı Sâlis meclisinde tuhfe edildikte makbûl-ü hümâyûn ol mayıp reddolunmuştur», çünkü «kaaide-i te'İİfden hâriç olduğundan mâada, hikâyâtı nâ-merbût ve ekseriya indiyât makûlesi» idi Ebû Ali ibn Sînâ hakkındaki Türk haik rivayetleri, ikinci defa, şimdi kendisinden bahsedilen Seyyid Ziyâeddin Yahyâ tarafından top-1 Gencine i hikmet {Hikâye-i Ali «!» İbn Sînâ), istanbul 1284, taşbasması, s. 4.

2025

İbn Sina hayatının bir çok devirlerinde zamanı âlimleri ve feylesoflarile münakaşalar yapmış, onlara hücum etmiş, bâzen de onlarjn hücumuna uğramıştır. Bu münakaşalardan birincisi burada naklettiği miz Bağdad'ın çok tanınmış hekimi ve kendisinden yaşlı olan Ebu'l.-Ferec b. Tayyib ile olan münakaşadır ki, burada Feylesofun mağrur ve küçümser bir eda ile konuştuğu görülüyor'. Keı.di rz'sa/e'sinde bu hekimin tezlerini tenkid ettiğini söylüyor ve okuyucuya, kendisinin Şifa adlı eserini tavsiye ediyor. Bu şiddetli tenkidler büyük hekimi üzmüş, ve Beyhakî'ye nazaran münakaşaya devam etmemiştir. Fakat İbn Si na'nın daha mühim münakaşası Bîrûnî ile yaptığıdır. Bu büyük âlim bilâkis İbn Sina'ya hücumlarda bulunmuş ve onu susmıya mecbur et mişti. Bu münakaşalar sonradan iki veya üç risale halinde toplanmıştı. Feylesof münakaşadan müteesir olduğu için, nihayet cevab verme İşini talebesi EI-Ma'sûmî'ye bırakmıştı 2 . Beyhakî lîslâm Feylesofları Tarihi'ji de, İbn Sînâ'nın bu hâdisede başına gelenin, birinci hareketinin neti cesi ve cezası olduğunu işaret ediyor. Bizi burada ilgilendiren yalnız Ebu'l-Ferec'le münakaşasıdır ki münakaşanın metinleri aşağıdadır: 1 Ebu'l-Ferec b. Tayyİb-al-Câselİk ayni zamanda felsefî eserleriyle tanınmış olan Bağdad'lı büyült bir hekim'dir. Bağdad'ın Adhudî has bahanesinde Tıb ve Tabiat ilim leri okutuyordu. Caiinos, Aristo «e Hippokrates'in bâzı kitablarını şerh etmişti. İbn. Sînâ'um muasırıdır. Feylesof, onun Tıbda'ki derin bilgisini tasdik etmekle beraber, fel sefî eserlerini tenkid ediyordu (İbn Ebi Usajbia, Tabakat-iil-eübba, e. I s. 239-241). İbn Sînâ yalnız Ebu'l-Ferec'i tenkidle kalmamış, onun hakkında Beyhakî'nin naklettiği bâzı hicivli sözler söylemiş ve yazmıştı (Bayhakî, Tatimma Sıvan-al-hikme, 1935, s.27-29) Meselâ bunlar arasında şöyle diyor: «Onun tıb'da üstad olduğunu zannediyordum, fa kat gördüm ki üslûbu vâzıb değildir. Yazılarından bâzıları doğrudur, bâzıları yanlıştır^ çünkü o ikinci elden malûmat veren bir müelliftir, hakikî ilim ve san'at adamı değildir=. 2 İbn Sînâ'nın en sevdiği talebelerinden Ebu Abdullahü'l-Mâsûmî, 'hakîm s veya «fakîh» ünvanlarile tanılmakta olup Feylesofu bir reddiye ile Ebu Reyhan'a karşı mü dafaa etmiştir. Feylesof "Aşkın Mahiyeti Hakkında» ki kitabını ona ithaf etti. El-Mi* sûmî'nin El-mvjarakat {maddeden ayrı olanlar); Al-âdad al-ukul va'l-efiak (akılların ve Felek'Ierin sayıları) ve Tertib'al-mnbdaâi (yaradılnuşların sırası) adlı kitabları vardır. * Bu risalelerin metinleri tarafımızdan, Basail-i İbn Sînâ, 1,1953, içerisinde, fey lesofun Uyan al-hikme (hikmet haynakları) adlı kitabını ta'kiben neşredilmiştir.

2025, Science, Education and Innovations in the Context of Modern Problems

On the sociology of education, management and analysis of the principles of orientation of education in the aspect of socialization of the individual Rahil Najafov

2025

Antik Yunan felsefesinin otoriteleri arasında anılan A. E. Taylor’un bu çalışması, Batı felsefe tarihinin kilometre taşlarından Sokrates’in yaşamına ve felsefesine dair özlü bir anlatım sunuyor. Yazar, ardında hiçbir yazılı yapıt... more

2025, Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies (JAIS)

The evident similarity between the learning etiquette treatises ʾĀdāb al-mutaʿallimīn by (pseudo) Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (597-672 /1201-1274) and Taʿlīm al-mutaʿallim by Burhān al-Islām al-Zarnūjī (fl. between 576/1180 and ca 640/1242)... more

2025, Mobilität des Denkens. Festschrift für Ulrich Rudolph

This chapter is a contribution to Ulrich Rudolph's Festschrift. It is the result of an exchange between its authors concerning Alexander's ideas about the usage of the term maʿnā in classical kalām as expressed in his 2018 monograph,... more

2025

Of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s early works, the infamous al-Sirr al-maktūm fī mukhāṭabāt alnujūm seems to be out of place. It engages neither with the kalām tradition, the Eastern ḥikma tradition represented by Avicenna’s works and those of his followers, nor with the traditional disciplines of the madrasa curriculum. Rather, it deals with subjects associated with the controversial disciplines of the “occult,” such as, talismanic magic, astral invocations, and divinatory techniques derived from Hellenic, Near East, Mesopotamian, and Hindu traditions. It also includes a detailed explanation of the natural principles underlying occult phenomena. This paper offers an interpretation al-Sirr al-maktūm within the context of Fakhr al-Dīn’s early intellectual project, especially in light of his philosophical works, such as al-Mabāḥith al-mashriqiyya, al-Mulakhkhaṣ fī al-manṭiq wal-ḥikma, and Sharḥ al-Ishārāt. I argue that rather than being an idiosyncratic and youthful fling with the occult, the Sirr is a central text in Rāzī’s early philosophical career. Not only is Rāzī’s method of inquiry consistent with his approach in his ḥikma works, the Sirr also provides further insights into a number of cosmological doctrines that were being developed in other works of the period, such as the theory of celestial archetypes (Lords of Species, arbāb al-anwāʿ) and the theory of the essential heterogeneity of the human soul. Through a systematic reading of these topics in the Sirr, especially in relation to his other ḥikma works, I will show that Rāzī seems to have envisioned a distinct theory on the cosmic system, one that is intended to rival Avicenna’s doctrine of divine governance and celestial mediation.

2025

Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī (d. ca. 560/1165) and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) famously argued that human souls are essentially differentiated into distinct types. This opposes the influential theory, held by Arabic Peripatetics, such as al-Fārābī (d. ca. 339/950–51) and Ibn Sīnā (d. ca. 428/1037), that human individuals are instances of a single nature or speciesnamely, the animal that is capable of reason (al-ḥayawān al-nāṭiq). On this account, individuating differences must be conceived as accidental aspects of human existence, even those that seem to be grounded in nature, such as the bodily mixture (mizāj al-badan). I argue that Abū al-Barakāt and Fakhr al-Dīn’s rejection of this theory was deeply influenced by Galen’s (d. ca. 200) writings on the physiology of psychic states, especially in Quod animi mores corporis temperamenta sequantur (QAM; Fī anna quwa al-nafs ṭābiʿa li-mizāj al-badan, trans. Ḥubaysh ibn al-Ḥasan between 850-90). The influence concerns three points: Galen’s observation that certain differences in psychic states indicate the existence of distinct human natures; his agnostic perspective regarding the true nature of the “substance of the soul” (jawhar al-nafs); and that, consequently, any systematic description of the soul’s faculties is merely provisional and conventional. In addition to showing how Abū al-Barakāt and Fakhr al-Dīn integrated these insights into their own inquiries, I will also discuss why they ignored other notable aspects of Galen’s psychology in QAM, such as the physicalist ontology of the human soul and its tripartite division into rational, irascible, and appetitive parts. This will help us understand why, despite accepting Galen’s physiological analysis of psychic states, they were committed to the human soul’s immateriality, its unity qua substance, and its transcendent origins in the celestial realm.

2025

In Avicenna’s (d. 428/1037) view, moral and psychic qualities are accidental to the nature of the human soul. Differences of personality and moral character are caused by the unique mixture (mizāj) of the four humoral qualities, which in turn represent varying proportions of the four elements of fire, air, water, and earth. A person’s inclination towards moral perfection or defect—as well as towards psycho-somatic qualities like melancholy and even gender differentiation—depends on the relative balance of these humoral qualities in the corporeal substrate. The more balanced the mixture, the more perfected the disposition. The more imbalanced the mixture, the more likely a person will incline toward moral defects and psychic disharmonies caused by an excess of any of these qualities. From these variations, Avicenna—in the ethics section of his famous work al-Ishārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt— discerns the various “types” of human beings: the prophet, the gnostic, the philosopher, the morally vicious, the hypocrite, the ignorant, and commoner, each of which he assigns a distinct eschatological “state.” The human soul in its metaphysical origins, however, is completely transcendent from these typologies. Everyone shares a common essential nature (i.e., rational animal or terrestrial intellect) that is self-subsisting and is thus non-reducible to the material substrate it governs. This perspective was the dominant position of the Eastern ḥikma tradition represented by Fārābī, Avicenna and his students. However, the view that the soul is morally “neutral” was severely criticized by the philosopher of Jewish background, Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī (d. c. 560/1165), and the Sunni theologian and polymath, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 616/1210). They argued that the variations of moral and psycho-somatic qualities are innate to the human soul. Material disposition alone cannot account for the diversity of moral and psychic types. Aspects of these qualities must therefore originate in the soul itself. As a result, human souls do not share a common nature; rather, each soul (or each co-generic type thereof) is essentially distinct. This amounts to a radical inversion of the Avicennian model of the soul. I propose to examine this pivotal but understudied aspect of ethical thought in Islamic philosophy. I argue that Abū al-Barakāt and Rāzī’s position can be regarded as an attempt to construct a theory of the human soul and of morality that departs from the dualistic and hylomorphic ontology of the Peripatetic ḥikma tradition they inherited. I shall also discuss how in its place, they inaugurated the principle of “archetype” (unmūdhaj, or qudwa) as the metaphysical basis for the soul’s individuation and its procession from and reversion to the Divine.

2025, العتبة العباسية المقدسة - المركز الاسلامي للدراسات الاستراتيجية

المعرفة ومشكلاتها في المذهب الفسلفي لابن سينا المعرفة ومشكلاتها في المذهب الفسلفي لابن سينا تأليف: خنجر حميّة فهرس المحتويات : الفصل الأوّل: الإدراك الحسّيّ الظاهر طبيعته وأدواته ووظيفته في العمليّة الإدراكيّة أوّلًا: طبيعة... more

2025, Proceedings of the ACPA

When considering the metaphysical preambles to faith, the existence of God is surely preeminent. While investigation of preambles is often a feature of the generally Christian and particularly Catholic entrée to theology, they also concern the other Abrahamic religions. The present study explores “necessary” and “possible” as metaphysical preambles in the thought of Avicenna. Though compelling, Avicenna’s account has not escaped criticism, most notably from Averroes, who rejected both these concepts and Avicenna’s subsequent argument for God, the
Necessary Existent. Rejecting “necessary” and “possible” as metaphysical preambles can have far-reaching consequences, not only for the cogency of Avicennian metaphysics, but for any natural theology that seeks to employ these concepts. The present study, first, defends “necessary” and “possible” as formulated in the metaphysics of Avicenna. Second, it shows how these concepts serve as preambles to arguments for God. Third, it addresses and refutes Averroes’ criticisms.

2025, Temaşa Felsefe Dergisi

Bu çalışma, Aristoteles ve İbn Sînâ'nın metafizik ilminin konusunu nasıl tanımladıklarını cevher ve Tanrı ekseninde karşılaştırmalı olarak incelemektedir. Aristoteles, metafiziği varlık olmak bakımından varlıkın araştırılması şeklinde konumlandırır. Bu çerçevede cevher, varlığın değişmez özü olarak ontolojik, epistemolojik ve zamansal bakımdan birincil konumdadır. Aristoteles'e göre ontolojik anlamda cevher, diğer tüm kategorilerin temelini teşkil eden ilkedir ve bu nedenle bütün varoluşun anlaşılmasında anahtar rol oynar. Bununla birlikte Aristoteles, metafiziğe teolojik bir boyut da kazandırarak onu aynı zamanda Tanrı'yı, yani tüm varlık düzeninin ilk ilkesini araştıran bir ilim olarak görür. Böylece onun sisteminde ontoloji ile teoloji iç içe geçmiştir. İbn Sînâ ise Aristoteles'in cevher anlayışını ve metafizik tasavvurunu büyük ölçüde benimsemekle birlikte, bunu varlık-mahiyet ayrımı ve zorunlu-mümkün varlık kavramsallaştırmaları aracılığıyla yeniden yorumlar. İbn Sînâ, metafiziğin konusunu genel anlamda varlık olmak bakımından varlık olarak belirlerken, Tanrı'yı bu ilmin zorunlu olarak kanıtlaması gereken bir meselesi olarak ele alır. Bu yaklaşım, Tanrı'nın varlığını ontolojik bir zorunluluk olarak temellendirip metafiziğin kapsamını genişleterek, yalnızca fizikötesi varlık alanlarını değil, tüm varolanların ilk ilke ve nedenlerini araştıran küllî bir ilim haline getirmektedir. Ayrıca çalışma boyunca Aristoteles'in cevher merkezli ontolojisi ile İbn Sînâ'nın Tanrı'yı zorunlu varlık olarak içeren ontolojisi karşılaştırılmakta; böylece metafiziğin konusu bağlamında ontoloji ve teoloji arasındaki ilişkinin bu iki filozofta nasıl konumlandırıldığı ortaya konulmaya gayret edilmektedir. Çalışma sonucunda, İbn Sînâ'nın Aristoteles'ten devraldığı mirası sistematik bir bütünlüğe kavuşturarak metafizik disiplinini hem ontolojik hem de teolojik unsurları barındıran geniş bir çerçeveye oturttuğu gösterilmektedir.

2025, All Things Glorify: Reconsidering Ontological Praise in the Qur’an and Islamic Metaphysics

This paper explores the theological and metaphysical implications of tasbīḥ (the glorification of God) 1 by inanimate entities as described in the Qur'an. 2 It challenges interpretations that reduce tasbīḥ to symbolism, allegory or mechanical action by employing Islamic philosophical and Sufi metaphysical frameworks. This study presents a new understanding of non-human tasbīḥ as real, intentional, and ontologically meaningful through its analysis of Ibn Sīnā's rationalist framework, 3 where human intellect serves as the locus of knowledgeand Ibn ʿArabī's cosmological vision of expanded consciousness. 4 This research analyses key Qur'anic verses-such as 17:44 and 33:72-alongside prophetic traditions, in order to establish the theological basis for inanimate glorification within Islamic thought, which goes beyond human-centered perspectives. This theological shift opens new avenues for understanding the worship practices of non-human entities, along with their capacity for knowledge, intention, and agency. By engaging with questions surrounding artificial intelligence, the study explores whether non-biological systems might participate in metaphysical or functional forms of glorification. This paper reconsiders basic concepts of consciousness, sacred agency, and volitional awareness in the cosmos.

2025, Journal of Islamic Philosophy

Drawing on contemporary philosophy and premodern Islamic metaphysics from the Ismaili, Avicennian and Sufi traditions, I logically argue for the existence of God as an Unconditioned Reality and the Universal Intellect as the first... more

2025, Les Études Philosophiques

In a letter to Albert Burgh, a former friend and a recent convert to Catholicism, Spinoza writes:
I grant that the organization of the Roman Church, which you praise so highly, is well designed politically, and profitable for many. I do not believe there is any order more suitable for deceiving ordinary people [plebem] and controlling men’s minds, unless it would be the order of the Mahommedan Church [ordo Mahumedanæ Ecclesiæ], which surpasses it by far. For from the time this superstition began, no schism has arisen in their Church.
The letter, dated end of 1675 or beginning of 1676, expressed certain views about Islam, reminiscent of similar claims Spinoza made in his preface to the Theological-Political Treatise:
The Turks have succeeded so well at [establishing worship with utmost deference] that they consider it a sacrilege even to debate religion; they fill everyone’s judgment with so many prejudices that they leave no room in the mind for sound reason, nor even for doubting.
Undoubtedly, Spinoza shared many of the prejudices of his Christian, European contemporaries, but what is most striking in Spinoza’s claims here is his strong conviction that there were never any schisms in Islam, nor hardly any debates about religion. This seems to indicate that Spinoza knew virtually nothing about Islam, its history, or Islamic philosophy.
Currently, we have no evidence that Spinoza read any of the works of the major medieval Islamic philosophers. And yet, in a recent, excellent article, Stephen Ogden suggested that of all his predecessors, “Avicenna’s system quite possibly stands the closest to Spinoza’s own.” Surprising as it may seem, I can easily see the grounds for Ogden’s intriguing claim, and in the current article I will study Spinoza’s reception of the Avicennian Essence-Existence distinction, as well as the extent to which both philosophers were willing to grant to the Principle of Sufficient Reason (i.e., the demand that everything must have a cause and reason) unlimited validity.
There are several possible routes of transmission from Avicenna to Spinoza. Latin Avicennians had a decisive influence on late medieval and early modern metaphysical thought. Spinoza’s Hebrew sources -Maimonides, Crescas, and perhaps also Ibn Ezra and Ibn Daud - provide a different route of transmission. Still, much of this latter path will remain in the dark as long as we do not gain a clear picture of the works Spinoza studied in his early adulthood while still belonging to the Spanish-Portuguese Jewish community of Amsterdam. In the current article, I will set aside the question of the precise route of transmission, focusing instead on two of the philosophical questions at stake.

2025, DergiPark (Istanbul University)

Sînâ'nın metinleri dikkate alındığında, onun Allah'ın her şeyi bildiğini, hiçbir şeyin, bir zerrenin bile onun bilgisinin dışında kalamayacağını ifade ettiği ve hatta sırf Allah cüz'îleri bilir demenin ötesinde, Allah'ın cüz'îleri nasıl bildiğini de açıklamaya çalıştığı görülecektir. Allah'ın cüz'îleri nasıl bildiğini açıklarken İbn Sînâ'nın temelde yapmaya çalıştığı şey, kendi felsefî görüşlerinin Allah'ın cüz'îleri bilmesini reddetmeyi gerektirmediğini ve kendi Allah tasavvuruyla uyumlu bir şekilde Allah'ın cüz'îleri bilmesinin nasıl olabileceğini göstermeye çalışmaktır. Buna rağmen ortaçağ İslâm dünyasındaki önde gelen âlimler tarafından İbn Sînâ, Allah'ın cüz'îleri bilmediğini savunmakla itham edilmiştir. 1 İbn Sînâ'nın Allah'ın cüz'îleri bildiği şeklindeki beyanlarını kabul edip,

2025

From the Editors, We would like to thank the UT Philosophy Department for their unwavering support for our organization. Without the assistance of our dedicated faculty and staff, this project would have never come together. In particular, we would like to thank Skye Son, who has consistently proven herself an indispensible supporter of Ex Nihilo. Thank you. We would also like to thank Dr. Tara Smith, our faculty advisor, for her guidance in the process. Perhaps most importantly, however, we would like to thank the hard-working students who wrote, submitted, and (repeatedly) revised their papers over the last couple of months. Your patience and dedication to academic excellence cannot be overstated. It has been a pleasure to work with all of you. Lastly, we would like to thank the entire Ex Nihilo staff who have put in countless hours of their own time reading and editing papers.

2025

The Anthropocene, referring to the period after the Industrial Revolution, represents the epoch, in which the effects of human that became a substantial (f)actor through the evolution of the biosphere, and having the characteristic of toxic. Human in the course of the Anthropocene, threatening all forms of life on the sphere, reduced his or her own life to survival, whilst finding his or her existence in a global crisis during an inhospitable period. The Anthropocene, due to these characteristics, points out an unbearable situation as well as an epoch during which it is forgotton what makes life worth living. The Anthropocene originates from the worldwide hegemony of the modern technology actualizing by means of industrialization and it prevents questioning of its own expansion by way of producing an entropy at ecological, psychic, social, economic and especially noetic levels. Therefore the Anthropocene is the last period of the geophysical evolution, during which it uncovers its systematic and widely toxic character. In the Anthropocene which can be discussed through the geological crises, not only the sphere but also human finds himself or herself in a crisis. All forms of knowlegde are almost tested in the Anthropocene. This is a proletarianization, emerging along with an intensive increase of entropy. Loss begins with knowledge and spreads over desire, singularity and protention, since lives are built solely upon survival. According to Bernard Stiegler, human, as a noetic being, is individuated by exteriorizing the protentions that include retentions. Loss of knowledge of life and desire being unable to subsist in life, summarize the lives based on subsistence in the Anthropocene. The Anthropocene exploits this crisis which desire falls under. Protentions being full of nihil in the structure of desire liquidation of life amounts also to the loss of individuation. Escaping the Anthropocene, that is full of negations and crises, requires going beyond the Anthropocene itself, thinking within the limits – namely the hypercritique. This epoch which must be discussed with an organological perspective as well as a pharmacological one, is possible through a contemporary approach of the Anthropocene. Care on a global scale and care-fully thought is, specific to the Anthropocene, merely possible by hypercritique. Hypercritique includes new psychic and collective individuation possibilities which pharmakon will bring out due to having the therapeutic –in other words positive– characteristic, a new economy and question of the relationship between human and his or her environment, whilst forming a basis for living together. The study aims to set forth by which means it will be possible to escape the entropic character of the Anthropocene, while pointing out the possibilities of entrance to the Neganthropocene within the context of a new human figure.

2025, Avrasya terim dergisi

Bütün bilimlerde kavramlar son derece önemlidir. Kavramlar da adeta insanlar gibidir. Oluşum ve gelişim süreçleri vardır. Bazı kavramların belli dönemlerde anlam genişlemesi yaşadığına, ama zamanla tedavülden kalktığına da şahit oluruz. İslam düşüncesinin felsefi kültür ile tanıştığı erken dönemlerde (8 ve 9. yüzyıllar) Yunan felsefesinden intikal eden kavramların Arapçalaştırılıp tanımlanması önemli bir sorun idi. İslam felsefesinde bu görevi Hudûd risalelerinin üstlendiğini, hatta sonraları bir Hudûd risalesi yazmanın gelenek haline geldiğini söylemek mümkündür. Bu risâleler, bir yandan filozofun sisteminin temel kavramlarını ele verirken, diğer yandan da yazıldığı dönemin tedavülde olan kavramları hakkında fikir vermektedir. Bir kavramdaki anlam değişikliğini ya da onun zamanla kazandığı anlam genişliğini bu risaleler üzerinden takip etmek mümkün görünmektedir. Ve bu, felsefî literatür adına önemli bir kazanımdır. Hudûd risaleleri bu açıdan büyük önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede İslam düşüncesinin erken döneminde yazılan ilk iki Hudûd risalesi; Câbir b. Hayyan ile Kindî'nin Hudûd risaleleri üzerinde durulmuştur. Öyle görünüyor ki Câbir'in Hudûd'unda "bilim adamı" ve "kimyacı" kimliği öne çıktığından, bilimsel kavramlar ve tanımları ağırlık kazanırken, "filozof" kimliği ile Kindî'de felsefî kavramlar ekseriyeti oluşturmaktadır. Bu niteliğiyle özellikle Kindî'nin Hudûd'unun felsefî kavramların İslâm dünyasında yerleşmesinde ve kullanımının yaygınlaşmasında önemli bir rol üstlendiği anlaşılmaktadır.

2025

Conference "Classical Arab Thought in Recent International Research"
Dâr al-Athâr al-Islâmiyah, Yarmouk, Kuwait City
May 2025, 26, 27 & 28

2025

The post-classical tradition of kalām is marked by an increasing engagement with the philosophy of Avicenna, leading the historian Ibn Khaldūn to observe that one could hardly distinguish between kalām and falsafa. The demarcation problem refers to how to distinguish between these two rival philosophical traditions. The theory of science adopted by scholars of that period, as it is found in the logic of Ibn Sīnā, suggests that sciences are distinguished by their subject matter. The internal kalām debate on the demarcation problem was initiated by Sirāj ad-Dīn al-Urmawī's (d. 682/1283) controversial treatise in which he proposed that the ilāhī of Ibn Sīnā be restricted to only general metaphysics, and then only to the extent that it proves the existence of the necessary being. Kalām then investigates the Necessary being, His attributes, and His actions vis-à-vis the World. Kalām is therefore a kind of special metaphysics or theology properly speaking. Following his treatise, several mutakallimūn objected that this subordinated kalām, the highest Islamic science, to a non-Islamic science. They suggested instead that the subject matter of kalām was either the existent, just like the "divine science" of Ibn Sīnā, but qualified in a certain way, namely in accordance with the norms of Islam. The debates on the topic reached a very high level of sophistication in writers such as as-Samarqandī (d. 722/1322) and at-Taftāzānī (d. 792/1390). The study culminates in the contribution of Jalāl ad-Dīn ad-Dawānī, who observes that the demarcation between kalām and falsafa is not to be found in the subject matter, and that these two sciences are in fact more akin to research programs within the same science of metaphysics. Differences between them resolve to the choices of axioms and the normative program that each research program pursues, such as the difference between Shāfiʿī fiqh or Ḥanafī fiqh, or alternatively, Baṣran linguists and Kūfan linguists. In doing so, ad-Dawānī opens the way to understanding metaphysics abstracted away from any historical tradition of philosophy, whereas prior to him ilāhī was used as a proper name for a particular school of metaphysics.

2025

This article examines Ibn al-Arabi's approach to ethics and its sources, that is, Quranic, traditional sayings of the Prophet, Suis' writings and Miskawayh.

2025

It is in their first perception of Being that the affinities and heterogeneities among philosophical systems become apparent and, through these systems, those among different cultures and even those among different regions of a... more

2025, Copy Press/Fireflies

quiet as a flower/Julian Lass A pictureless film, a story of a buzzard and hiddenness. 7mins. Voice-over/Julian Lass. Audio/Reuben Huxtable/Loftus Media. Sound editing/Julian Lass. Script editing/Yve Lomax. Post-production/Jono Lomax.... more

2025, Materials of the 3d International Symposium “Space of Mugham”, Baku 2013

The merging of voice with instruments is generally regarded as an ideal form of expression. But across cultures and centuries, the relationship between these two poles have been evolving, leading to renegotiation and sometimes split-up. The purpose of this paper is to draw some lines of research in regard to the relationship between music and singing in the so called maqâm traditions. We will consider firstly the aesthetic arguments for the pre-eminence of vocal music over instrumental music, and, secondly the technical arguments for the superiority of instrumental music singing, as well as the impact of the instruments on the definition of the maqâms and the evolution of its performance.

2025, Ontological Studies

The debate of whether existence, or being, (wujud) is a synonymous term (ishtirak ma’nawi) or homonymous term (ishtirak lafzi) appears in numerous philosophical and theological works. Some believed in its homonymous term and established other theological issues on such basis. The followers of the synonymous term for existence provided reasons as proof for their belief which appear to be distorted and invalid. The title of the reasons are، the consistency of knowledge or comprehension (‘ilm) of a thing despite having doubt towards its properties (khususiat), the first imaged thing as being (wujud), non - existence (‘adam)—the opposite of being— as a synonymous term, the accuracy (sihat) of the categorization of being, the denial of synonymous term requires its acceptance, the division of being to necessity and contingency , which necessitates difference between the two, generalization of the properties of a relational or copulative existence (wujud rabit) and independent existence (wujud mustaqil), a singular meaning in the rhyme of poetic verse. With a precise reading and analysis, it is clear that all provided reasoning contain the fallacy of ‘Begging the Question’. With that said, none of the mentioned reasons have the ability to be used towards its claim. Although it should be noted that a negation of the reason does not require the negation of its claim. As many acclaimed scholars have said, the assertion towards the synonymous term of being, in and of itself is self - evident (badihi) or close to it, and its verity is certain. In this article, we will only be discussing reasons in proof of this claim, and not in relation to its integrity or inaccuracy of the primary claim.

2025, Muqam in and outside of Xinjiang /China, Proceedings of the 6th Study Group Meeting Muqam, Urumqi 2006

Criticism of the Tajik, Uzbek and Uyghur approach of the maqâm concept (muqam/maqom) relying on the prejudices of a certain Western musicologists and the ignorance of the ancient sources. Based on years of fieldwork researches.

2025, XIII. MANTIK ÇALIŞTAYI KİTABI: HER YÖNÜYLE ELEŞTİREL DÜŞÜNCE

2025, United Israel World Union Bulletin

This paper presents a rigorous metaphysical and philosophical argument for the existence of God by distinguishing between necessary and contingent beings—a distinction central to classical theism and foundational to cosmological reasoning. Drawing upon the thought of Leibniz, Aquinas, and Avicenna, the paper contends that the existence of contingent beings—those that depend on external causes—logically necessitates the existence of at least one necessary being whose existence is self-explanatory, eternal, and independent. Through a reductio argument against infinite regress, it demonstrates the logical impossibility of an endless chain of contingent causes, affirming instead a first, uncaused cause—God—as the only coherent terminus. The discussion synthesizes modal logic, the Principle of Sufficient Reason, and theological reflection, including the biblical phrase “I am that I am,” to underscore divine aseity and necessity. The analysis draws on Jewish, Christian, and Islamic philosophical traditions to demonstrate the enduring intellectual and existential relevance of this argument. Ultimately, the paper argues that the metaphysical reality of a necessary being is not merely a logical inference, but a profound ontological affirmation of the source and sustainer of all that exists.

2025, Husserl’den Heidegger’e Eleştirel Bir Düşünce Geleneği Olarak Fenomenoloji

20.yy’ın başlarında Husserl felsefeyi doğa bilimsel tutumun yarattığı
krizlerden kurtulmak adına kesin bir bilim haline getirmek için öz görüleme
yöntemi olarak tanımladığı fenomenolojiyi öne sürmüştür. Felsefenin asli
ereğinin şeylerin kendisine gitmek olduğunu söyleyen Husserl, epoché
yöntemiyle nesnenin saf görünüşüne ulaşmayı hedefler. Husserl’in nesnenin
nasılsa öyle verildiği şeklindeki öz tanımı, görünüş ve gerçekliği birbirine
denk kılan anti-metafizik karakterde bir öz yaklaşımıdır. Epoché doğal tavrın
bulanıklaştırdığı bu öze ulaşmanın yegâne basamağıdır. Husserl’in ardıllarından Heidegger ise alētheia kavramını Platon’da anlaşıldığı halinden dramatik olarak farklı bir kavrayışla ele alarak epoché fikrini dönüştürmüştür. Böylece gizlenme ve açığa çıkmanın şeylerin kökensel hareketinden meydana geldiğini iddia etmiştir. Bu makalenin konusu kriz ve kritik odaklı fenomenolojinin karakterinin Heidegger’de geçirdiği dönüşümü Husserl uğrağından hareketle izlemek ve fenomenolojinin bu iki filozofun felsefi diyaloğundan hareketle nasıl bir eleştirel düşünce pratiği örneğini teşkil ettiğini göstermektir. Bu makalede Husserl’de radikal bir eleştiri geleneği olarak fenomenolojinin nasıl başladığı, Heidegger’in Husserl’de bilincin içkinliğini, Platon’da ise alētheia’yı orthotēs bakımından anlamasını eleştirirken izlediği fenomenolojik yöntemin ne tür bir eleştirel düşünceye ve dahası fenomenolojik bir eleştiriye yol açtığı argümantatif bir örüntü ortaya. çıkarılarak izlenecektir.