Libyan Studies Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
بعيد حكم الدائرة الدستورية بالمحكمة العليا الليبية حل مجلس النواب المنتخب في حزيران يونيو الماضي وقبول الطعن المتعلق بعدم شرعية مقترحات لجنة فبراير التي شكلها المؤتمر الوطني العام، واعتبار الخصومة منتهية في الطعنين الآخرين المتعلقين... more
بعيد حكم الدائرة الدستورية بالمحكمة العليا الليبية حل مجلس النواب المنتخب في حزيران يونيو الماضي وقبول الطعن المتعلق بعدم شرعية مقترحات لجنة فبراير التي شكلها المؤتمر الوطني العام، واعتبار الخصومة منتهية في الطعنين الآخرين المتعلقين بقانون انتخاب البرلمان وبشرعية انعقاد جلساته في طبرق تم الرجوع إلى النقطة الأساس في الصراع الليبي الراهن وهي الشرعية، نفس الشيء حصل بمصر بعد أحكام حل البرلمان في 2012، ثم بعد الانقلاب وترتيبات 3يوليو 2013، نفس الشيء كاد يحدث في تونس، وحدث بالفعل في اليمن، إذن فيم يبدو الخلل؟ هل هو في مصدر الشرعية ذاته أم في الآليات التي تتعامل بها الثورات مع الأطر السياسية التي قامت ضدها؟
The use of internet for financial reporting has grown increasingly to the extent that many firms have designed a website for publication of their financial data. Many organizations have accepted the internet as a useful tool for informing... more
The use of internet for financial reporting has grown increasingly to the extent that many firms have designed a website for publication of their financial data. Many organizations have accepted the internet as a useful tool for informing prospective and existing investors of the financial performance of the companies. However, it has been reported that the internet financial reporting creates several challenges for the companies and their auditors as well as the regulators. Therefore, this study examines the impact of auditors' policies and practice factor; corporate governance practices and technology factors towards internet financial reporting in the Libyan banking sectors. Data were collected from the users of internet financial reporting using systematic random sampling. Meanwhile, 194 questionnaires were used for further analysis represent 65% response rate. The data were analysed using Structural Equation Modelling (CB-SEM). The findings indicated that auditors' policies and practices; technology factors and corporate governance have statistically significant influence on internet financial reporting of Libyan Banking Sector. This indicates that auditors' policies and practices; corporate governance and technology factors are the predictor for internet financial reporting. The results of study also indicate continued progress in the area of corporate reporting over the Internet. Almost all the companies considered in this study have a section within their i Correspondence: email
This study is the result of cooperation between the Friedrich Ebert Foundation’s Libya Office and the Jusoor Center for Studies and Development, in the field of gender equality and women’s empowerment in sustainable economic development.... more
This study is the result of cooperation between the Friedrich Ebert Foundation’s Libya Office and
the Jusoor Center for Studies and Development, in the field of gender equality and women’s
empowerment in sustainable economic development. We have tried to shed light on the most
important factors concerning women in the Libyan job market despite a lack of information and
data, especially in relation to the private sector. Notwithstanding the difficulty and ambiguity of the
situation, we recommend various mechanisms to improve the situation of women. We hope that
this study will encourage the trade union movement, civil society organizations and other concerned
parties to conduct detailed and comprehensive studies that contribute to improving the conditions
of working women in Libya and reinforcing women’s role in economic activity.
The study aims to understand the current situation of women in the Libyan job market and the
most important challenges they face. It also aims to identify obstacles to women’s effective
involvement in the job market and the factors behind these, including various forms of discrimination
that hinder women’s professional advancement. These obstacles conflict with measures that for
economic and social reasons have sought to encouragement and support women to enter the job
market.
(Tanıtım Bülteninden) "Arap İsyanları Güncesi", Kuzey Afrika ve Ortadoğu'daki değişimi Türkiye'de en yakından izleyen habercilerden birinin, 3 yıl süresince Tunus, Mısır, Libya ve Suriye'ye gerçekleştirdiği seyahatlerde şahit oldukları... more
تعد المجالس البلدية القوية إحدى سمات ومكونات أي نظام ديمقراطي قوي، وبعد الثورة الليبية كانت هناك آمال عريضة بأن تكون المجالس البلدية المنتخبة خطوة على طريق التحول الديمقراطي، بما يخدم تحقيق معنى اللامركزية الإدارية ومصالح وطموحات المواطن... more
تعد المجالس البلدية القوية إحدى سمات ومكونات أي نظام ديمقراطي قوي، وبعد الثورة الليبية كانت هناك آمال عريضة بأن تكون المجالس البلدية المنتخبة خطوة على طريق التحول الديمقراطي، بما يخدم تحقيق معنى اللامركزية الإدارية ومصالح وطموحات المواطن الليبي في خدمات أفضل، حيث إن مجالس البلدية تعد رافداً مهماً من الروافد التي تساعد على تحسين الأوضاع على مستوى كل بلدية، إذ هي أقدر على تقدير ظروف واحتياجات مواطنيها، وبالتالي تكون قادرة على إيجاد الحلول الناجعة لكل ما يعتري البلدية من مشاكل أو صعوبات، إلى جانب أن ذلك سيسهم في القضاء على المركزية من خلال ما تقوم به هذه المجالس من توفير الخدمات كافة لمواطنيها وتكون آليات عملها والرقابة عليها مباشرة من قبل وزارة الحكم المحلي فهل تصبح البلديات الليبية نواة لحلحلة الأزمة؟
Saudi Arabia and Iran are engaged in a strenuous competition in the Middle East to protect and promote their respective spheres of influence, to each other's detriment. This qualitative study traces the structural sources of this... more
Saudi Arabia and Iran are engaged in a strenuous competition in the Middle East to protect and promote their respective spheres of influence, to each other's detriment. This qualitative study traces the structural sources of this competition while taking cue from the history. It argues that demise of Saddam Hussein, Iraq's plunging into civil war, and Arab Spring leading to violent movements in Syria, Libya, Bahrain, and Yemen accentuated Saudi-Iran competition in the region. Study finds that the sources of their rivalry lie at structural level and can be understood by focusing upon their aspiration for the Muslim world leadership, religio-sectarianism, antithetical governance structure, and Iranian nuclear program.
Since 2011, and with the worsening economic crisis in Libya, Libyan youth have become more concerned about unemployment and job opportunities, especially with the changing security conditions. This study covers the factors impacting the... more
Since 2011, and with the worsening economic crisis in Libya, Libyan youth have become more concerned about unemployment and job opportunities, especially with the changing security conditions. This study covers the factors impacting the situation of the youth and causes of unemployment as these are important issues for young job-seekers which constitute the future of the country, with the hope that this study would be a helpful source for theoretical references regarding job opportunities and economic development, especially for decision-makers and stakeholders. The theoretical and analytical aspects have been studied to determine the status quo of the Libyan job market and the needs of youth and employers in order to bridge the gap between the two sides and to evaluate future needs. The descriptive analytical method was used in this study, and data were gathered from various local sources and scientific references, in order to reach several conclusions that would help researchers, decision-makers, and the youth to reach a better understanding of the status quo of the job market and the factors linked to it such as education outputs and economic conditions.
The research problem lies in determining current job opportunities and the qualifications of young graduates and job-seekers in addition to their needs in the current situation of the job market in line with current and future changes, and determining specializations needed by the job market.
The recommendations of the World Bank reports and the National Economic Strategy were used to support the analytical part of the study building on the data gathered from job-seekers and employers emphasizing the importance of utilizing this data in addition to creating a comprehensive social protection network which would support any future economic reforms to achieve economic development and equal opportunities.
Libya has been an important producer of crude oil since the 1960s. With a population of only six million and substantial annual oil revenues, amounting to $32 billion in 2010, Libya's potential is tremendous. However, during Gaddafi's 42... more
Libya has been an important producer of crude oil since the 1960s. With a population of only six million and substantial annual oil revenues, amounting to 32billionin2010,Libya′spotentialistremendous.However,duringGaddafi′s42yearsinpower,Gaddafiandhiscroniesreportedlyplunderedasmuchas32 billion in 2010, Libya's potential is tremendous. However, during Gaddafi's 42 years in power, Gaddafi and his cronies reportedly plundered as much as 32billionin2010,Libya′spotentialistremendous.However,duringGaddafi′s42yearsinpower,Gaddafiandhiscroniesreportedlyplunderedasmuchas200 billion from the country that was deposited in bank accounts around the world. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, authorities have been trying to track and get access to these hidden funds. Libya's future depends on the capacity of the UN-backed government to ensure political stability and rebuild the economy. Libya's hidden wealth could provide an essential source of finance to support post-conflict reconstruction.
- by TRT World Research Centre and +1
- •
- Libya, Corruption, Conflict in Libya, Wealth
Aim: This survey was designed to first – collect information on the oral self‑care practices and self‑assessment of their dental condition among the dental students and second, to provide a recommendation (if required) to improve their... more
Aim: This survey was designed to first – collect information on the oral self‑care practices and self‑assessment of their dental condition among the dental students and second, to provide a recommendation (if required) to improve their oral health behavior.
Materials and Methods: The study design was a cross‑sectional survey using a self‑administered, structured, and close‑ended 25‑item questionnaire. Ninety‑five students completed the study. For the purpose of analysis, the data were divided into four groups according to their year of study. Descriptive statistics, including frequencies and percentages was calculated and the comparison between the groups was done using Chi‑square test.
Results: About 100% reported to have used the toothbrush and fluoridated toothpaste. 69.47% practiced toothbrushing twice daily, 64.21% preferred to use medium bristle toothbrush, 52.63% reported to have changed the toothbrush after 3 months; 30.52% stored the toothbrush in the toothbrush stand kept on the wash basin; About 50.52% reported to use the vertical method of toothbrushing; 49.47% brushed for more than 1 min duration; only, 14.73% used mouthwash regularly. Nearly 58.94% visited the dentist for dental problems and 37.89% as a part of routine check‑up. Sixty per cent reported to have a good overall dental health. Overall, intergroup comparison showed statistically significant difference with regards to toothbrush storage, toothbrushing technique, decision to buy the toothbrush, rating the cleanliness of the mouth and visit to the dentist.
Conclusion: The oral self‑care practices followed by the dental students are not up to the mark. They require training and motivation to self‑implement the preventive dentistry measure that they study at the dental school.
In this contribution, the author compares the Amazigh movement in Tunisia with that of Libya. It seems clear that the fall of Ben Ali’s regime allowed the emergence of Amazighity in Tunisia. On several occasions, the Amazigh have had to... more
In this contribution, the author compares the Amazigh movement in Tunisia with that of Libya. It seems clear that the fall of Ben Ali’s regime allowed the emergence of Amazighity in Tunisia. On several occasions, the Amazigh have had to express the latter and remind the Tunisian political class that Tunisia is also Amazigh. The irruption of Libyan neighbours and the way in which they performed Amazighity was not without its influence on the awakening of the Amazigh in Tunisia. The author hypothesizes that the direct contact with the refugees in Tunisia could play an additional, important role for Libyan Amazigh.
تتناول هذه الورقة بالدراسة طبيعة العلاقات التجارية بين ايالة طرابلس الغرب (ليبيا) وأوروبا في القرن الثامن عشر والعقود الثلاثة الأولى من القرن التاسع عشر. وتركز في هذا الإطار على نشاط التجار الأوروبيين و دورهم في حركة المبادلات مع وتوضيح... more
تتناول هذه الورقة بالدراسة طبيعة العلاقات التجارية بين ايالة طرابلس الغرب (ليبيا) وأوروبا في القرن الثامن عشر والعقود الثلاثة الأولى من القرن التاسع عشر. وتركز في هذا الإطار على نشاط التجار الأوروبيين و دورهم في حركة المبادلات مع وتوضيح الظروف التي أحاطت بنشاطهم والعوامل المؤثرة فيه.
Article in Swedish giving an general overview of the history of Greek Cyrene and Cyrenaica.
Sebha is the key and the most populated city in Fezzan, the South of Libya, and the main gateway between North and South. In 2018, it esmatly hosts around 210,000 inhabitants constitung around 2/3rd of its governorate. It has... more
Sebha is the key and the most populated city in Fezzan,
the South of Libya, and the main gateway between
North and South. In 2018, it esmatly hosts around
210,000 inhabitants constitung around 2/3rd of its
governorate.
It has experienced fighng and damage, especially in
2011 and 2014. Most of the displaced were within the
boundaries of the city and its immediate
neighborhoods, accelerating the development of its
informal settlements.
15,190 IDPs from Sebha outside the region has
returned, constung today 7% of the population. This
is while there are sll 8,390 displaced IDPs.
Sebha became also a major step on the migraon road
from Africa to the North. 35,040 migrants were
accounted for in August 2018 (18% of the municipality
populaon), in an accelerang trend. 89% of the
migrants are from Africa, mainly Niger and Nigeria.
Their humanitarian situation is a priority issue.
After more than a year of efforts, the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) military campaign to capture Tripoli has collapsed. Turkey’s military intervention in favour of the Government of National Accord (GNA) has been crucial in preventing... more
After more than a year of efforts, the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) military campaign to capture Tripoli has collapsed. Turkey’s military intervention in favour of the Government of National Accord (GNA) has been crucial in preventing the fall of Tripoli, turning the tide against the LNA and helping the GNA advance to the east. Turkey’s involvement has also stirred new diplomatic initiatives, enhanced the geopolitical antagonism between Ankara and external supporters of the LNA such as Russia and Egypt, and ushered Libya into a new phase of conflict between the GNA and LNA. Amid possibilities of conflict escalation and challenges to bridging Cairo’s proposed peace initiative and the UN-led peace talks, a win-win formula in Libya will be difficult to negotiate.
The "Arab Spring" which first broke out in Tunisia and disseminated to many countries in the Arab world has become one of the most actual topics of the international political agenda in the recent years. The protests that began against... more
The "Arab Spring" which first broke out in Tunisia and disseminated to many countries in the Arab world has become one of the most actual topics of the international political agenda in the recent years. The protests that began against the Gaddafi regime after the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt led the opponents to unite under a single umbrella in a short time and form the main opposition in the country. The opponents which first came to the fore with civilian protest movements then continued their struggle against the government with armed attacks. In this article we are going to analyse the ―Arab Spring‖ in Libya which broke out in February 2011 leaving its mark that year and investigate the positive and negative effects.
Al-Jamahiriya TV was Libya´s national television station until 2011, during which the channel successfully met several technological and ideological challenges. Then, after the civil war in 2011, Al-Jamahiriya TV became the biggest... more
Al-Jamahiriya TV was Libya´s national television station until 2011, during which the channel successfully met several technological and ideological challenges. Then, after the civil war in 2011, Al-Jamahiriya TV became the biggest TV-channel in Libyan diaspora.
This research shows that Al-Jamahiriya TV has at present the upper hand in creating stable narratives of Libyan identity. It is a media with long time experience, well-based funding, professional workers and reporters, providing a stable media structure with stable symbolism,
recurring anchor faces that Libyans both inside Libya and in diaspora recognize easily. They are not afraid to challenge the narratives of the various militia governments in their broadcast, and their viewers outnumber the militia channels inside Libya
المقصود بالأزمة الليبية في هذه الدراسة هو الاضطرابات وأعمال العنف التي تشهدها ليبيا وبخاصة بعد صراع الشرعيات بين المؤتمر الوطني العام الليبي المنتهية مدته والبرلمان الليبي الذي انتخب دون توافقات ما بين الداعين لانتخابه وأنصار المؤتمر... more
المقصود بالأزمة الليبية في هذه الدراسة هو الاضطرابات وأعمال العنف التي تشهدها ليبيا وبخاصة بعد صراع الشرعيات بين المؤتمر الوطني العام الليبي المنتهية مدته والبرلمان الليبي الذي انتخب دون توافقات ما بين الداعين لانتخابه وأنصار المؤتمر الوطني الليبي، وهو الأمر الذي تحول لصراع مسلح بين العديد من الأطراف المنطوية تحت مسميين كبيرين هما عملية الكرامة بقيادة اللواء متقاعد خليفة حفتر، وأنصار عملية فجر ليبيا من كتائب الثوار وأنصار المؤتمر الوطني العام، وهنا تقوم الورقة بتحليل المواقف الدولية من هذه الأزمة ومدى قدرتها على الدفع باتجاه حل لها أم الدفع بها إلى مزيد من التعقيد من خلال التعرض لمواقف القوي الدولية ذات التأثير في الأزمة مثل الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي وبعض دوله وتركيا
مدينة غدامس تمثل واحة ليبية عند ملتقى الحدود السياسية الليبية الغربية مع حدود تونس والجزائر، وتعتبر المدينة الوحيدة المسقوفة في صحارى العالم. وتدرس الورقة مساكن مدينة غدامس التقليدية فى ضوء دراسة نموذج. المساكن الغدامسية فقيرة المظهر... more
مدينة غدامس تمثل واحة ليبية عند ملتقى الحدود السياسية الليبية الغربية مع حدود تونس والجزائر، وتعتبر المدينة الوحيدة المسقوفة في صحارى العالم. وتدرس الورقة مساكن مدينة غدامس التقليدية فى ضوء دراسة نموذج.
المساكن الغدامسية فقيرة المظهر الخارجى، جدرانها مرتفعة قليلة الفتحات. تبنى الأساسات، والجدران حتى ارتفاع متر تقريباً بالحجر الرملى، وتبنى الجدران بالطوب اللبن، وتستخدم أخشاب النخيل للأسقف ودلف الأبواب والخزانات والأعمال الخشبية الأخرى.
يتكون المسكن الغدامسى من ثلاثة طوابق (طابقين والسطح). ويشتمل على وحدة الاستقبال والمعيشة، حجرات للنوم، المخازن، حجرات للتموين، الكبة، المرحاض، المطبخ، الكمار، والممرات والسلالم للحركة.
أهم خصوصيات عمارة المسكن التقليدى بغدامس اختفاء الفناء الداخلى السماوى؛ واستخدام السطح، والحركة عبر أسطح المنازل، بالإضافة إلى شكل ومضمون الزخارف.
تناقش الورقة البحثية كذلك تأثير المضمون الدينى على عمارة المسكن الغدامسى (فقه العمارة). وتعرض الورقة البحثية لمقارنة المسكن التقليدى بصفة عامة والغدامسى بصفة خاصة فى ضوء الأنماط المختلفة للعمائر السكنية في العمارة العثمانية في العالم الإسلامى وأوربا العثمانية. مع مقارنتها خاصة بالعمارة التقليدية في الواحات المشابهة لواحة غدامس حيث الظروف البيئية والمناخية والإجتماعية للوقوف على العوامل المؤثرة على التخطيط ، وأوجه الشبه والاختلاف فيما بينها.
Ville libyco-punique, Saldae reçut vers 25 avant notre ère, une déduction de vétérans de la Legio Septima (de même que Rusazus et Tubusuptu dans la même région). Elle se trouvait dans un dangereux voisinage, celui de montagnards libyques,... more
Ville libyco-punique, Saldae reçut vers 25 avant notre ère, une déduction de vétérans de la Legio Septima (de même que Rusazus et Tubusuptu dans la même région). Elle se trouvait dans un dangereux voisinage, celui de montagnards libyques, au sud-ouest les Quinquegenatenei qui occupaient le Djurdura, et au sud-est les Bavares qui ont donné leur nom aux Babors. Il en résulta de nombreuses péripéties.
- by Nora Lafi
- •
- Libyan Studies
Teaching and learning a foreign language like English is not easy task. The situation become more difficult when the learners are primary school children and teaching and learning focus is grammar, an activity often regarded as ‘boring,... more
Teaching and learning a foreign language like English is not easy task. The situation become more difficult when the learners are primary school children and teaching and learning focus is grammar, an activity often regarded as ‘boring, ‘uninteresting’ and ‘’tedious’. However, one’s mastery over a language is determined by the appropriate use of language by that individual following grammatical rules and failing to follow the rules of grammar marks one’s use of language as erroneous. Therefore, systematic attempt is done to teach grammatical rules and structures to the language learners from the beginning of language teaching and learning process. However, the success or failure of learning, mastering and using the grammatical rules and structures is largely determined by the technique and approach used by the grammar teacher to teach. The leaner-cantered, interesting, motivating technique of grammar teaching is believed to generate positive results whereas traditional, teacher-centered, uninteresting, uninvolving method is believed to be a cause of failure for learners to learn and master grammar rules and structures. Therefore, the grammar teaching technique, which involves language learners, to maximum, in learning in amusing and creative way, motivating, challenging and stimulating his/her mental processes, and reducing classroom anxiety and fear, is desired and recommended for fruitful language teaching and learning process. In this respect, the present paper discusses the effectiveness of using games for teaching grammar to primary school students as a technique which could easily be utilised and exploited for maximum benefits for learners. The study is based on the practical experiment done on the students of two primary schools in Sebha city of Libya using grammar games. The results, which proved to be fruitful and positive, are discussed as a basis for the argument in support of using games for teaching grammar to school children.
Memory in postcolonial Italy and Libya has been used, reinterpreted and staged by political powers and the media. This book investigates the roots of myth, colonial amnesia and censorship in postwar Italy, as well as Colonel Gaddafi’s... more
Memory in postcolonial Italy and Libya has been used, reinterpreted and staged by political powers and the media. This book investigates the roots of myth, colonial amnesia and censorship in postwar Italy, as well as Colonel Gaddafi’s deliberate use of rituals, symbols, and the colonial past to shape national identity in Libya. The argument is sustained by case studies ranging among film, documentary, literature and art, shedding new light on how memory has been treated in the two postcolonial societies examined. The last part briefly analyses the identity transformation process in the new Libya.
In "Gheddafi: le mia verità", il raìs illustra la sua dottrina politica e sociale. Si tratta di un testo ideologico, pensato per masse incolte, in larga parte ispirato alla tradizione socialista, che attinge a piene mani dal pensiero... more
In "Gheddafi: le mia verità", il raìs illustra la sua dottrina politica e sociale. Si tratta di un testo ideologico, pensato per masse incolte, in larga parte ispirato alla tradizione socialista, che attinge a piene mani dal pensiero filosofico e politico degli ultimi 2.500 anni, adattando teorie elaborate dai maggiori pensatori del passato. Il Colonnello espone la Terza teoria universale, che vorrebbe essere alternativa al capitalismo, ma anche al socialismo, esattamente come il fascismo nel Novecento. L’obiettivo è la costruzione di uno Stato totalitario, nel quale la nazione viene ad essere identificata indirettamente con il legame di sangue del clan o del gruppo gentilizio allargato che fa riferimento alla famiglia del leader della Jamahiriya. Il raìs affronta il problema della democrazia e del potere del popolo, attaccando l’istituto del parlamentarismo ed il sistema dei partiti. Gheddafi si sforza di dimostrare l’inutilità di tutti gli istituti tipici della rappresentanza democratica, compreso il referendum e la Costituzione, per giungere all’assunto di uno Stato senza diritto, nel quale l’unica fonte della legge è la sharia. Il leader libico propugna un sistema di democrazia diretta su imitazione dei Soviet, nel quale il popolo è l’unico titolare del potere politico. L’uomo forte di Tripoli nega spazio a qualsiasi forma di iniziativa privata: i mezzi di informazione, così come le organizzazioni e le attività sportive, e tutta l’economia, devono essere demandati alla gestione statale. Aberrante la posizione sulla donna, che viene considerata alla stregua di un mammifero destinato alla riproduzione, negando ad essa il diritto al lavoro. In "Gheddafi: le mia verità" è condensata la summa theologica in salsa maghrebina del raìs di Tripoli, con il commento inedito del prof. Marco Marsili.
On June 9, Russian Special Presidential Envoy for the Middle East and Africa Mikhail Bogdanov dismissed the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya and their military support of the Libyan National Army (LNA). The diplomat stated that,... more
On June 9, Russian Special Presidential Envoy for the Middle East and Africa Mikhail Bogdanov dismissed the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya and their military support of the Libyan National Army (LNA). The diplomat stated that, “Information spread by some foreign sources, including the U.S. State Department, that the Wagner Group’s members are present in Libya and participate in combat actions on the side of the Libyan National Army of Khalifa Haftar, largely relies on fabricated data and is aimed at discrediting Russia’s policy on Libya”
Benghazi is the second city of the country with a population estimated between 715,000 and 812,000 inhabitants within its present administrative boundaries. Its historical districts of Old Benghazi have experienced severe damage during... more
Benghazi is the second city of the country with a
population estimated between 715,000 and 812,000
inhabitants within its present administrative
boundaries. Its historical districts of Old Benghazi have
experienced severe damage during the conflict. The
population of the municipality have been subject to
significant displacements (more than half of all
displaced in Libya, 1/3rd of the population of the
municipality), while receiving relatively small number
of IDPs. Most of the displaced remained in the
region/mantika/governorate/mohafaza of Benghazi
and returned to the city after the end of the conflict.
The article discusses the human rights violations including arbitrary detention, malnutrition, the lack of hygiene, torture, and sexual abuse in Libya detention centres, which host nearly 9,000 people, run by varying militias. EU measures... more
The article discusses the human rights violations including arbitrary detention, malnutrition, the lack of hygiene, torture, and sexual abuse in Libya detention centres, which host nearly 9,000 people, run by varying militias. EU measures in Libya have included sea operations and bilateral agreements, mainly aimed at achieving the objective of indirectly returning migrants to Libyan shores. Due to the political instability in the war-ravaged country, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find a reliable “partner” who respects international laws which all EU member states are party to. Thus, we emphasize the importance of the European countries avoiding the encouragement and legitimization of local militias through these agreements as this contributes to the vicious cycle of abuse in the country.
This work aims to offer an approach to the legacy of Muammar Gaddafi as one of the most significant political figures for the modern history of Libya, and as one of the most influential regional leaders. The analysis is presented and... more
This work aims to offer an approach to the legacy of Muammar Gaddafi as one of the most significant political figures for the modern history of Libya, and as one of the most influential regional leaders. The analysis is presented and studied under three main scopes: the legacy of Gaddafi under a State level scope, exposing him as a sponsor of State terror and violent acts towards Libyan and international population, his legacy, reflected from the political angle, opens the guidelines to identify a wide range of consequences directed from the political spheres, which significative impacted Libyan population; the his legacy at the domestic level, where a reflection and approach is carried out about its relevance through the analysis of Libyan social development indicators data during his administration, exposing a fragmented society; and on his legacy though his written works an analysis is made around the presence of crossed identities and internal conflicts expressed through their stories.
The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one identifies policy-makers’ understanding of migrant smuggling and its implications in light of the forthcoming EU migration package. Chapter two examines the use of social media by law... more
The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one identifies policy-makers’ understanding of migrant smuggling and its implications in light of the forthcoming EU migration package. Chapter two examines the use of social media by law enforcement in counter-smuggling operations and its ethical implications. Chapter three identifies the impacts of counter-smuggling activities in Niger, and the ways they have impacted the lives of migrant transporters and other merchants – in particular, women – who benefited from the presence of migrants. The fourth and closing chapter examines how irregular departures from Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco have been organised over the last year in spite of the pandemic, and the implications of the facilitation of irregular migration for migrants.
- by GE Sanchez and +2
- •
- Sociology, African Studies, European Studies, Anthropology
Of the four major language skills, speaking is regarded as the most crucial and central one as it enables the learner to establish successful communication in that language, which is often the main aim of learning any foreign language.... more
Of the four major language skills, speaking is regarded as the most crucial and central one as it enables the learner to establish successful communication in that language, which is often the main aim of learning any foreign language. That is why it forms the focus of attention in any foreign language teaching and learning as failure to master this crucial language skill leads to the failure to establish successful communication. However, mastering this language skill does not go so easily with the EFL learners and particularly for the Arab EFL learners as many factors, including the mother tongue interference, hinder and influence the process of learning and mastering this crucial foreign language skill. The consequent result is that the EFL learners, especially Arab learners, encounter various difficulties while communicating in English and speak the language in their own way with the flavour of their mother tongue, Arabic. This problem of the Libyan EFL learners, encountered while speaking in English, is the subject of investigation in this paper. Various other problems, nature of these problems, sources of these problems and some pedagogical suggestion to overcome these problems are also some of the central topics of discussion in the paper.
The first part of this contribution, by the President of the Department of Antiquities of Libya (DoA), presents the important recovery of a female portrait head, found at Apollonia during excavations conducted between 1921 and 1923 by the... more
The first part of this contribution, by the President of the Department of Antiquities of Libya (DoA), presents the important recovery of a female portrait head, found at Apollonia during excavations conducted between 1921 and 1923 by the then Superintendent of Antiquities of Cyrenaica, Ettore Ghislanzoni. The piece was conserved in the local museum and mysteriously disappeared in 1942, during the Second World War. It was then rediscovered in 1967 near Kaiserwaldsiedlung, in Austria, and held in the Universalmuseum Joanneum of Graz. Thanks to the commitment of the DoA and the Libyan authorities, the head was returned to Libya during an official ceremony on the 4 March 1921 in the Libyan Embassy in Vienna and today is once more in the Museum of Apollonia. The second part concentrates on a detailed analysis of the portrait head. The hairstyle, formal characteristics and comparable examples enable the work to be placed chronologically in the middle Antonine period (160-180 AD). Since a copy of this head, found at the same site (which the excavators interpreted as a stonecutter’s workshop) is held in the Museum of Cyrene, it is presumed that the woman depicted was a renowned member of the élite of Apollonia, if not of nearby Cyrene, honoured with two portraits in recognition of her benefactions to the community. We do not know where they would originally have been displayed although one possibility is the Agora and its related buildings, which would have stretched as far as the area where the East Church was later erected.
The Libyan varieties of both Arabic and Berber are among the least researched in their respective fields. In order to facilitate the study of these varieties, we present an annotated bibliography of all relevant research that could be... more
The Libyan varieties of both Arabic and Berber are among the least researched in their respective fields. In order to facilitate the study of these varieties, we present an annotated bibliography of all relevant research that could be identified up until the middle of 2016. With this, we aim to identify both the gaps in current and the possibilities for future research. Studies are grouped into Arabic and Berber sections, and subgrouped according to region. For Arabic, dialects of Tripoli and western regions, Benghazi and eastern regions, Fezzan and southern regions, as well as Jewish dialects, are treated. For Berber, varieties of Zwara, the Nafusa mountains, Sokna and El-Foqaha, and Awjila, and Tuareg are treated. Short introductions highlighting the most important studies precede bibliographic references and brief comments are given when of interest.
Abstrak Uni Afrika (African Union) merupakan sebuah organisasi internasional yang dibentuk pada tahun 2002. Sebagai organisasi yang mewakili kawasan Afrika dan untuk mempertahankan stabilitas keamanan di Afrika, maka Uni Afrika berupaya... more
Abstrak Uni Afrika (African Union) merupakan sebuah organisasi internasional yang dibentuk pada tahun 2002. Sebagai organisasi yang mewakili kawasan Afrika dan untuk mempertahankan stabilitas keamanan di Afrika, maka Uni Afrika berupaya fokus pada konflik atau perang yang terjadi di Libya pada tahun 2011. Perang Sipil Libya pada tahun 2011 adalah konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di negara Libya untuk menuntut mundur pemimpin Libya, Moammar Qaddafi, yang sudah 42 tahun berkuasa. Para pengunjuk rasa menyerukan adanya kepemimpinan baru dan pemilu yang demokratis. Konflik dimulai dengan serangkaian protes dan konfrontasi pada tanggal 15 Februari 2011 di Benghazi. Konflik pun kembali pecah di Libya pada tahun 2014. Konflik Libya 2014, yang diistilahkan oleh beberapa media sebagai perang saudara (civil war) adalah konflik bersenjata yang berlangsung antara kubu islamis Libya dan lawan-lawan politik mereka dari kubu sekuler sejak 2014. Dari sisi politik, golongan penerus rezim Qaddafi bisa dibedakan menjadi dua kelompok utama: golongan nasionalis yang ingin menjadikan Libya sebagai negara sekuler dan golongan islamis yang ingin mengubah negara menjadi negara yang berbasis Syariah. Kedua golongan ini masing-masingnya juga bisa dibedakan lagi menjadi golongan sentralis (yang menginginkan agar pemerintah pusat memiliki kontrol kuat ke daerah) dan golongan federalis (yang menginginkan otonomi luas di daerah). Untuk menyelesaikan konflik tersebut, Uni Afrika lebih mengedepankan upaya perdamaian daripada menggunakan intervensi militer karena prinsip dasar yang dipegang teguh oleh Uni Afrika adalah menciptakan stabilitas keamanan dan