Indigenous Movements Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

This study deals with the tensions and contradictions between resource governance, welfare policies, and the constitutionally recognized rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador. We have identified a certain... more

This study deals with the tensions and contradictions between resource governance, welfare policies, and the constitutionally recognized rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador. We have identified a certain reductionism in current debates on these issues and propose a more systematic analytical focus on class and the class-ethnicity duality, as expressed in historical and contemporary indigenous struggles, and also confirmed via our ethnographic material. Drawing on the double bind as expressed in Joseph Heller´s Catch-22 wherein the protagonists face situations in which they do not have any choice to achieve a net gain, this article centres on how national governments have to choose between the protections of rights – in this case ethnic and environmental rights-and welfare provision financed by extractive revenues. From the perspective of ecologically concerned indigenous actors, the Catch-22 is articulated in the choice or compromise between universal welfarism on the one hand, and ethno-environmental concerns on the other hand. The article draws primarily on ecosocialist arguments and on indigenous-culturalist perspectives on Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Vivir Bien). A central finding is the existence of awareness among involved actors-oppositional movements and government authorities-that the Catch-22 quandary and joint class-ethnic concerns are unavoidable ingredients in their discourses, struggles, and understandings of Good Life.

Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and... more

Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and coordinated policies in cooperation with the leading emerging-market economies. As a result, the G-20 turned into the main forum for managing the crisis. This in fact pointed to an early institutional acknowledgement that important changes were underway in the global distribution of power. These changes derive from the substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies, a trend named ‘the rise of the rest’ (Zakaria, 2008, pp. 2–3).

Capítulo do livro "Reflexividad y alteridad I. Estudios de caso en Mexico y Brasil"

Why is it that Chief Joseph Brant, one of the key indigenous North American leaders, is fondly remembered in Canada, but largely forgotten or dismissed in the United States? How did his strong Anglican heritage shape his leadership? How... more

Why is it that Chief Joseph Brant, one of the key indigenous North American leaders, is fondly remembered in Canada, but largely forgotten or dismissed in the United States? How did his strong Anglican heritage shape his leadership? How did Brant face betrayal and setback in his life? What can we learn from his life? Would Canada still exist without his contribution?

The fight of indigenous movement organizations in Ecuador since the 1980s has been not only for equal economical, political or cultural rights, but also for a reconstruction of the Ecuadorean society and State. This reconstruction is... more

The fight of indigenous movement organizations in Ecuador since the 1980s has been not only for equal economical, political or cultural rights, but also for a reconstruction of the Ecuadorean society and State. This reconstruction is formed alongside quite specific concepts, such as Interculturality and Plurinationality. Even if those concepts has been adopted in the 2008 Constitution, from the perspective of the indigenous movement, they are yet to implement. This text is an analysis of the development of both indigenous movement and their concepts with a focus on the interrelation between the different organizations and above-mentioned concepts.

Resumen: el objetivo de este artículo es relacionar las propuestas de José Carlos Mariátegui y la del Buen Vivir en la búsqueda de la confluencia de caminos de superación del capitalismo en América Latina tanto en lo político como en lo... more

Resumen: el objetivo de este artículo es relacionar las propuestas de José Carlos Mariátegui y la del Buen Vivir en la búsqueda de la confluencia de caminos de superación del capitalismo en América Latina tanto en lo político como en lo epistémico. Se examinan las características del Socialismo Indoamericano de Mariátegui y su relación con la praxis indígena; el sujeto epistémico-político de esta construcción; la importancia de la subjetividad y la espiritualidad en estas propuestas y un esbozo de una agenda posible de diálogo entre el marxismo y los movimientos indígenas en la línea de lo propuesto por el Amauta. Se establece un diálogo entre los elementos de un trabajo de campo realizado con el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y material bibliográfico de Mariátegui y sus intérpretes. Se concluye resaltando la confluencia de ambas propuestas y su potencialidad para enriquecer el análisis de la realidad latinoamericana y alimentar propuestas políticas liberadoras. PalabRas clave: Mariátegui; Socialismo indoamericano; Buen Vivir; Búsqueda epistémico-política; Movimientos indígenas; marxismo. abstRact: The object of this work is to relate the proposals of José Carlos Mariátegui and that of Good Living in the search for the confluence of ways of overcoming capitalism in Latin America, both politically and epistemically. I present the characteristics of Mariátegui's Indo-American Socialism and its relationship with indigenous praxis; the epistemic-political subject of this construction; the importance of subjectivity and spirituality in these proposals and an outline of a possible agenda for dialogue between Marxism and indigenous movements along the lines proposed by Amauta. For the construction of the work I establish a dialogue between elements of a field work carried out with the Ecuadorian Indigenous Movement and bibliographic material of Mariátegui and his interpreters. I conclude by highlighting the confluence of both proposals and their potential to enrich the analysis of the Latin American reality and feed liberating political proposals.

This paper analyses the different indigenous movements that have been active in Southeast Asia over the past 30 years. For that purpose, the concept of " resonance " is used, due to its versatility as a perspective for the study of social... more

This paper analyses the different indigenous movements that have been active in Southeast Asia over the past 30 years. For that purpose, the concept of " resonance " is used, due to its versatility as a perspective for the study of social movements. The analysis is descriptive and longitudinal given that the resonance of indigenous mobilization is analyzed in each one of the seven Southeast Asian territories, from 1980 until 2010. It is worth highlighting that the information used in the analysis comes mainly from in-depth interviews with members of organizations advocating the rights of indigenous peoples in the region. Consequently, this paper aims to offer considerable, new first-hand evidence about indigenous movements in Southeast Asia.

In view of the global climate emergency and the need for states and municipalities to satisfy criteria for their renewable energy portfolios, many policymakers and environmental organizations are willing to overlook the negative... more

In view of the global climate emergency and the need for states and municipalities to satisfy criteria for their renewable energy portfolios, many policymakers and environmental organizations are willing to overlook the negative consequences of massive-scale hydroelectric developments. The Muskrat Falls hydroelectric project under construction since 2012 in Labrador, Canada should serve as a warning of the destructiveness of large dams, which is no less than it was a quarter of a century ago despite a change in language and new strategies for taking resources from Indigenous peoples. Today, the river and land protectors fighting to halt the Muskrat Falls project in Labrador demonstrate the impacts of this technology, which is neither carbon neutral nor “renewable.” Indeed, the world will need natural floodplains and intact boreal forests for climate resilience. Megadams intended for exporting electricity over long distances can also become barriers to the kind of decentralized, local, small-scale energy systems that the climate justice movement envisions.

This chapter critically examines dialogues between indigenous feminists and academic feminists about the role and significance of indigenous epistemologies in constructing social scientific knowledge, particularly feminist epistemologies.... more

This chapter critically examines dialogues between indigenous feminists and academic feminists about the role and significance of indigenous epistemologies in constructing social scientific knowledge, particularly feminist epistemologies. We argue that the term indigenous feminisms must be understood as broadly linking gender equality, decolonization, and sovereignty for indigenous peoples. In Latin America, this term typifies an activist and practical movement with cultural, economic, and politically specific dimensions. We posit that analytical and theoretical frameworks developed from indigenous women's ways of knowledge production should be recognized and legitimated in feminist discourse because much is learned from their worldview about women's emancipation, the importance of intersectionality in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender in indigenous contexts, in addition to political and cultural critiques. We show that indigenous feminist theoretical formulations are not homogenous but overlap in some areas of theoretical and practical formulations that involve new conceptualizations of the body, space, time, action/movement, and memory.

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Using a case study of Alberta, Canada, this paper demonstrates how a geographic critique of fossil capitalism helps elucidate the tensions shaping tar sands development. Conflicts over pipelines and Indigenous territorial claims are... more

Using a case study of Alberta, Canada, this paper demonstrates how a geographic critique of fossil capitalism helps elucidate the tensions shaping tar sands development. Conflicts over pipelines and Indigenous territorial claims are challenging development trajectories, as tar sands companies need to expand access to markets in order to expand production. While these conflicts are now well recognised, there are also broader dynamics shaping development. States face a rentier's dilemma, relying on capital investments to realise resource value. Political responses to the emerging climate crisis undercut the profitability of hydrocarbon extraction. The automation of production undermines the industrial compromise between hydrocarbon labour and capital. Ultimately, the crises of fossil capitalism require a radical transformation within or beyond capital relations. To mobilise against the tar sands, organisers must recognise the tensions underpinning it, developing strategies that address ecological concerns and the economic plight of those dispossessed and abandoned by carbon extraction.

Through a consideration of the "Peace and Dignity Journeys," a hemispheric indigenous movement that coordinates a spiritual run from the southern tip of Tierra de Fuego, Argentina in South America and the northern reaches of Chickaloon,... more

Through a consideration of the "Peace and Dignity Journeys," a hemispheric indigenous movement that coordinates a spiritual run from the southern tip of Tierra de Fuego, Argentina in South America and the northern reaches of Chickaloon, Alaska in the North, this essay looks at Chicana/o engagements with indigeneity from the 1960s Chicano Movement period through the turn of the century.

This paper analyzes how shifting identities enforce tactics for peacebuilding in the borderland. The Ethiopia and Eritrea 1998-2000 border war harboured social implications for the Irob, a community straddled in the borderland. The... more

This paper analyzes how shifting identities enforce tactics for peacebuilding in the borderland. The Ethiopia and Eritrea 1998-2000 border war harboured social implications for the Irob, a community straddled in the borderland. The cessation of hostilities that transpired after international interventions for political mediation mandated negotiations of everyday life in Irob, to survive the subsequent cold war. An internalized hatred toward the Eritrean army, who invaded and desecrated Irob, enforced a shift in their identity to fit the Ethiopian postwar political configurations. Additionally, historically porous borders were hampered, forcing the Irob to use indigenous knowledge to secure their livelihood. A continuous process of interpretation of the socioeconomic and political standing created a space where indigenous tools of peacebuilding ensured the survival of the community. However, the academic conceptualization of peace, as a stale destination antithetic to war, and borderlands as a conjunction of ideational and literal conflicts leave no space to analyze indigenous processes of peacebuilding. This research unpacks the dynamic role of peacebuilding in the border, critically analyzing the borderland community's negotiations of everyday life, managing violence and peace. It sheds light on local notions of peace and contributes to the debate of peacebuilding as a continuous process, intermingling with shifts of identity and selfhood. This study relied on secondary ethnographic accounts gathered through the archives of the Irob diaspora websites.

A collective evaluation by leading Mexican intellectuals of the state of Mexico's social movements, society and politics on the eve of the 2006 presidential elections. Intro by Jan Rus and Miguel Tinker Salas; essays by Alejandro Álvarez... more

A collective evaluation by leading Mexican intellectuals of the state of Mexico's social movements, society and politics on the eve of the 2006 presidential elections. Intro by Jan Rus and Miguel Tinker Salas; essays by Alejandro Álvarez Béjar, Raúl Delgado Wise, Olivia Ruiz, Sergio Aguayo and Javier Treviño Rangel, Luis Hernández Navarro, Adolfo Gilly, Enrique Semo, Carlos Montemayor, Richard Roman and Edur Velasco Arregui, Mercedes Olivera, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, and David Barkin.

This thesis aims to redefine the music in Hawaiʻi by using a scholarly framework based on the traditional ideas of Kānaka Maoli (Native Hawaiian) promoted by recent Hawaiian studies scholarships. The concept this paper mainly deploys is... more

This thesis aims to redefine the music in Hawaiʻi by using a scholarly framework based on the traditional ideas of Kānaka Maoli (Native Hawaiian) promoted by recent Hawaiian studies scholarships. The concept this paper mainly deploys is moʻokūʻauhau (traditional Hawaiian genealogy), which enables crossing of the conventional border of "traditional" Hawaiian music (mele) and "non-traditional" Hawaiian music (contemporary), and re-frames both of them as a moʻolelo (hi/story) of Native Hawaiian community-lāhui. Lāhui is an organic community of Kānaka Maoli, which was first mentioned in a national anthem by then Princess Liliʻuokalani in 1866. Even after the Hawaiian Kingdom was overthrown, lāhui offered the ʻike Hawaiʻi (traditional knowledge) to the next generation in the form of mele, which transformed its styles in response to changing political discourse. This thesis focuses on the music of Hawai'i and the personal genealogy of individual musicians as well as their musical genealogy to show how they attempted to handdown kuleana (responsibility) to the succeeding generation to secure lāhui.

This article reviews the legacy of the global Indymedia Center (IMC), a news and information network of 175 autonomous media centres that operated in every world region autonomously of the dominant corporate and public service... more

This article reviews the legacy of the global Indymedia Center (IMC), a news and information network of 175 autonomous media centres that operated in every world region autonomously of the dominant corporate and public service communications and information systems. Emerging first during protests against the neo-liberal practices of the World Trade Organization, the IMC represented a media-historic moment, one of the first times that social movement media activists were able to bypass the dominant media to produce their own reports and circulate them directly to activists and supporters around the world. My review examines the composition of the IMC's infrastructure and volunteer force, and their technological and communications repertoires in relation to the dominant communications systems, and consider their legacy in succeeding cycles of social movement contention. I then compare the legacy of the IMC with the more recent media-historic moment of the Standing Rock Sioux water protectors who in 2016 tactically employed a land-based mobilization with a movement-directed online and offline communications assemblage to mobilize against the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline on their traditional territory. Capturing more US and international dominant media attention than any previous Indigenous movement, and reaching even more people with their self-generated media, they countered the neo-liberal extractivist paradigm of resource exploitation and also affirmed their

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of popular resistance to dam building in the Narmada Valley, India. Like Indian dam projects more generally, the Narmada projects are characterized by a distributional bias in favor of... more

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of popular resistance to dam building in the Narmada Valley, India. Like Indian dam projects more generally, the Narmada projects are characterized by a distributional bias in favor of India's “dominant proprietary classes” and, it is argued, must be understood in terms of the political economy of postcolonial capitalism in India. The article then traces the emergence of popular resistance to dispossession in the form of “militant particularisms” struggling for resettlement and rehabilitation in the dam-affected communities in the riparian state, the transition toward a pan-state antidam campaign—the Narmada Bachao Andolan—embedded in a multiscalar infrastructure of contention, and, finally, the embedding of this struggle in a wider social movement project for alternative development. In conclusion, the author reflects on the strategic lessons that can be drawn from the trajectory of popular resistance to dispossession in the Narmada Valley.

Este estudio discute las perspectivas ideológicas del indianismo, sus influencias en los movimientos indígenas y los conflictos permanentes que afectaron el éxito y la legitimidad de la reforma educativa más importante de los últimos... more

Este estudio discute las perspectivas ideológicas del indianismo, sus influencias en los movimientos indígenas y los conflictos permanentes que afectaron el éxito y la legitimidad de la reforma educativa más importante de los últimos veinte años en Bolivia. Los movimientos indígenas tienen demandas fuertemente políticas, en términos de pugnas por el poder y enfoques raciales sobre la estructura social boliviana; al mismo tiempo, han contribuido a debatir la necesidad de democratizar el Estado, las políticas públicas y las visiones de futuro.

-La lírica del huayno andino-
Espacio de configuración de la identidad social de la población andina en la década de los 80’s en Lima

La tesis de Mateo Martínez Abarca sobre populismo y socialismo del siglo XXI es el resultado de un momento muy concreto de la historia intelectual ecuatoriana. Martinez pertenece a la generación de académicos que estudió durante los años... more

La tesis de Mateo Martínez Abarca sobre populismo y socialismo del siglo XXI es el resultado de un momento muy concreto de la historia intelectual ecuatoriana. Martinez pertenece a la generación de académicos que estudió durante los años de formación del movimiento indígena de Ecuador. Todas y todos los que tuvimos la suerte de presenciar este momento histórico, aprendimos que la política se puede hacer de otra manera: en la calle, en las protestas, en los levantamientos indígenas. Y comprendimos sobre todo que otro mundo si es posible. Esto, como bien sugiere el autor, en Ecuador se lo debemos en gran medida al movimiento indígena. Ahora bien, el debate que inaugura este libro ya no corresponde al esplendor de la CONAIE sino a su aparente crisis. Con la elección del presidente Rafael Correa parecería que aquellos sociólogos infiltrados que participaron en los inicios del movimiento indígena se vieron obligados a elegir entre la vagancia y la política pública, entre la acción colectiva y la burocracia, entre la crítica o la planificación. Muchos y sin lugar a dudas excelentes académicos asumieron la responsabilidad de gobernar; pero otros, entre ellos Martínez, decidieron quedarse de “vagos” y afinar al máximo su instrumental crítico. Este libro es prueba de ello y con algo de fortuna editorial permitirá abrir un debate más amplio sobre el futuro de la CONAIE, el populismo en Ecuador, el Socialismo del Siglo XXI, el gobierno de Correa y eventualmente sobre el papel del intelectual en la política ecuatoriana.

This book explores the gendered dimensions of recent land governance transformations across the globe in the wake of unprecedented pressures on land and natural resources. These complex contemporary forces are recon guring livelihoods and... more

This book explores the gendered dimensions of recent land governance transformations across the globe in the wake of unprecedented pressures on land and natural resources. These complex contemporary forces are recon guring livelihoods and impacting women's positions, their tenure security and well-being, and that of their families. Bringing together fourteen empirical community case studies from around the world, the book examines governance transformations of land and land-based resources resulting from four major processes of tenure change: commercial land-based investments; the formalization of customary tenure; the privatization of communal lands; and post-con ict resettlement and redistribution reforms. Each contribution carefully analyses the gendered dimensions of these transformations, exploring both the gender impact of the land tenu re reforms and the social and political economy within which these reforms materialize. The cases provide important insights for decision-makers to better promote and design an effective gender lens into land tenure reforms and natural resource management policies. This book will be of great interest to researchers engaging with land and natural resource management issues from a wide variety of disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, development studies, and political science, as well as policy-makers, practitioners, and activists concerned with environment, development, and social equity.

Résumé : En Polynésie française, la « stratégie autochtone » qui se rapporte au mouvement mondial autochtone et aux normes de l'ONU concernant les droits autochtones est relativement nouvelle dans le combat pour recouvrer la souveraineté.... more

Résumé : En Polynésie française, la « stratégie autochtone » qui se rapporte au mouvement mondial autochtone et aux normes de l'ONU concernant les droits autochtones est relativement nouvelle dans le combat pour recouvrer la souveraineté. Les individus et les associations commencèrent seulement à explorer les possibilités offertes par cette stratégie au milieu des années 1990 et celle-ci occupe toujours une place marginale dans le champ politique de ce territoire français. Cet article explore comment l'autochtonie et les droits autochtones sont compris et se déploient localement, en s'appuyant sur les actions et voix locales, lesquelles sont situées dans leurs contextes local et national. Il montre comment le cadre des luttes des Peuples autochtones en Polynésie française diffère radicalement de celui des peuples qui ont été vus comme étant emblématiques de la catégorie « Peuples autochtones ».
Abstract: In French Polynesia, the " Indigenous strategy " in reference to the world Indigenous movement and UN Indigenous right instruments is a relatively new one in the struggle to recover sovereignty. Individuals and volunteer associations only began to explore the possibilities of this strategy in the mid-1990s, and it continues to hold a marginal place in the political field of this French territory. This article explores how indigeneity and Indigenous rights are understood and enacted locally, drawing on local voices and actions within a local and national context. It shows how the framework for the struggles of the Indigenous peoples in French Polynesia differs radically from those of other peoples who have been seen as emblematic of the category " Indigenous peoples. "

There is increasing recognition of the significance of how traditional knowledges (TKs) can inform our understanding of the impacts of climate change and strategies for adaptation and mitigation. And yet there are potential risks to... more

There is increasing recognition of the significance of how traditional knowledges (TKs) can inform our understanding of the impacts of climate change and strategies for adaptation and mitigation. And yet there are potential risks to indigenous peoples in sharing TKs in federal and other non-indigenous climate change initiatives. We intend the term indigenous peoples to designate the diverse populations in the U.S. who could interact with federal and non-indigenous climate change initiatives in ways that involve TKs, whether in the U.S. they are federally-recognized, state-recognized, or unrecognized. We refer to “indigenous peoples” and “tribes” interchangeably in this document, unless we are talking about a specific group or a specific status related to recognition. These guidelines are intended to examine the significance of TKs in relation to climate change and the potential risks to indigenous peoples in the U.S. for sharing TKs in federal and other non-indigenous climate change initiatives. Although it is common to refer to "traditional knowledge(s)" as individual pieces of information, this term also refers to traditional “knowledge systems" that are deeply embedded in indigenous ways of life. These guidelines use the phrase "traditional knowledges" deliberately in plural form because knowledges are emergent from the symbiotic relationship of indigenous peoples and places - a nature-culture nexus. Tribes and indigenous peoples use “knowledges” to emphasize that there are diverse forms of traditional knowledge and knowledge systems that must be recognized as unique to each tribe and knowledge holder. These guidelines should be used to inform the development of specific protocols in direct and close consultation with indigenous peoples. [http://climatetkw.wordpress.com/] Federal agencies and national climate change initiatives are recognizing the significance of TKs, and are proposing and funding collaborative efforts between indigenous communities and federal and non-indigenous climate change entities in ways that involve TKs. This interaction requires an understanding of how individual tribes and knowledge holders choose to share or not to share TKs.

El estudio muestra el enfrentamiento de una zona indígena con un plan prioritario del Estado mexicano. Los intentos de modernización con su respectivo afán de lucro se enfrentan a la autodefensa de los pueblos afectados, de donde... more

El estudio muestra el enfrentamiento de una zona indígena con un plan prioritario del Estado mexicano. Los intentos de modernización con su respectivo afán de lucro se enfrentan a la autodefensa de los pueblos afectados, de donde obtenemos la contradicción principal del problema investigado. La tendencia de proletarizar a los indios para aprovecharlos e insertarlos al proyecto de industrialización es la causa que los moviliza para defender su modo de vida, pues la preservación de su hábitat, de la unidad económica y del universo social exigen la continuidad de las relaciones comunitarias y el respeto a las mismas por parte de los distingos sectores sociales como del gobierno y sus planes nacionales.