Parliamentary History Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies

"A obra que o leitor tem entre mãos pretende ser uma recolha completa de todos os trabalhos escritos de Armindo de Sousa, publicados além dos seus livros ou capítulos de livros. Porque este historiador já partiu de entre nós há cerca de quinze anos, porque os seus trabalhos estão dispersos e são, quase todos, de difícil acesso, porque uma obra reunida ganha em unidade, em coerência e em inteligibilidade. Mas, acima de tudo, porque Armindo de Sousa foi um historiador de excepção; e se, em qualquer país, seria obrigatória a disponibilização da sua obra a um público alargado, do limitado e algo pobre panorama historiográfico português é quase um crime de lesa-inteligência que as páginas que ele nos deixou andem perdidas." (Luís Miguel Duarte)

2002-2007 dönemi yasama faaliyetleri

- by ahmet yıldız
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- Parliamentary Studies, Parliamentary History
- by Anne Curry
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- History, Sociology, Parliamentary History, Historical Studies

As a part of the 25th anniversary of Croatia’s independence, the Croatian State Archives has organised a small exhibition entitled “The Historical Role of the Croatian Parliament in Preserving Croatian Statehood”. The main aim of the exhibition is to highlight the important role played by the Croatian Parliament in preserving the country’s statehood throughout various periods of history. This role reached its pinnacle when the Constitutional Ruling on the Sovereignty and Independence of the Republic of Croatia was adopted on 25 June 1991, as well as the parliamentary decision to terminate all existing state and legal ties with the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 8 October 1991. The exhibition is divided into four parts. The first segment deals with the Croatian Parliament in the feudal period (from the 13th to the 19th century). During the feudal era, the Parliament used the coat of arms of the Kingdom of Slavonia as its official crest and in the early 18th century it recognised the right of a female monarch to ascend to the Habsburg throne. The second segment details the work of the Parliament in the civil period. Along with a reflection on the preparations made for the first civil parliament in the history of the Croatian Parliament, this segment documents the Parliament activities related to the state and legal relations between the Kingdoms of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia with the Kingdom of Hungary, including their declarations of independence and transformation into sovereign states in 1918. The third segment addresses the period following the Second World War. At its 4th session, the State Antifascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia voted to change its name to the People’s Parliament of Croatia (which would later become the Parliament of the People’s Republic of Croatia). This body would represent Croatian sovereignty within the Yugoslav federation in the following decades. The fourth segment is dedicated to a relatively short, but eventful period of the Parliament’s history in the 1990s. The first multi-party parliament was constituted on 30 May 1990, while the new “Christmas Constitution” was adopted on 22 December of the same year. This was also the period of secession from Yugoslavia, ultimately completed with the Decision on the Termination of All State and Legal Ties with the SFRY adopted on 8 October 1991. We would also like to take this opportunity to thank the Croatian Parliament, currently presided over by its
speaker Željko Reiner, for its sponsorship and cooperation in the preparation of this exhibition.

- by Nenad Bukvić
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- Croatian History, Parliamentary History, Statehood, Parliamentary Politics
- by Nancy Lopatin-Lummis
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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies

Parliamentary history between public law and politics (book review)

- by Milán Pap and +1
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- Parliamentary History, Book Reviews, Public Law, History of Law
- by Javier Moreno-Luzón
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- Nationalism, Spanish History, Parliamentary Studies, Parliamentary History
- by Marieke Keyzer
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- Discourse Analysis, Refugee Resettlement, Parliamentary History

Paper on the Portuguese parliamentary debate on the "retornados" in Portugal (1975-1976) published by the Portuguese Studies Review

- by Enes Ersöz
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- Parliamentary History, Presidential Politics
- by Timur Kanapyanov
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- Parliamentary History
- by Prof. Dr. Fahri Bakırcı and +1
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- Constitutional Law, Parliamentary Studies, Constitutional Theory, Parliamentary History

This article explores political conflicts about the organisation of public services in Sweden c. 1900–1920. The authors argue that political decisions play a vital role in shaping the political economy of public services. The case studies analysed are the political debates about the communalisation of the tramway system in Stockholm, and the nationalisation of Sweden's last private telephone company. In both cases, the transfer of the service to public organisation was a lengthy process, ending in the late 1910s. This is explained using the concept of publicness. Drawing on three discursive chains, the argument is that the political development was affected by the politicians conception of the political community, the form of organisation and by perceptions of values such as equal access and modernity. In the case of the tramways, public organisation was seen as the best option to defend the public against corruption and self-interest. In the case of the telephones, free market competition was seen as a guarantee for an efficient and cost-effective service. The reason for this difference, is argued, was that the debate on the tramways articulated a clearer notion of publicness, where equal access and public opinion carried larger weight.

- by Magnus Linnarsson and +1
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- History, Public Administration, Telecommunications, Parliamentary History
- by Teemu Häkkinen
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- Sociology, Parliamentary History, Historical Studies
- by Tim Neu
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- Cultural History, Early Modern History, Political History, Parliamentary History
- by Matthew Giancarlo
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- Medieval History, Literature, Medieval Studies, Medieval English Literature

Between 1753 and 1836, the institution of marriage in Britain saw transformative change through the introduction of legislation by the State.This dissertation is a reevaluation of the the nature of marriage legislation between 1753 and... more

- by William Parsons
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- History, Canon Law, Civil Law, British History
- by Tim Neu
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- Cultural History, Early Modern History, Metaphor, Oratory

In questo articolo si presentano i nominativi ed alcuni dati anagrafici dei
magistrati eletti in Parlamento dal 1861 fino alle elezioni del 2013 nonché i dati statistici riassuntivi relativi ai magistrati ordinari agli ex magistrati e ai consiglieri di stato. Insieme ai dati, sono esposte le difficoltà di metodo che una ricerca di questo tipo pone con riferimento, in particolare, alle fonti parlamentari.

- by Fernando Venturini
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- Parliamentary Studies, Parliamentary History, Judiciary

Am 1. September 1948 trat der Parlamentarische Rat in Bonn zusammen, um die Verfassung eines westdeutschen Teilstaates auszuarbeiten. Die feierliche Unterzeichnung des Grundgesetzes, dem Resultat dieser Beratungen, erfolgte bereits am 23. Mai 1949. Während der relativ kurzen Beratungszeit kam es zu teils intensiven Auseinandersetzungen über die zukünftige Gestaltung Deutschlands und zu einer Positionierung Konrad Adenauers, die in ihrer Öffentlichkeitswirkung von der SPD nicht rechtzeitig erkannt wurde. Die Arbeit zeigt die ambivalente Politik der SPD während dieser Grundgesetzberatungen 1948/1949 auf und analysiert sie vor dem Hintergrund der Niederlage bei der ersten Bundestagswahl 1949. Anhand des Umgangs der SPD-Führung mit dem Parlamentarischen Rat, der inhaltlichen Arbeit der Fraktion im Rat sowie formaler Entscheidungen den Rat betreffend, lassen sich grundlegende politische Weichenstellungen aufzeigen. Diese waren, so wird deutlich, wenige Monate später mit ausschlaggebend für die Wahlniederlage der SPD bei der ersten Bundestagswahl.

- by Nikolas Dörr
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- German History, Legal History, Cold War, Political History

The polemic surrounding the 1753 Jewish Naturalization Bill was one of the major public opinion campaigns in Britain in the eighteenth century, as well as the most significant event in the history of Britain's Jews between their seventeenth-century admission and nineteenth-century emancipation. The bill proposed to offer Jews a private act of naturalization without the sacramental test. A costly and cumbersome process, the measure could have had only minor practical impact. Due to its symbolic significance, however, the bill ignited public clamor in hundreds of newspaper columns, pamphlets, and prints. What made it so resonant, and why was the opposition so successful in propagating opposition to the motion? It has been commonly argued that the entire affair was an instance of partisan conflict in which the Jews themselves played an incidental role. This paper throws light on the episode from an alternative perspective, arguing that a central reason for its resonance was that the discussion on the Jews evoked concerns with the expanding financial market and its sociopolitical implications. As Jews had by that time become emblematic of modern finance, they embodied contemporary anxieties about the economy, national identity, and their interrelations.

- by Avinoam Yuval-Naeh
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- European History, Economic History, European Studies, Early Modern History

During its first decade as a directly elected political institution, from 1979 to 1989, the European Parliament exercised significant influence in shaping the debate and agenda around the concept of completing the ‘single’ or ‘internal’ market of the (then) European Economic Community. Through both its early campaigning for action in this field and its definition and analysis of issues such as the ‘cost of non-Europe’, the Parliament contributed to the political and intellectual climate which led to the launch in 1985 by the European Commission, under its new President, Jacques Delors, of an ambitious programme to complete the single market by 1992. This process was reinforced and facilitated by adoption of the Single European Act (SEA) the following year. The extension of qualified majority voting (QMV) in the Council and the introduction of a more significant legislative role for the European Parliament under the SEA enhanced the position of the Parliament in the Community’s ‘institutional triangle’, enabling it to influence the content of law more directly. From 1987 onwards, the Parliament used its new legislative power actively when considering the detailed proposals for completing the single market brought forward by the Delors Commission, with significant debates taking place on the priorities that should attach to various aspects of liberalisation and regulation. The growing success of the single market process led in turn to the Parliament strongly supporting efforts to complement the single market with the creation of a single currency, building momentum for the launch of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).

- by Laurent Warlouzet
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- European History, European Studies, European integration, European Union

The anti-corruption self-assessment report for the Parliament of Moldova has been drafted against the background of sharply increasing interest and political developments at the highest level, refl ecting the need to combat corruption in... more

The anti-corruption self-assessment report for
the Parliament of Moldova has been drafted
against the background of sharply increasing
interest and political developments at the highest
level, refl ecting the need to combat corruption
in all sectors of public and political life.

- by Franklin De Vrieze
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- Parliamentary Studies, Political Corruption, Parliamentary History, Parliament
- by Michael Durey
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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies

This book offers an enquiry into the development of meeting behaviour, that is: human behaviour during councils, assemblies, parliaments, conferences which increasingly represent more people, and other, both formal and informal, meetings to discuss and arrange the common future. The selected approach involved studying the history of meetings. However, it was the formulation of the problem from a sociological perspective which actually determined the approach. The theory which aroused my interest in meetings, and which appeared to offer many, sometimes surprising, leads for a sociological study of meetings, was the theory of civilizing processes, the basis of which was laid by Norbert Elias. Therefore, this is not a comparative history of meetings but a succession of ‘case studies’ exploring the genesis of meeting behaviour.

- by wilbert van vree
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- Sociology, Social Psychology, State Formation, Parliamentary History

Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe
(c. 1200 - c. 1690), a scholarly collection on representation in medieval
and early modern Europe, opens up the field of institutional and
parliamentary history to new paradigms of representation across a wide
geography and chronology – as testified by the volume’s studies on
assemblies ranging from Burgundy and Brabant to Ireland and Italy.
The focus is on three areas: institutional developments of
representative institutions in Western Europe; the composition of these
institutions concerning interest groups and individual participants; and
the ideological environment of representatives in time and space. By
analysing the balance between bottom-up and top-down approaches to
the functioning of institutions of representation; by studying the actors
behind the representative institutions linking prosopographical
research with changes in political dialogue; and by exploring the
ideological world of representation, this volume makes a key
contribution to the historiography of pre-modern government and
political culture.

- by Mario Damen
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- Discourse Analysis, Medieval History, Early Modern History, Medieval Studies

The September 26, 2020 decision of the Speaker of the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly to direct Commissionaires to remove demonstrators’ tents from the grounds of the Legislative Precinct raises questions both in the context of 2(c) Charter rights respecting the freedom of peaceful assembly and the authority of the Speaker to control access to the Legislative Precinct under Parliamentary Privilege or other property related powers. This article outlines that the source of the Speaker’s authority to regulate activities on the grounds of the Legislative Precinct is not Parliamentary Privilege nor the common law. The article concludes that the New Brunswick Speaker does not have jurisdiction over the grounds of the Legislative Precinct and therefore Parliamentary immunity cannot be claimed by the Legislative Assembly for any potential legal action arising from the seizure of the tents. This is important as it means that actions by government actors are subject to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Depending on the Legislative Assembly’s internal policies, either the Speaker or the Legislative Administration Committee may have the ability to control access and security in the context property law; however, this power would be inoperative during dissolution due to a lack of intersessional authority.

- by Joseph S. Meisel
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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies
- by Gavin Schaffer
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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies
- by István Szijártó
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- Habsburg Studies, History of Hungary, 18th Century Art, Parliamentary History

Παρόλο τον καταλυτικό της χαρακτήρα για την εγγύηση της δημοκρατικής φύσης του πολιτεύματος, ο ρόλος της ελληνικής Βουλής έχει καταστεί πλήρως αποδυναμωμένος . Οι άκρως σημαντικές της λειτουργίες της νομοθετικής παραγωγής και του κοινοβουλευτικού ελέγχου τείνουν είτε να υποβαθμίζονται, είτε να παραμερίζονται παντελώς, λόγω τόσο των κυβερνητικών-πρωθυπουργοκεντρικών στοιχείων, που υπερισχύουν στη Γ’ Ελληνική Δημοκρατία, όσο και των ευθυνών που φέρουν οι ίδιοι οι αντιπρόσωποι του ελληνικού λαού. Τα πρώτα εντάσσονται στην κατηγορία των χαρακτηριστικών του «ισχυρού» κράτους, που έχει εκλάβει η ελληνικού πολιτεία, εξαιτίας της λειτουργικής υπεροχής της εκτελεστικής εξουσίας και δη του κυβερνητικού της σκέλους έναντι των υπόλοιπων κρατικών εξουσιών -νομοθετικής και δικαστικής- και των λοιπών μερών της -Προέδρου της Δημοκρατίας και Δημόσιας Διοίκησης-. Οι έτερες αφορούν, ως επί το πλείστον, παθογένειες του ελληνικού πολιτικού γίγνεσθαι, οι οποίες φθάνουν στο σημείο, μέσω της υποβάθμισης του ρόλου της Βουλής, να πλήττουν και μία έτερη συστατική αρχή κάθε δημοκρατικής πολιτείας, εκείνη της διάκρισης των εξουσιών. Από την εν λόγω αρχή, άλλωστε, αλλά και την παρεπόμενη και αναπόφευκτη διασταύρωση των λειτουργιών, εκπορεύεται η σπουδαιότητα της σημασίας των κοινοβουλευτικών σωμάτων στις σύγχρονες δημοκρατίες, μεταξύ των οποίων περιλαμβάνεται και η υποβαθμισμένη ελληνική Βουλή.

- by Nick Zervas
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- Governance, Political History, Modern Greek Politics, Parliamentary History

Uladzimir Padalinski. Grand Duchy of Lithuania Representation at the Lublin Diet of 1569: Participation in Commonwealth’s First General Diet Work. Minsk: A.M. Yanushkevich, 2017. 240 p. The book is devoted to the study of activities and personal composition of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania delegation at the First General Diet of the Commonwealth that was held in Lublin from 2 July to 12 August 1569. The monograph examines the political position of the GDL delegation on various issues of public life. The problem of the existence of independent gentry movement in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is analyzed. The first attempt to create a collective portrait of the GDL senators and district representatives at the Diet of 1569 is made.

Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2015

- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- History, Diplomatic History, Russian Studies, Early Modern History
- by Javier Moreno-Luzón
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- Republicanism, Liberalism, Nationalism, Nationalism And State Building
- by Deidre Brown
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- Parliamentary History, Appropriation, Maori Architecture, Indigenous Architecture

Sejmiki mazowieckie w latach 1661-1665 musiały się zmierzyć z szeregiem istotnych problemów wewnętrznych państwa polsko-litewskiego. Wstrząs jakim okazał się „potop” szwedzki, uświadomił najwyższym kręgom społeczeństwa potrzebę przeprowadzenia reform ustrojowych. Forsowany przez parę monarszą plan wprowadzenia elekcji vivente rege oraz zasadniczych zmian w sposobie sejmowania, był omawiany na sejmikach oraz sejmach. Wobec tych ważkich kwestii ustosunkowała się szlachta mazowiecka, stojąc na stanowisku koniecznej naprawy parlamentu.
Plany królewskie spotkały się silną opozycją. Ze względu na dług, w 1661 roku armia koronna oraz litewska zawiązały konfederacje. Żołnierze wystąpili wówczas otwarcie z żądaniami o charakterze politycznym, pozwalając wciągnąć się w rozgrywki stronnictwa francuskiego i opozycji antydworskiej. Sejmiki mazowieckie na ogół potępiły postępowanie wojska, opowiadając się jednak za potrzebą uregulowania mu płacy. Stąd podjęły się one zgodnie z wolą sejmu oraz króla realizacji uchwał podatkowych. Rozwiązanie konfederacji wojskowych w 1663 roku nie zakończyło walki politycznej. Główny przeciwnik planów dworskich Jerzy S. Lubomirski, marszałek wielki i hetman polny koronny, dążył do całkowitego storpedowannia zamierzeń królewskich. Spór ten, doprowadził na sejmie 1664 roku do wytoczenia magnatowi procesu sejmowego. Zakończył się on wyrokiem skazującym. Znaczny udział w jego wydaniu mieli przedstawiciele szlachty mazowieckiej, zarówno posłowie jak i senatorowie. W toku krystalizującej się wojny domowej, Mazowszanie opowiedzieli się całkowicie po stronie majestatu.
Przebieg sejmików mazowieckich z lat 1661-1665 potwierdził wyrażoną przez historiografię tezę o regalistycznym nastawieniu tamtejszej szlachty. Jednocześnie pokazał, iż przedstawiciele mazowieckiej szlachty zajmowali istotne miejsce na scenie politycznej. Paraliżująca kraj działalność fakcji, powodowała niewydolność głównych organów państwa. Szlachta mazowiecka dostrzegała ten problem, upatrując szansy na wzmocnienie Rzeczypospolitej w reformie sejmu i zachowaniu autorytetu króla.

- by John Morrill
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- Parliamentary History, Historical Studies

In the early twentieth century, three provinces of the Austrian half of the Habsburg Empire enacted national compromises in their legislation that had elements of non-territorial autonomy provisions. Czech and German politicians in Moravia reached an agreement in 1905. In the heavily mixed Bukovina, Romanian, Ukrainian, German, Jewish and Polish representatives agreed on a new provincial constitution in 1909. Last but not least, Polish and Ukrainian nationalists compromised in spring 1914, just a few months before the outbreak of the First World War vitiated the new provisions. Even though the provisions of these agreements varied substantially, new electoral laws introducing national registers were at their heart. These were designed to ensure a fairer representation of national groups in the provincial assemblies and to keep national agitation out of electoral campaigns. The earliest compromise in Moravia went furthest in consociational power sharing. However, the national bodies within the provincial assembly had no right to tax their respective national communities, and the provisions of the provincial constitutions kept the non-nationally defined nobility as an important counterbalance. The compromises in Bukovina and Galicia, even if they categorised all inhabitants nationally, contented themselves with even less autonomous agency for the national bodies in the provincial assemblies and rather emphasised the symbolic elements of national autonomy. The non-territorial approach in all three crownlands, however, was an instrument to reorganise multi-ethnic provinces that increasingly became the model for national compromises in other Austrian provinces.

- by Börries Kuzmany
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- Czech History, Polish History, Legal History, Nationalism