Liberalism and Toleration Research Papers (original) (raw)

This article recovers “evangelical toleration” as a neglected tradition in early modern political thought with important consequences for contemporary political theory and practice. Many political theorists dismiss the prudential arguments made by “proto-liberal” thinkers like Roger Williams or John Locke in favor of toleration as a necessary precondition for evangelism and conversion as intolerant, unacceptably instrumental, and inessential to their deeper theories. By contrast, critics of liberalism treat them as smoking gun evidence for an imperial and civilizing mission underlying liberal toleration. I argue that both sides underestimate evangelical toleration’s genealogical and theoretical importance. Not only were evangelical considerations essential in shaping the particular institutions associated with toleration in England and America, the varieties of evangelical toleration represented by Williams and Locke shed significant light on the very different institutions—and intuitions—governing the expression of religious difference in liberal democracies today.

- by
- •
- Freedom Of Expression, John Locke, Liberalism and Toleration, Evangelism

Introduction and first chapter of a new book: Even though ‘the crisis of secularism’ was declared decades ago, it remains unresolved. This book argues that its roots are internal to the liberal model of secularism, which emerged from the religious dynamics of the Protestant Reformation. In Europe and India, this model has gone hand in hand with an intolerant anticlerical theology that rejects certain traditions as evil ‘political religion’. Consequently, liberal secularism often harms local forms of coexistence rather than nourishing them.

- by Jakob De Roover
- •
- Christianity, Hinduism, Political Philosophy, Political Theory

This chapter takes issue with C.E. Baker’s stance that the Free Speech Principle should protect even the most harmful and vile expression because such protection would promote individual self-government, enhance personal autonomy, and promote critical thinking. It is argued that a balance needs to be struck between these goods and the impact of the speech in question on its target group. The protection of free speech cannot be offered in isolation from its wider consequences, not only those that affect the speaker but also those that affect those whom the speaker intended to influence. Furthermore, the content of the speech should be evaluated on its face value. Incitement and grave offenses, morally on a par with physical harm, should be excluded from the Free Speech Principle.

- by Raphael Cohen-Almagor
- •
- Sociology, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Science
- by Dustin Gish
- •
- Intellectual History, French Literature, Enlightenment, Liberalism and Toleration

The paper aims to clarify what is both meant and entailed when the notion of respect is invoked in relation to the issues of diversity. A distinction is introduced between two types of respecting agents: the state and the citizen. The paper then distinguishes respect in relation to a commonality – in this case citizenship – from respect in relation to specific difference. The importance of respect in relation to a commonality is stressed, whilst the distinction between the state and the citizen as the respecting agent is used to raise questions about respect of difference. The latter part of the paper looks at Peter Jones’ compromise position of ‘mediated recognition,’ and suggests the possibility of ‘mediated accommodation.’

- by Peter Balint
- •
- Multiculturalism, Diversity & Inclusion, Liberalism and Toleration, Respect

There are numerous existing political atheologies that can be characterised by three movements – negative, positive, and critical atheological projects. By focusing on the critical atheologies of two political theorists, Richard Rorty and William Connolly, this article presents an insider's view of the influence that atheism has on political thought. After drawing out just what makes Rorty and Connolly's philosophies atheological, this article sets itself the task of drawing the consequences of a critical atheology for two fundamental concepts of contemporary political theory: secularism and toleration. These Enlightenment ideals can be rescued and re-framed following a pluralist critique. By refining our understanding of secularism beyond a strict church-state separation, an agonistic secularism which promotes an ethos of engagement is defended therein. Secondly, toleration is then defended in its agonistic form to include the practice of critique against conceptions of indifference or respect. Finally, the hard case of the French ban on veils in public schools is discussed to highlight the contribution of this political atheology to an important social issue.

- by Charles Devellennes
- •
- Atheism, Political Theory, History of Political Thought, History of Atheism

John Locke es célebre como defensor de la libertad de conciencia, pero no ofrece una concepción robusta de la conciencia moral. Se busca realizar una exposición completa de la discusión que lleva a cabo Locke sobre ambos problemas, y se... more

- by Manfred Svensson
- •
- Conscience, Liberalism and Toleration

Amiatinus-including a slew of works that celebrated 1,300th anniversary of Coelfrith's departure with it for Rome-is that she has tried to address its significance in the round. She uses it as a gateway into the biblical world of Bede, and then within that world she asks why these Northumbrian monks made such a massive investment in making three of these enormous bibles-just imagine the number of sheepskins needed for its outsize pages (you can get all the measurements in Chazelle's book)-and then to value them by placing one in Jarrow and the other in Wearmouth (just how did they want to use them?), and then why make one of them a gift to Saint Peter (that is, the pope)? Chazelle locates the three codices within the monastic world of Wearmouth and Jarrow (chapter 1) and then within the scholarly ambiance of Bede as a commentator on the Bible (chapter 2). This work alone makes this book of value as it brings together an array of studies on Bede as an exegete produced over the last fifty years and locates that scholarship around what Bede saw as the core of his endeavors. This background then allows Chazelle to investigate the actual manuscript in relation to its environment (chapter 3), which leads to a study of how reading and worship were interlinked in a late seventh-century monastery (chapter 4). The focus then narrows to Amiatinus as an object, and, in particular, its opening pages with the great images (for example, the plan of the wilderness tabernacle) and the scheme of images that runs through the codex (chapter 5). The final chapters look at three issues: first, what we can learn from the codex about why it was intended by Ceolfrith as a gift to Saint Peter at the end of his pilgrimage; second, what we know of the life of the three codices after 716-after which the contemporary evidence about them becomes silent; and third, an account of the anniversary celebrations in 2016. This is a study worthy of its object and will be welcomed by historians of the Bible as much as by Anglo-Saxonists and art historians. The work is enhanced by the sixty-five images in color and black-and-white illustrating what is being discussed in the book, and by a very useful summary of what is to be found on each of the 1030 folios of the manuscript (471-81). All in all, we are brought into the "life" of the codex.

- by Brent Sirota
- •
- Thomas Hobbes, Anglicanism (Anglicanism), John Locke, Liberalism and Toleration

"What is secularism? Can secularism be compatible with post-colonial democracies? In the last years, a wide literature emerged in post-colonial societies has been focused on the notion of secularism and its relation with democracy. In this respect, the case of India is particularly relevant. In this country, “Nehru-Gandhi consensus” on the secular rule was based on the recognition of the difficulty to overcome the deep religious antagonisms emerged in the aftermath of the declaration of Independence. However, critics of secularism have shown that the process of secularisation in India has presented ambivalences and disintegrative potential.
This paper is concerned with the criticisms raised by two influential Indian scholars, namely Partha Chatterjee and Neera Chandhoke. In particular, it is focused on their critiques of Rawls’ model of political tolerance. Can the model of “reasonable pluralism” be useful in divided societies like India? I will show that the arguments raised by Chandhoke and Chatterjee cannot grasp key issues involved in this model. Although these two scholars present two distinct strategies of criticism (cultural relativism versus universalism of the principle of moral equality), both are likely to disregard the asymmetry between democratic legitimacy and justification, in other words both assume that liberal models of tolerance and reasonability would be acceptable and fully justified only by liberals."

- by Valentina Gentile
- •
- Postcolonial Studies, Religion and Politics, Minority Studies, Secularization

Toleration plays a central role in debates about the accommodation of religious beliefs and practices in liberal democracies. This chapter addresses one such debate, which concerns whether liberal societies ought to tolerate discriminatory practices when, or even because, they are performed by religious associations and institutions. After briefly discussing some recently canvassed arguments in support of tolerating discrimination by religious associations, it turns to the question of how political communities might establish the limits to this form of toleration, a question so far neglected by philosophers. One reason why a tolerant state might refuse to allow religious associations to discriminate is to 1

- by Andrew Shorten
- •
- Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Discrimination, Freedom of Religion
- by Sergio Cremaschi
- •
- Political Philosophy, Liberalism, Justice, Communitarianism

The way the Ottoman administration has treated its non-Muslim subjects is often regarded as an example of toleration. However, the elements of time and space are often forgotten in using the term toleration for the Ottoman Empire. Hence, we either examine the Ottoman toleration with the standards of the European Enlightenment, or of the modern period. Leaving aside the Eurocentric and current connotations of the term, this article aims at providing an analysis of the nature and limits of the Ottoman toleration towards its non-Muslim subjects during the early modern period.

- by Hasan Çolak
- •
- History, European History, European Studies, Ottoman History
- by Danny Frederick
- •
- Censorship, Self and Identity, Sex and Gender, Feminist Theory
- by Marc-Antoine Dilhac
- •
- Political Philosophy, John Rawls, Liberalism and Toleration, Pluralism

In this paper the author presents and philosophically analyses how, respectively, Spinoza in the TTP, Bayle in the Commentaire philosophique, and Locke in the Epistola de tolerantia and other texts, conceive of the possible metaphysical reasons for religious toleration. The comparison will show that although all three authors argue for toleration in religious matters, they do this on essentially different metaphysical bases so the apparent resemblance between their theories is limited to the 'surface.'

- by Miklós Vassányi
- •
- Religion, Philosophy Of Religion, 17th Century & Early Modern Philosophy, Locke

By rigorously distinguishing between crime and sin, the Enlightenment philosophers and jurists involved in the secularization of criminal law didn’t merely applied in this area the major achievements of the Locke’s concept of religious toleration. Besides the question of the criminal assessment of religious offences arises in fact that of the religious assessment of criminal offences. The penal application of the concept of toleration, which claims that not every sin is a crime, must therefore be distinguished from the subsequent emergence of a concept of penal toleration, which claims that no crime is a sin and which, consequently, leads to banish any religious presupposition from the definition and classification of criminal offences. It was Cesare Beccaria who first introduced this concept. _____ En distinguant rigoureusement entre crime et péché, les philosophes et juristes des Lumières ayant œuvré à la laïcisation du droit pénal ne se sont pas contentés d’appliquer dans ce domaine les grands acquis du concept de tolérance religieuse tel qu’il avait été formulé par Locke. Outre la question de l’évaluation pénale des infractions religieuses se pose en effet la question de l’évaluation religieuse des infractions pénales. L’application pénale du concept de tolérance, qui affirme que certains péchés ne sont pas des crimes, doit donc être distinguée de l’émergence ultérieure d’un concept de tolérance pénale, qui affirme qu’aucun crime n’est un péché et qui, en conséquence, invite à dépouiller toute qualification pénale de ses présupposés religieux. Il est revenu à Beccaria d’exposer pour la première fois ce concept.

- by Oliver Kloss
- •
- Liberalism, Liberalism and Toleration, Political Liberalism, Liberalismo

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

- by Duncan Bell
- •
- Critical Theory, American Literature, British Literature, Business Ethics

Recently, scholars have disputed whether Locke’s political theory should be read as the groundwork of secular liberalism or as a Protestant political theology. Focusing on Locke’s mature theory of toleration, the article raises a central question: What if these two readings are compatible? That is, what would be the consequences if Locke’s political philosophy has theological foundations, but has also given shape to secular liberalism? Examining Locke’s theory in the Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), the article argues that this is indeed the case. The liberal model of toleration is a secularization of the theology of Christian liberty and its division of society into a temporal political kingdom and the spiritual kingdom of Christ. Therefore, when liberal toleration travels beyond the boundaries of the Christian West or when western societies become multicultural, it threatens to lose its intelligibility.

- by Jakob De Roover
- •
- Freedom of Religion, Political Theology, John Locke, Liberalism and Toleration

Every effort has been made to contact the owners of the copyright of all the works reproduced in this journal but if, for any reason, any acknowledgments have been omitted, the publishers ask those concerned to contact them.

- by Ilia Rodov
- •
- History, Sociology, Gender Studies, Anthropology

La libertad de comercio se convertirá, por su parte, un factor crucial para el progreso del principio de la tolerancia: la prosperidad comercial era un argumento quecomo el sosiego político-resultaba poderosamente convincente, aún más que los motivos de caridad evangélica, cuando se presentaba como un camino a la prosperidad. Baruch de Spinoza, como miembro de la población judía radicada en los Países Bajos, reaccionaba en contra de la intolerancia religiosa y abogaba por la relativa independencia de la religión 7 POCOCK, Sigue así el discurso de Quintana, cubriendo punto por punto las afirmaciones de Burke: el cristianismo no está reñido con los derechos del hombre y la sociedad; los ampara en cuanto éstos no sean abusados por los filósofos que engañan a los ciudadanos. Así hace Burke, a los ojos de Quintana, desviando la verdad y mintiendo sobre la historia 91 Quintana, en Burke, op.cit., p. 281 92 Ibíd., pp.286-288 93 Ibíd., p291 94 Ibíd., p.296 95 Ibíd., p. 298

The Jesuit father Nicolas Pimenta's report mentions one of the first Christian missions to Bengal (1598–1604). Based on fresh translations of the chapters in the report describing the Bengal mission, this article examines interreligious relations in contemporary Bengal characterised by the dialectic of coexistence and disjunction. Local kingship or lordship was the keystone in the structure of interreligious coexistence in Bengal. The Christian preachers carried an incompatibilist and exclusivist approach to interreligious relations that was at odds with the inclusivist and com-patibilist approach prevalent among the Bengal lords. The welcome accorded to the preachers by the lords reflected the inclusive approach. The eventual persecution and expulsion of the fathers was due to political exigencies rather than interreligious antagonism.

- by Tahmidal Zami
- •
- Christianity, Hinduism, Medieval History, History of India

Two years after the publication of Locke's An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, he sought advice from his Irish friend, William Molyneux, concerning improvements for the second edition. This discussion resulted in the most substantial alterations of the Essay. Among these changes, Molyneux proposed a "Jocose Problem"-a 17th Century "brain-teaser"-concerning the ability of a formerly blind person to recognize the simple difference between the appearance of a cube and a sphere. Molyneux's jocose riddle eventually awakened "the greatest philosophic interest" and became the "common center" of attention for 18th Century thinkers like Berkeley, Voltaire, and Diderot (Cassirer 1951, 108-9). The following is meant to reintroduce Molyneux's Problem by suggesting its origin in the thought of Thomas Hobbes and its bearing on the role of religion in public life. After examining Molyneux's Problem and its importance for understanding the Essay, I conclude with a brief comparison to Locke's Letter Concerning Toleration in order to stress its bearing on theoretical and practical considerations for a wide range of political scientists.

- by Rafael Major
- •
- Irish Studies, Political Philosophy, Perception, Thomas Hobbes

Some critics of Mill understand him to advocate the forced assimilation of people he regards as uncivilized, and to defend toleration and the principle of liberty only for civilized people of the West. Examination of Mill’s social and political writings and practice while serving the British East India Company shows, instead, that Mill is a ‘tolerant imperialist’: Mill defends interference in India to promote the protection of legal rights, respect and toleration for conflicting viewpoints, and a commercial society that can cope with natural threats. He does not think the principle of liberty is waived for the uncivilized, or that the West should forcibly reshape them in its own monistic image. Mill’s tolerant imperialism reflects a tension between liberty and moral development that surfaces also when Mill thinks about the scope of government in civilized societies.

- by Mark Tunick
- •
- Liberalism and Toleration, John Stuart Mill, Colonialism and Imperialism

Această carte este protejată de legile copyrightului. Reproducerea, multiplicarea, punerea la dispoziţia publică, precum și alte fapte similare efectuate fără permisiunea deţinătorului copyrightului constituie încălcări legislative cu... more

- by Sorin Adam Matei and +1
- •
- Liberalism, Romanian Studies, Liberalism and Toleration, Liberalism and Republicanism

conception of morality' (p. ). Future scholarship on Locke will have to engage with Lucci's revisionist plea to reconsider the prevalent perception of the 'liberal' and 'secular' Locke. PETER SCHRÖDER UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON In the shadow of Leviathan. John Locke and the politics of conscience. By Jeffrey R. Collins. (Ideas in Context.) Pp. xiv + . Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, . £.      JEH () ; doi:./S Jeffrey Collins's In the shadow of Leviathan is one of the best works of early modern British intellectual history to have appeared in the last quarter-century. In it Collins offers a new and persuasive account of how Thomas Hobbes's thought about religious conscience influenced John Locke's thought about religious conscience. Scholars have rarely tried to discern what, if any, influence Hobbes had on Locke. The so-called Cambridge school of intellectual history has tended to keep the two seventeenth-century English political philosophers separated, not least because of methodological commitments. Those associated with that school have rejected 'canon-formation', have denied that A-list thinkers 'developed their ideas in dialogue' and, indeed, have been wary of attributing influence altogether. Leo Strauss's work also encouraged the Cambridge school to quarantine Hobbes from Locke. For one thing, Strauss and Straussians have focused exclusively on canonical thinkers. For another, in the Straussian narrative, Hobbes and Locke play crucial roles as founding fathers of liberal modernity; insofar as they differ, Locke is supposedly the kinder, gentler purveyor of Hobbes's stark truths. Those working in the Cambridge school tradition have rejected both the Straussian approach and the Straussian narrative. Collins does too but, pace the Cambridge school, argues that we should ask what it meant for Locke to write in the wake of Hobbes. In showing what it entailed, Collins makes important historical, methodological and theoretical interventions. Collins's historical argument is straightforward. From early on, there was a 'fairly durable connection between the two thinkers, followed by a gradual emancipation of Locke from Hobbesian patterns of thought'. Collins carefully traces the process by which 'Locke escaped the strictures of a politique, Hobbesian account of religious conscience, and developed an account oriented around natural rights, individual religious duty and resistance theory.' The book opens with two chapters on pre-Restoration Hobbism and on Hobbes's Restoration-era attempts to repackage his earlier arguments in a more congenial idiom. Five chapters follow which chart changes in Locke's thinking about the conscience. Collins reckons that Locke was initially drawn to Hobbes's 'science of sovereignty that might have tolerationist or anti-tolerationist implications'. By the late s, though, Locke had jettisoned Hobbes's 'logic of civil religion' and had, instead, defended the individual free conscience and churches as 'voluntary, sacred and autonomous societies'. So, while some late seventeenth-and early eighteenth-century contemporaries tried to lash together Locke with Hobbes, Collins argues that their conjoining reflected polemical exigencies, not actual fact.

- by Robert G Ingram
- •
- Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Liberalism and Toleration, Leo Strauss

Christ and the Common Life provides an introduction to historical and contemporary theological reflection on politics while also setting out a constructive political theology of democracy. In dialogue with Scripture and various traditions, it examines the dynamic relationship between who we are in relation to God and who we are as moral and political animals, addressing fundamental political questions about poverty and injustice, forming a common life with strangers, and handling power constructively. Read as a whole, or as stand-alone chapters, the book guides readers through the political landscape and identifies the primary vocabulary, ideas, and schools of thought that shape Christian reflection on politics in the West. Ideal for the classroom, Christ and the Common Life equips students to understand politics and its positive and negative role in fostering neighbor love.

- by Luke Bretherton
- •
- Political Theory, Humanitarianism, Sovereignty, Catholic Social Teaching

This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. The first section briefly examines conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience in the traditions of Locke, Rawls, and Mill. The second section considers contemporary controversies surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience with a focus on neutrality and equality. The third section examines several challenges, including whether non-religious values should be afforded the same degree of accommodation as religious values, whether liberty of conscience requires a secular state, and how bias impedes understandings of toleration and liberty of conscience. The chapter concludes with brief comments on future directions for research on toleration and liberty of conscience. One is exploring toleration and liberty of conscience in non-Western contexts; another is exploring ways that varieties of religious and political identity impact conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. Liberty of conscience is central to liberal conceptions of toleration. One tradition that runs from John Locke (1983) through John Rawls (2005) holds that liberty of conscience is a fundamental right. A conception of the person as free and equal is a primary moral basis for toleration on this view. John Stuart Mill (1978) represents another tradition. On his view, utility is the moral basis for toleration and liberty of conscience. Both collective and individual interests are best promoted by a policy of toleration that extends to religious among other value commitments. The limits to liberty are set by the harm principle: toleration extends to beliefs and actions that do not cause or pose a significant risk of harm to others. Political philosophers in both traditions claim that liberty of conscience is a fundamental feature to a liberal conception of toleration.

Militant democracy is an attempt to defend democracy against totalitarian parties that would use democratic procedures to rise to power. This article is focused on the consistency of the concept of 'militant democracy' . I argue that what militant democracy defends is not the democratic procedure itself but rather certain rights and the rule of law, and that those elements may in fact be compromised by democracy. This applies both if the democratic procedure is concerned and if democracy is interpreted as a reflection of the will of the people. Those elements may be upheld, but democracy is to be mitigated rather than fortified in order to do so.

- by Jasper Doomen
- •
- Law, Criminal Law, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law

This article argues that the Stoics possessed a conception of toleration as a personal and social virtue. In contrast with previous scholarship, I argue that such a conception of toleration only emerges as a product of the novel conceptions of the virtue of endurance offered by Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius. The first section provides a survey of the Stoic conception of endurance in order to demonstrate how the distinctive treatments of endurance in Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius merit classification of a conception of toleration; the second section offers a brief reconstruction of the arguments for toleration in the Meditations.

- by John Lombardini
- •
- Stoicism, Liberalism and Toleration, Tolerance, Toleration
- by Peter Balint
- •
- Political Philosophy, Multiculturalism, Liberalism, Politics of Recognition

En un artículo ya clásico, Filippo Mignini se preguntaba si no era posible situar a Spinoza más allá del horizonte histórico e intelectual delimitado por el concepto de tolerancia. Retomando esas reflexiones, en esta conferencia reconsideraremos los textos de Michel de Montaigne desde la perspectiva abierta por Mignini. Creemos que a partir de allí estaremos en condiciones de señalar el carácter ambivalente de las reflexiones del ensayista en torno al conflicto teológico-político que asoló a su época; carácter que lo sitúa, a la vez, más acá y más allá de la tolerancia. Pues si bien podría afirmarse que la posición política asumida por Montaigne lo ubica un paso más acá de la abierta tolerancia, en tanto se muestra reticente a aceptar las novedades de la Reforma en el seno de una sociedad habituada al catolicismo, su actitud privada, no obstante, y la ética del ensayo de la alteridad que la caracteriza, tal vez puedan permitirnos ubicar al autor un paso más allá.

Abstract: Early modern political thought transformed toleration from a prudential consideration into a moral obligation. Three questions need to be answered by any explanation of this transition: Did religious toleration really become an... more

- by S.N. Balagangadhara and +1
- •
- Sociology, Political Science, History of Political Thought, Liberalism and Toleration

Toleration or tolerance has now been almost universally regarded as one of the most important political values and/or personal virtues, if not the most important one, since the modern time. John Locke starts his famous “A Letter Concerning Toleration” by saying that “mutual toleration among Christians” is “the principal mark of the true church” (Locke: 3). John Stuart Mill, in the same paragraph with his famous saying, “If a person possesses any tolerable amount of common sense and experience, his own mode of laying out his existence is the best, not because it is the best in itself, but because it is his own mode,” asks rhetorically: “Why then should tolerance…extend only to tastes and modes of life which extort acquiescence by the multitude of their adherents?” (Mill: 115). Contemporary political philosopher John Rawls claims that his trade mark conception of justice as fairness “would complete and extend the movement of thought that began three centuries ago with the gradual acceptance of the principle of toleration” (Rawls: 154). Indeed, the idea of toleration has been written into the Preamble of Charter of the United Nations of 1945 and the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights” of 1948, and UNESCO declared 1995 as the “Year of Tolerance” and November 16 of each year beginning from this year as the “International Day of Tolerance.” Accordingly, a number of scholars have explored the idea of toleration in the Confucian tradition, claiming that it is also a political value and personal virtue that Confucians, particularly Confucius, promotes. In this paper, however, I shall argue, by drawing on Confucius’s Analects, that tolerance as a moral idea is fundamentally flawed. To show this, we need first to see what toleration is.

- by Yong Huang
- •
- Moral Education, Liberalism and Toleration, Confucianism, Confucius

Locke's religious conception of morality played a primary role in shaping his views on toleration and salvation. In A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), Locke excluded from toleration atheists, whom he considered inherently immoral, and Roman Catholics, whose morals he judged harmful to society. In The Reasonableness of Christianity (1695), he turned to Christian revelation in search of the foundations of morality. His moralist soteriology denied the possibility of salvation to those who, like antinomians and deists, rejected Christ's moral and salvific message. To Locke, antinomians denied any importance to good works, while deists relied on natural reason alone, thus neglecting the limits of unassisted reason and the weakness of human nature. Nevertheless, Locke's hostility to antinomianism and deism did not lead him to invoke the civil power against antinomians and deists, whom he judged still able to understand, albeit partially and imperfectly, the divine law and, thus, to behave morally. in a debate with the Oxford chaplain Jonas Proast, a supporter of religious uniformity. During this debate, Locke wrote three more "letters" on toleration in 1690, 1692, and 1704. A selection of the works that Locke and Proast wrote during this dispute is in Richard Vernon (ed.), Locke on Toleration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). There are several essays on the Locke-Proast debate, including three book-length monographs. See Richard Vernon, The Career of Toleration: John Locke, Jonas Proast, and after (Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen's University

- by Diego Lucci
- •
- Atheism, Enlightenment, Intellectual History of Enlightenment, Locke
- by Parkpume Vanichaka
- •
- Intellectual History, Liberalism, Nationalism, Journalism History

Eng.
The book presented is the first collection of selected pearls, translated and published in the Azerbaijani, from the “Rīḥȃniyyȃt” - a collection of academic, literary and publicist essays by Ameen Rihani (1876-1940), one of the founders of the Syrian-American literary school, founded in the 20th century in the US, a pioneer of the Arabic mahjar (immigration) literature. The book is dedicated to the 140th anniversary of the great master. In the translation process, mostly contemporary topics have been highlighted. Author's ideas around a number of issues, as well as, some places, people's names and events have been clarified. Some parts of the book reflecting Rihan's most brilliant ideas are presented as aphorisms in the "Thoughts" chapter. In total, thirty-five texts were given entirely and sixteen in the form of shortcuts. The "Rīḥȃniyyȃt" collection introduced Ameen Rihani as a pioneer who had brought a new breath into modern Arabic thought and literature. The author's ideas relied on the Eastern cognition and Western logic, though being enlightened and idealistic, are very precious as the messages of peace and rebirth gave by A.Rihani, as the writer looking always for a truth. Messages of the great master knead with the yeast of tolerance and humanism are still being echoed today by the same sensibility and enthusiasm.
----------
(Azərb.)
Azərbaycan oxucularına təqdim olunan kitab Amerikada 20-ci əsrdə əsası qoyulmuş suriya-amerikan məktəbinin yaradıcılarından, ərəb məhcər ədəbiyyatının qabaqcıllarından hesab olunan Əmin Rihanininii (1876-1940) elmi, bədii və publisist yazılarından ibarət “Rīḥȃniyyȃt” külliyya-tından seçmə incilərin azərbaycan dilinə tərcümə edilərək toplu şəklində təqdim olunmuş ilk məcmusudur. Kitab böyük ustad Əmin Rihaninin 140 illik yubileyinə həsr olunur. Divanın toplu şəklində tərcümə və şərhi ilk dəfə olaraq həyata keçirilir. Tərcümə prosesində müəllifin daha öncə rus və türk dillərinə tərcümə edilməmiş, günümüzlə səsləşən çağdaş mövzuları əks etdirən əsərlərinə müraciət olunmuşdur. Külliyyatda təsadüf olunan bəzi yer, insan adları və hadisələrə şərhlər verilmiş, müəllifin bir sıra məsələlər ətrafında dolaşıq fikirlərinə aydınlıq gətirilmişdir. Kitabın “Düşüncələr” bölməsində Rihaninin daha parlaq ideyalarını əks etdirən əsərlərdən bəzi parçalar aforizmlər şəklində verilmişdir. Ümumilikdə, otuz beş mətn bütöv, on altı mətn isə qısa parçalar şəklində təqdim olunmuşdur. “Rīḥȃniyyȃt” külliyyatı Əmin Rihanini müasir ərəb fikri və ədəbiyyatına yeni nəfəs gətirən, ona yenilikçi ruh qazandıran pioner kimi tanıtdırmışdır. Yazarın Şərq idrakı və Qərb məntiqinə söykənən fikirləri maarifçi və idealist səpkidə olsa da, həqiqət arayışında olan vətənpərvər ədibin bütövlüklə bəşəriyyətə ünvanlandığı sülh və intibah yönlü ismarışları kimi çox qiymətlidir. Tolerantlıq və humanizm mayası ilə yoğrulmuş bu ismarışlar bu gün də eyni pafos və şövqlə səslənir.

- by Afsana Mammadova
- •
- Comparative Literature, Gender Studies, Philosophy, Political Philosophy

C'est peu dire que le libéralisme politique et, plus encore, les partis libéraux en Europe ont été peu étudiés par la communauté scientifique. Comparé aux formations socialistes, communistes, d'extrême droite et, plus récemment, écologistes, les partis libéraux sont à l'évidence un des parents pauvres de la littérature scientifique dans les recherches portant sur les acteurs politiques. Une recherche bibliographique sommaire suffirait à l'établir. Pourtant, le libéralisme politique fut la doctrine de référence dans l'avènement de l'Etat parlementaire puis de la démocratie parlementaire, au XIXe et au XXe siècles. Dans plusieurs sociétés européennes, les organisations et partis libéraux jouèrent un rôle clé dans la transition des monarchies absolues vers le constitutionnalisme. Dans la période contemporaine, plusieurs formations libérales furent des partis pivots cruciaux dans leur système politique national. Une des ambitions de ce livre est donc de contribuer aux lacunes criantes des travaux consacrés à l'espace politique du centre-droit et, singulièrement, aux partis libéraux. Pour ce faire, l'ouvrage rassemble des contributions de spécialistes internationaux. Ils abordent, décortiquent et analysent l'histoire du libéralisme politique, ses caractéristiques et ses évolutions. Ils examinent aussi l'essence des partis libéraux européens dans la période contemporaine : leur mutation idéologique, leur parcours électoral, leur performance politique et leur situation actuelle.

- by Pascal Delwit
- •
- European History, Political Sociology, Social Movements, European Studies