May 68 Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

En este capítulo se recorren los lugares centrales de la obra de Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979), portadora de una crítica sin precedentes a la sociedad industrial avanzada, para valorar su proyección en la ola de cambio de los años sesenta,... more

En este capítulo se recorren los lugares centrales de la obra de Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979), portadora de una crítica sin precedentes a la sociedad industrial avanzada, para valorar su proyección en la ola de cambio de los años sesenta, en particular en las revueltas estudiantiles y los movimientos de protesta que se resumen y confluyen en el 68. En una segunda lectura, se trata de reconocer las notas románticas que incorporan pensamiento y movimiento, y que más allá de su eficacia histórica, les confieren un significado alejado de la puerilidad o el absurdo con que han podido ser descalificados a veces. Por último, se plantea la influencia de Marcuse y de la contracultura en el pos-modernismo para concluir con una crítica y una defensa al tiempo de Marcuse y del legado del 68.

Cinquante ans après Mai 1968, que sont les militants devenus ? Après avoir jeté toutes leurs forces dans la bataille, cru souvent en l’imminence d’une révolution, suspendu longtemps leurs investissements scolaires, professionnels et... more

Cinquante ans après Mai 1968, que sont les militants devenus ? Après avoir jeté toutes leurs forces dans la bataille, cru souvent en l’imminence d’une révolution, suspendu longtemps leurs investissements scolaires, professionnels et parfois affectifs pour "faire l’histoire", comment ont-ils vécu l’érosion des espoirs de changement politique ?
La force de ce livre tient à un triple déplacement du regard -de Paris aux régions, des têtes d'affiches aux militants ordinaires, de la crise de mai aux "années 68" (1966-1983)-, autant qu'à la richesse du matériau recueilli : un dépouillement d'archives inexplorées, comme les documents déclassifiés des Renseignements généraux et des centaines de récits de vie menés à Lille, Lyon, Marseille, Nantes et Rennes auprès de militants des syndicats ouvriers, des gauches alternatives et du mouvement féministe.
Cette mosaïque d’histoires de vie constitue la chair de ce livre et permet de brosser un portrait non impressionniste des soixante-huitards, de leur carrière professionnelle, de leur vie affective, de la continuité de leurs engagements et de leurs convictions, apportant des réponses enfin étayées aux questions suivantes : la vie des soixante-huitards a-t-elle été bouleversée ou simplement infléchie par le militantisme corps et âme des années 1970 ? En ont-ils tiré profit ou le déclassement social en fut-il le prix à payer ? Face aux convictions politiques d’antan, les militants font-ils figure d’apostats ou sont-ils toujours ancrés dans un rapport critique au monde social ? Peut-on dire qu’il existe une génération 68 ou n’est-ce qu’un mythe recouvrant d’un voile épais une hétérogénéité plus grande qu’on ne l’imaginait ?

En 1968, l'écrivain et cinéaste italien Pier Paolo Pasolini a été, une fois de plus, au centre des polémiques en Italie. Le mouvement des jeunes, qu'il définit « guerre civile » et non pas « révolution », le persuade que l'histoire n'est... more

En 1968, l'écrivain et cinéaste italien Pier Paolo Pasolini a été, une fois de plus, au centre des polémiques en Italie. Le mouvement des jeunes, qu'il définit « guerre civile » et non pas « révolution », le persuade que l'histoire n'est pas finie, que l'Histoire continue, grâce à la volonté de ces militants qui veulent changer le cours de l'histoire. En même temps, le mouvement lui révèle sa marginalité : Pasolini, militant communiste à partir de 1948 et, après son expulsion du parti, militant « marxiste » dans les années 50, après avoir « abjuré » et avoir traversé la crise politique de 56 (le XXe congrès du parti communiste qui reconnaît officiellement les crimes de Staline), est surpris par le mouvement de 68, par un langage qui ne lui appartient pas, par la mode des cheveux longs, par la libération sexuelle. Lui, qui désormais fait partie de la génération des « pères »-né en 1922 il a 46 ans en 1968-assume une attitude antinomique : soutien du mouvement et condamnation des limites du mouvement. La question du croire: de l'espérance à l'utopie Lorsque le mouvement de 68 éclate Pasolini assume une position contradictoire : d'un côté il affirme que les policiers sont les fils des prolétaires alors que les fils de bourgeois peuvent se permettre le luxe de jouer aux révolutionnaires; de l'autre, il soutient le mouvement en prêtant son nom en tant que « directeur responsable » au journal Lotta continua. Le poème qui fait éclater le scandale est « Il PCI ai giovani!! » qui, à l'origine, aurait dû être publié dans « Nuovi argomenti » et qui a été publié partiellement dans l' « Espresso », magazine ayant une très large diffusion et entraînant des réactions que Pasolini n'avait pas prévues lorsqu'il a écrit le poème.

Me interesa desarmar críticamente el tipo de artefacto político y estético que Salles construye en el film No Intenso Agora (En El Intenso Ahora, 2017) a partir del trabajo de archivo, en donde se pone en juego tanto una operación de... more

Me interesa desarmar críticamente el tipo de artefacto político y estético que Salles construye en el film No Intenso Agora (En El Intenso Ahora, 2017) a partir del trabajo de archivo, en donde se pone en juego tanto una operación de clausura melancólica del evento como una operación de distanciamiento o desintensificación de las imágenes de los procesos políticos. La apuesta final es pensar otro tipo de acercamiento al archivo histórico desde una perspectiva de reencantamiento, en donde la organización de las imágenes obedezca menos a un principio nostálgico-desencantado sobre la historia que a una lógica de resonancias y reactivaciones capaces de hacer justicia a todas las intensidades que un presente contiene.

Durant les années 1970, la « crise catholique » française et européenne atteint son acmé. L'Église n'est plus unanimement reconnue comme la médiation sociale et historique nécessaire de la vérité révélée. Par conséquent, les fonctions et... more

Durant les années 1970, la « crise catholique » française et européenne atteint son acmé. L'Église n'est plus unanimement reconnue comme la médiation sociale et historique nécessaire de la vérité révélée. Par conséquent, les fonctions et les rôles qu'elle organisait de manière codifiée et hiérarchisée pour transmettre et diffuser cette vérité perdent leur légitimité parmi une partie des militants catholiques. Michel de Certeau constate que de corps structuré le catholicisme se décompose en corpus de références, de formes et de pratiques, où chacun peut puiser librement. La pluralisation des rapports à l'Église est la manifestation du flou des contours de la vérité religieuse. Les prêtres, comme médiateurs mandatés par l'institution ecclésiale pour porter au fidèle la vérité, traversent une crise d'identité profonde. Cela se traduit par de nombreux retours à l'état laïc ou par des recherches novatrices. La province dominicaine de France n'échappe pas à ces bouleversements. Les contestations de la vie régulière au studium du Saulchoir en mai 1968 conduisent le provincial Nicolas Rettenbach à infléchir le processus de rénovation mis à l'ordre du jour par le décret conciliaire Perfectae caritatis (1965). Il engage un processus de consultation de l'ensemble des religieux. Les frères se divisent sur la définition de ce que devrait être un style de vie authentiquement dominicain.

The decade-long revolution known as May '68 is commonly framed as a political protest radiating out from European and North American universities. However, much is gained by instead viewing May '68 within the context of both anticolonial... more

The decade-long revolution known as May '68 is commonly framed as a political protest radiating out from European and North American universities. However, much is gained by instead viewing May '68 within the context of both anticolonial struggle and the emergence of what Wallerstein terms "the world university system." Understanding student protests within the context of anticolonial struggle, including within African universities, reveals the extent to which the neoliberal university we inhabit today is the product of a profound counterrevolution designed to undermine the promise of the university as a site of radical and anticolonial transformation.

En mai-juin 1968, lorsque se déroule la plus imposante et longue grève générale que connait la France, près de 300 000 Portugais vivent dans l'hexagone. Ces événements déstabilisent cette population dont la grande majorité est arrivée... more

En mai-juin 1968, lorsque se déroule la plus imposante et longue grève générale que connait la France, près de 300 000 Portugais vivent dans l'hexagone. Ces événements déstabilisent cette population dont la grande majorité est arrivée depuis moins de quatre ans. Cet article prétend analyser les différentes réactions de la population portugaise en France qui ne peut être appréhendée comme un monolithe. Il s'agit également de saisir l'action menée par les exilés politiques portugais en France, action qui s'articule à la fois dans une conception internationaliste de la politique mais qui se dirige également spécifiquement contre la dictature portugaise.

Giriş Tarih bir hayalettir; bazen bir kabus olarak, bazense arzulanan canlı bir ruh olarak toplumların peşinden gelir. Tarihin nasıl kullanılacağı, onu kullanma gücü ve potansiyeline sahip olan toplum kesimlerine bağlıdır. Esasında... more

Giriş Tarih bir hayalettir; bazen bir kabus olarak, bazense arzulanan canlı bir ruh olarak toplumların peşinden gelir. Tarihin nasıl kullanılacağı, onu kullanma gücü ve potansiyeline sahip olan toplum kesimlerine bağlıdır. Esasında yaşanan bir tek olaydır; ancak, onu yaşayan her tekil aktör onu farklı şekilde yaşamış, farklı toplum kesimleri olarak bir ortak deneyimde yaşamış, farklı arzular ve korkular içinde, kültürler, deneyimler, ilişkiler çokluğu içinde, müşterek bir deneyim inşa edebilmenin özgüvenini kazanmıştır. Büyük " bahar eylemleri " , " gençlik ayaklanması", " işçi sınıfı baharı " olarak ifade edilen 68'in 50. yılında, her ülkede, her farklı toplumsal kesim açısından farklı deneyimlenen, gerek işçi sınıfının, gerek entelektüellerin, gerek militanların dünyaya yaklaşım biçimlerini ve dünyayı değiştirme kapasitelerini radikal bir şekilde dönüştüren bir hadisenin (olayın), müşterek bir deneyim olarak algılanması ve hayalet olmaktan çıkıp aktüelliği içinde ele alınması nasıl mümkün olabilir? Aynı soruları Gezi için de düşünebiliriz. Bu sene henüz daha 5. yılını dolduracak Gezi hadisesi, yaşandığı günden bu yana onu yapan ve yaşayan aktörlerin hayatlarını ve içinde yaşadıkları ülkeyi ve toplumu radikal bir şekilde değiştirdi. Türkiye'de toplumsal olarak yaşanan en büyük siyasi niceliğe sahip bu olayın ruhunun belki de uzun zaman önce çözüldüğünü söylemek mümkün. Peki, Türkiye'de insanları bir toplum olma hissiyatında bu derece yakınlaştıran ve aynı zamanda bu derece kutuplaştıran, üzerinden ard arda seçimler geçilmesi itibariyle hallaç pamuğuna dönen, varisi veya mirasçısı olmayan, ancak, radikal bir dönüşümün en yakından göz kırptığı bu hadise, nasıl olur, 5. yılında, bir müşterek deneyim olarak okunabilir? Ne oldu da bu insanlar ortadan kayboldu da biz hala müştereklerden bahis açıyoruz? Gezi'yi " bizim 68'imiz " olarak gören, yaşayan, hisseden bir çok kişiden bahsedebiliriz.

"Due to his large output of writings and the uniqueness of his idiom, the texts and commentaries of Helmut Lachenmann have played an important role in the reception of his work. With his technique of “musique concrète instrumentale” and... more

"Due to his large output of writings and the uniqueness of his idiom, the texts and commentaries of Helmut Lachenmann have played an important role in the reception of his work. With his technique of “musique concrète instrumentale” and his uncompromising aesthetic stance, Lachenmann has become in recent years one of the most influential living composers. The emergence of his mature and unique compositional style is often traced to two early vocal works (a rare medium in his oeuvre): Consolation I (1967), which set a passage from Ernst Toller’s 1919 play, Masse Mensch, and Consolation II (1968), which set the Medieval German Wessobrun Prayer.
But while the writings and commentaries of many contemporary composers may offer invaluable interpretative and analytic insight, they may also leave lingering questions as to what is being omitted from such statements. These two pieces were apparently intended to communicate a sincere message of spiritual and social consolation. However, in the commentary for the second piece of the series, and the subsequent Les Consolations (a work whose themes of alienation and speechlessness foreshadow his later magnum opus, the “Musik mit Bildern,” Das Mädchen mit den Schwefelhölzern), Lachenmann appears suddenly less convinced of the message of existential comfort—perhaps even of its ability to be conveyed at all. What were the possible reasons and significance of this chance of position?
This paper explores the web of relationships that emerges from the writings and works of two older composers and the sketches, scores, and statements of another. Notes and sketches included in the Lachenmann collection at the Paul Sacher Stiftung point largely unnoticed or unremarked links between Lachenmann’s Consolation I and II and important vocal works by his teachers, Stockhausen and Nono. The intertextual connections with Nono and Stockhausen, beyond offering sources for certain compositional procedures in the Consolation pieces, amplify in light of subsequent historical events important shifts in the conception of the composer’s “voice” between the late 1950s and the early 1970s. The political and spiritual messages once offered by Nono and Stockhausen in the 1950s remain, but refracted as literal and figurative “speechless echoes” which point to another social and aesthetic reality."

Cinquant’anni fa la pubblicazione di un piccolo opuscolo fu la scintilla di una rivoluzione. La storia di Lettera a una professoressa e della battaglia per la trasformazione della cultura da strumento di oppressione a elemento... more

Cinquant’anni fa la pubblicazione di un piccolo opuscolo fu la scintilla di una rivoluzione.
La storia di Lettera a una professoressa e della battaglia per la trasformazione della cultura da
strumento di oppressione a elemento indispensabile per l’evoluzione democratica e civile del
nostro Paese. Uno scontro che ebbe come protagonisti don Lorenzo Milani e Tullio De Mauro, Mario
Lodi e Alex Langer

Les rapports de Chris Marker à la Nouvelle Vague seront complexes, car tout opposait ce proche de Bazin aux cinéastes des Cahiers du cinéma, tant sur le fond que sur la forme. Des liens entre Marker et Godard se constitueront au moment du... more

Les rapports de Chris Marker à la Nouvelle Vague seront complexes, car tout opposait ce proche de Bazin aux cinéastes des Cahiers du cinéma, tant sur le fond que sur la forme. Des liens entre Marker et Godard se constitueront au moment du cinéma militant de Mai 68 mais les malentendus vont demeurer...

This article examines the paradigm shift that gives birth to New Social Movement theories and the way in which these theorizations interrelate with the particular expressions through which mobilization took place... more

This article examines the paradigm shift that gives birth to New Social Movement theories and the way in which these theorizations interrelate with the particular expressions through which mobilization took place during Mai ’68. The main conclusion of this paper is that the French May played a fundamental role in the paradigm shift of collective action, but not in the way commonly described. It did not so much open an era as it closed one. It was not the beginning of a paradigm, but the end of another one. What comes after – the growing importance of new social movements both empirically and theoretically – can be understood as a consequence, but not as a continuation or progression. The French May shares important features with traditional collective action. However, its failure to fuel revolutionary consequences led to a feeling of defeat and provided fertile ground for the development of postmodern politics both in the political and intellectual fields.

Begehren, Sexualität, Intimität und Affektivität sind feinmaschig in die spätkapitalistische Matrix des Sozialen eingewebt. Die Studie untersucht die politische Ökonomie des Begehrens nach 1968. Sie unternimmt einen Streifzug quer durch... more

Begehren, Sexualität, Intimität und Affektivität sind feinmaschig in die spätkapitalistische Matrix des Sozialen eingewebt. Die Studie untersucht die politische Ökonomie des Begehrens nach 1968. Sie unternimmt einen Streifzug quer durch die Philosophiegeschichte – von Platon über die Psychoanalyse zum Poststrukturalismus. Dabei geht sie von der Annahme aus, dass Ökonomie einen konstitutiven Faktor darstellt, wenn man Begehren begreifen will. Umgekehrt lassen sich sozioökonomische Strukturen nicht ohne die Rolle des Begehrens verstehen. Begehren wirkt sozialmobilisierend, indem es normative Ordnungen sowohl errichten und aufrechterhalten als auch überschreiten kann. Neben paradigmatischen Positionen von Platon, Georg W. F. Hegel, Friedrich Nietzsche und Sigmund Freud werden begehrensökonomische Thesen von Gilles Deleuze und Félix Guattari und der im Paris von Mai ’68 aufkommenden Philosophie des Begehrens betrachtet.

En este artículo se pretende analizar el impacto de la Guerra de Vietnam en España y cómo se interpretó artísticamente. Para ello se desarrolla un estudio comparado de historia social, política y cultural con el objeto de desvelar el... more

En este artículo se pretende analizar el impacto de la Guerra de Vietnam en España y cómo se interpretó artísticamente. Para ello se desarrolla un estudio comparado de historia social, política y cultural con el objeto de desvelar el interés que este tema pudo tener para los artistas españoles de finales de la década de 1960. A lo largo del discurso se constatan las relaciones entre la política imperialista de Estados Unidos, la dictadura franquista en España y la vanguardia artística neofigurativa. El clima contestatario condiciona la elección de unos temas por parte de un determinado sector artístico de jóvenes que pretenden batallar la opresión mediante el arte. Se apoyan en tesis derivadas del marxismo, encaminadas a enfriar la imagen y diseccionarla mediante técnicas extraídas de los medios de masas y de la corriente pop. Tras una mención a Estampa Popular, la atención se centrará en el foco de renovación plástica valenciano en el que se mueven grupos como Equipo Crónica o Equipo Realidad, seguidos de Rafael Canogar, Juan Genovés y una miscelánea de otros artistas que han tratado el tema.
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This article aims to analyse the impact of the Vietnam War in Spain and how it was artistically interpreted there. A comparative study of history, politics and culture has been carried out in order to unveil the interest this subject had for Spanish artists in the late 1960s. Throughout the essay the relations between American imperialism, Francoist dictatorship and neo-figurative avant-garde art in Spain are established. The rebellious climate determines the choice of certain themes by a sector of young artists willing to fight against oppression with art. They rely on thesis derived from Marxism aimed to “cool” and dissect the image using techniques from mass media and pop art. After mentioning Estampa Popular, the focus will be on the renovation of Valencian artists such as Equipo Crónica and Equipo Realidad. They will be followed by Rafael Canogar, Juan Genovés and a miscellany of other artists related to the Vietnam War motif.

Mestman, M. “Estados Generales del Tercer Cine. Los documentos de Montreal, 1974”. Publicado en el Cuaderno número 3 Rehime, Buenos Aires, 2013-2014. This book includes unedited and previously unpublished material that provides insight... more

Mestman, M. “Estados Generales del Tercer Cine. Los documentos de Montreal, 1974”. Publicado en el Cuaderno número 3 Rehime, Buenos Aires, 2013-2014.
This book includes unedited and previously unpublished material that provides insight into world political cinema in the 1960s and 1970s: the conferences, workshops and debates of the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma, a conference held in Montreal, Canada from June 2-8, 1974. The conference was attended by filmmakers, producers and ’68 film groups from France and the first world, along with Latin American political filmmakers and representatives of burgeoning African cinema. The title proposed for this book, Estates Generals of Third Cinema, highlights the revolutionary nature of the projects that characterized these times.
Several fragments of the audiovisual recording of the conference (never before released) are included on the DVD that accompanies this book. These images allow us to reconstruct the debates of this intense political moment, debates among Latin Americans like Miguel Littín, Julio García Espinosa, Fernando Pino Solanas and Walter Achugar; Africans such as Med Hondo, Tahar Cheriaa, Férid Boughedir and Lamine Merbah; European critics like Guido Aristarco, Guy Hennebelle, Lino Micciché and Jean Partick Lebel; Canadians such as Fernand Dansereau, Gilles Groulx, André Paquet and Yvan Patry; as well as independent film distributors and groups like Slon/Iskra, Tricontinental, Mk2, The Other Cinema, and many others.
After this research, André Pâquet prepared a Dossier with lot of another Documents and video recordings of the Conferences of the meeting for the Cinématheque Québécoise:
http://collections.cinematheque.qc.ca/dossiers/rencontres-internationales-pour-un-nouveau-cinema/preambule/
There we can see two TV programs about the meeting (with english subtitles) that Mariano Mestman, Andrés Habegger and Fernando M. Peña made in Argentina, following the original research:
http://collections.cinematheque.qc.ca/dossiers/rencontres-internationales-pour-un-nouveau-cinema/documentaires-tv/
During 2015 M. Mestman and Masha Salazkina prepared a Special Topic on the Rencontres… for the Canadian Journal of Film Studies / Revue Canadienne d´Études Cinématographiques (V.24, N.2), including articles by Vicent Bouchard, Marion Froger, Michael Chanan, Ignacio del Valle, Jonathan Buchsbaum, Irene Rozsa and Viviane Saglier, and an interview with André Pâquet and Carol Faucher by André Habib. (In english and French):
http://www.filmstudies.ca/journal/cjfs/archives/24.2-fall-2015

This thesis proposes an intellectual biography of Raoul Vaneigem (1934-Present). Vaneigem was a member of the Situationist International (SI) between 1961 and 1970. Today the SI is widely recognised as one of the significant avant-garde... more

This thesis proposes an intellectual biography of Raoul Vaneigem (1934-Present). Vaneigem was a member of the Situationist International (SI) between 1961 and 1970. Today the SI is widely recognised as one of the significant avant-garde groups to have contributed to the historical events that shook France in May 1968. Most people will have come to Vaneigem through his Traité de savoir-vivre à l’usage des jeunes générations (1967), which he wrote as a member of the SI and was published just months before the largest wildcat strike in French history. Vaneigem is therefore of interest from a cultural history or history of ideas perspective because his work embodies both a political moment and because it emerged out of debates that are still informing contemporary theory. Moreover, Vaneigem is something of an anomaly in that he has always worked outside and against intellectual and political institutions, he comes from a working-class background and he has lived the great majority of his life in the province of Hainaut, the old industrial heartland of Belgium, where he was born. This makes Vaneigem an outsider in a world that has ostensibly been dominated by the Parisian intellectual elite.
More often than not Vaneigem has been dismissed, even vilified, by academics interested in the Situationist International. This is all the more surprising given that his Situationist comrade Guy Debord (1931-1994) has become a cause célèbre among the intellectual left since his death, igniting a veritable publishing industry in France and the English-speaking world. The intention of this thesis is not an attempt to earn Vaneigem the dubious acclaim that has feted Guy Debord these past decades. Rather, it endeavours to contextualise, clarify and bring out the complexity of the life and work of Raoul Vaneigem, making him the focus of a critical commentary that will reassess his place in the field.

Der Sozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund (SDS) und weitere Gruppen erklärten: "Derartige antisemitische Aktionen sind kein politisches Mittel im Kampf gegen den Zionismus." Sie selbst würden auch "gegen den Zionismus" kämpfen, aber... more

Der Sozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund (SDS) und weitere Gruppen erklärten: "Derartige antisemitische Aktionen sind kein politisches Mittel im Kampf gegen den Zionismus." Sie selbst würden auch "gegen den Zionismus" kämpfen, aber "nicht gegen die Juden". Bemerkenswert ist an dieser Distanzierung aber auch, dass sie so angelegt ist, als sei der Anschlag von Linken begangen worden. [...] Die außerparlamentarische Linke hat sich nicht so verhalten, als hielte sie es 1970 für möglich, dass eine rechtsextreme Untergrundgruppierung Mordanschläge auf Jüdinnen*Juden verüben könnte, ohne Bekennerschreiben zu veröffentlichen. Denn gerade wenn man das angenommen hätte, dann wäre die Untätigkeit der Neuen Linken befremdlich. Sie scheinen sich kaum mit den Opfern solidarisiert zu haben, noch wurden sie aufgrund des Anschlags in München gegen Nazis aktiv.

В монографии рассматривается новый тип акторов трансформирующих динамику современных политических конфликтов. Теоретическая часть исследования основана на идеях Жиля Делеза и Феликса Гваттари, в своих работах предложивших новый метод... more

В монографии рассматривается новый тип акторов трансформирующих динамику современных политических конфликтов. Теоретическая часть исследования основана на идеях Жиля Делеза и Феликса Гваттари, в своих работах предложивших новый метод междисциплинарного анализа конфликтов в различных сферах. В книге предпринята попытка проанализировать деятельность современных антисистемных движений, политический партий нового типа и массовых социальных движений в странах третьего мира.

Despite worldwide interest in the history of the sixties—particularly in 1968—gender as a category of analysis has received little attention in the majority of academic research about them. Most national historiographies of ’68 have... more

Despite worldwide interest in the history of the sixties—particularly in 1968—gender as a category of analysis has received little attention in the majority of academic research about them. Most national historiographies of ’68 have disregarded women’s political actions and their struggles with the gendered political culture. Like its counterparts, Turkey’s ’68 experience was also strongly gendered male. Given the underrepresentation of female historical agency and political subjectivity in the scholarship on 1968, this article aims to explore women’s accounts of Turkey’s ’68 experience with a particular focus on their struggles in leaving home and getting involved in political life.

El presente artículo presenta los rasgos fundamentales de la fisonomía intelectual y política de Hans-Jürgen Krahl (1943-1970) en el marco del movimiento antiautoritario alemán de finales de los sesenta. Su figura resulta inseparable del... more

El presente artículo presenta los rasgos fundamentales de la fisonomía
intelectual y política de Hans-Jürgen Krahl (1943-1970) en el marco del
movimiento antiautoritario alemán de finales de los sesenta. Su figura
resulta inseparable del intento de plantear una continuación de la teoría
crítica de sus mentores (Adorno, Horkheimer y Marcuse) en la situación
social e histórica precisa del capitalismo estabilizado de la segunda posguerra
europea. En este marco se analiza su contribución a la comprensión
política del movimiento antiautoritario del SDS, que Krahl liderara junto
con Rudi Dutschke, y que aspiraba a una politización de la conciencia en el
capitalismo avanzado. Finalmente se incluyen algunas reflexiones sobre su
intento de revitalizar una teoría crítica emancipadora a partir de un intento
de replantear el problema teórico y político de la organización.

Le mouvement de contestation politique et sociale qui a balayé le monde en 1968 n’a pas laissé l’Afrique à l’écart. Au Sénégal, cette année a été marquée par une longue grève générale dont les fers de lance furent les étudiants de... more

Le mouvement de contestation politique et sociale qui a balayé le monde en 1968 n’a pas laissé l’Afrique à l’écart. Au Sénégal, cette année a été marquée par une longue grève générale dont les fers de lance furent les étudiants de l’Université de Dakar et la principale centrale syndicale du pays, l’Union nationale des travailleurs du Sénégal (UNTS), pourtant affiliée au parti au pouvoir, l’Union Progressiste sénégalaise (UPS). Cette grève générale des travailleurs et des étudiants allait rapidement se muer en une contestation ouverte du régime du Président Léopold Sédar Senghor, s’attirant l’hostilité de certains réseaux français ainsi que des forces les plus conservatrices de la société sénégalaise. Elle fut donc largement relayée par la presse aussi bien en France qu’au Sénégal. Cette couverture médiatique intervenue dans un contexte très polarisé, en plus d’être marquée par la censure et des manipulations de toutes sortes, permet de décrypter sous un nouveau jour le travail des médias français et sénégalais sur ces événements.

Introduction On 13 November 2017, Yannis Hamilakis, Felipe Rojas, and several other archaeologists at Brown University engaged in a conversation with Alain Schnapp about his life and career. Hamilakis and Rojas were interested in learning... more

Introduction On 13 November 2017, Yannis Hamilakis, Felipe Rojas, and several other archaeologists at Brown University engaged in a conversation with Alain Schnapp about his life and career. Hamilakis and Rojas were interested in learning about how Schnapp's early academic and political interests intersected with the history of Classics and classical archaeology in France, Europe and elsewhere in the world, and also about the origins and current aims of Schnapp's work on the history of archaeology and antiquarianism and the cross-cultural history of ruins. Schnapp and his interlocutors began by discussing Schnapp's formative years and the intersections between archaeology and politics in mid-20th-century France. Their conversation turns to the role of individual scholars, specifically classicists and archaeologists, in the momentous social events in Paris in 1968. The final part of the dialogue concerns Schnapp's contributions to the history of archaeology and the possibilities of engaging in the comparison of antiquarian traditions. What follows is a condensed and edited transcription of that conversation with minimal bibliography.

This is an excerpt from The DARKROOM (Contra Mundum Press 2021, translated with Alta Ifland) a book that translates for the first time into English the screenplay for Marguerite Duras’ 1977 radically experimental film Le camion (The... more

This is an excerpt from The DARKROOM (Contra Mundum Press 2021, translated with Alta Ifland) a book that translates for the first time into English the screenplay for Marguerite Duras’ 1977 radically experimental film Le camion (The Truck), as well as four manifesto-like propositions in which Duras discusses everything from filmmaking and her biography to her deconstruction of Marxism.

An account of Deleuze's late philosophy, especially in the age of neoliberalism and our "society of control." Includes discussions of (1) the marketplace of idea and the emergence of the "New Philosophers"; (2) the relation between... more

An account of Deleuze's late philosophy, especially in the age of neoliberalism and our "society of control." Includes discussions of (1) the marketplace of idea and the emergence of the "New Philosophers"; (2) the relation between thought and opinion (doxa); (3) chaos and cosmology; (4) the problem and politics of life; (5) modern philosophy as an institution of capitalism; and (6) Deleuze and Guattari's late recourse to the concept of utopia.

Which forms of contestation are beneficial for democracies, and which are not? This essay responds to this question by looking at writings on political contestation during 1968 by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. Although... more

Which forms of contestation are beneficial for democracies, and which are not? This essay responds to this question by looking at writings on political contestation during 1968 by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. Although Lefort is now seen as a major theorist of democracy, I show that in 1968 he made almost no reference to democracy. Only from the 1970s onwards he developed an elaborate theory of democracy which allowed him to better explain the role that democracy and its symbolic principles may play in fostering contestation and also changed what Lefort saw as proper forms of contestation. While in 1968 he had been enthusiastic about self-management and was critical of traditional structures, in the 1970s almost the reverse was true. This essay ends with a brief comparison with Gauchet, which shows that Lefort, unlike Gauchet, continued to believe that democracies need contestation to flourish. In spite of all the changes in his theory post-1968, Lefort thus held on to 1968’s spirit of contestation.

CONVOCATORIA que redacté para: Nuevo Pensamiento. Revista de Filosofía, Volumen XII (Nro.20), Número especial, 2022. . «A 50 años de El Anti-Edipo. Capitalismo y Esquizofrenia I (1972) Fabricar (aquí & ahora) la sociedad emancipatoria en... more

CONVOCATORIA que redacté para: Nuevo Pensamiento. Revista de Filosofía, Volumen XII (Nro.20), Número especial, 2022.
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«A 50 años de El Anti-Edipo. Capitalismo y Esquizofrenia I (1972)
Fabricar (aquí & ahora) la sociedad emancipatoria en la que deseamos vivir»
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La Revista de Filosofía Nuevo Pensamiento (ISSN: 1853-7596) es una publicación que se distribuye bajo licencia Creatives Commons e indexada en las plataformas: Doaj, Latindex, Redib, Dialnet, The Philosopher’s Index y Emerging Sources Citation Index (WOS).
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Para el Número especial de Diciembre 2022, la revista realiza una convocatoria abierta con el tema “A 50 años de El Anti-Edipo. Capitalismo y Esquizofrenia I (1972). Fabricar (aquí & ahora) la sociedad emancipatoria en la que deseamos vivir”.
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Coordina el número, en calidad de editor invitado, Martín Chicolino (UNLaM/USAL/CONICET, Argentina).

Sulle barricate nel Sessantotto e manager qualche anno dopo, non è proprio una regola ma stando alle cronache non è nemmeno un’eccezione. Tradimento o logica conseguenza delle autentiche premesse teoriche e politiche del Sessantotto?... more

Sulle barricate nel Sessantotto e manager qualche anno dopo, non è proprio una regola ma stando alle cronache non è nemmeno un’eccezione. Tradimento o logica conseguenza delle autentiche premesse teoriche e politiche del Sessantotto? Questa seconda interpretazione – l’idea secondo cui il Sessantotto, lungi dal segnare un momento di attacco al capitalismo e un tentativo di metterne in crisi i fondamenti, avrebbe segnato invece una svolta in avanti del capitalismo stesso – esprime il senso comune contro cui il presente articolo è orientato.
Al centro dell'analisi l’opera di Luc Boltanski ed Ève Chiapello: ""Il nuovo spirito del capitalismo", spesso utilizzata (in modo superficiale) da letture che tra Sessantotto e nuovo capitalismo istituiscono un rapporto, se non di causa-effetto, almeno di sostanziale continuità.
L'articolo approfondisce i rapporti tra quest'opera e De la justification, il precedente più significativo nella riflessione teorica di Boltanski, e si chiude con un riferimento al caso italiano, distinto per alcuni aspetti non secondari dal modello delineato dagli autori e condiviso anche da molti dei loro critici.