Parliamentary History Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, Herança

RESUMO O estudo que se ostenta, e que se agrega na linha de investigação desenvolvida pelo autor deste trabalho "Um olhar sobre a emancipação do Poder Local no distrito de Portalegre (12/12/1976)", assumiu como objetivo a valorização/divulgação do património local no concelho de Portalegre, após a mudança de regime político. Neste caminho, a metodologia utilizada assentou, sobretudo, na fina análise das fontes disponíveis: correspondência entre o Secretariado Técnico dos Assuntos para o Processo Eleitoral (STAPE) e o Governador Civil do Distrito de Portalegre, os dois periódicos regionalistas com maior tiragem na região, O Districto de Portalegre e o Semanário Socialista Independente a Rabeca (vulgo, A Rabeca) e as Atas do município de Portalegre. Em paralelo, efetuou-se um estudo minucioso do enquadramento legislativo que sustentou a preparação do sufrágio eleitoral (ofícios, leis, decretos-leis e portarias), cuja emancipação do Poder Local foi uma realidade consubstanciada na Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976.

2025, Hagyomány Identitás Történelem

Archival data on the Reformed pastors of the 16th century in North-Eastern Hungary
We have no sufficient data concerning the pastors of the early period of the Hungarian Reformed Church. The situation is a little better in the North-Eastern part of the Kingdom of Hungary, where there are archival materials containing more abundant material on pastors’ lives. These can be found in the archives of the state administration, both in the material of the so-called Szepes Chamber and the Hungarian Chamber. The archives of the town of Košice, the centre of the region, also contain numerous useful data, just like the archives of the noble families. This study presents a few cases, mainly from the Tokaj wine region, where the clergymen of the area were involved both in legal and economic matters.

2025

Two testamentary documents relating to Caroline Sanderson have survived: firstly, a will proved in the diocese of York and held by The Borthwick Institute; secondly, a will abstract published by the Bank of England. The information... more

2025

This paper comprises elements from research conducted over several years, but brought together by a single item found in a will proved at the diocese of York in 1821. The will of Johanna Hasland, a widow of Heeley, which is now part of... more

2025

Abstract: Rasante Jahre liegen hinter ihm und der Welt, als Max Weber 1920 plötzlich stirbt. Im Krieg war er als politischer Publizist bekannt geworden, der sich liberaldemokratischen Staatsreformen verschrieb. Nach Kräften kämpfte... more

2025

Речь идет о книге «В стране, где завтра является уже вчерашним днем».-Прим. перев. ИЗ ИНТЕРВЬЮ С КОРРЕСПОНДЕНТОМ ГАЗЕТЫ «ПРАВДА ВОСТОКА» Наша делегация, прибыв в Среднюю Азию, была поражена колоссальнейшим размахом строительства. В 0c0бенности мы убедились в этом, побывав в Киргизии и Казахстане, в частности во Фрунзе и Алма-Ате. В то время как капиталистические страны поражены острой безработицей (миллионы безработных пролетариев вынуждены буквально влачить жалкое существование), Советский Союз благодаря социалистической стройке не только ликвидировал безработицу, но фактически еще больше нуждается в обученных и подготовленных кадрах. Наше пребывание в Средней Азии убедило нас еще в том, что европейское и местное население республики рука об руку, без проявлений шовинизма и национализма, строит, индустриализирует, коллективизирует этот огромный край. | Правда Востока, 30 июня 1930 г. ИЗ ПИСЕМ ЮЛИУСА ФУЧИКА ГУСТЕ ФУЧИКОВОЙ Арысь, 9 июля 1930 г. Большой привет, путница, любящая бродить по горам. Сейчас я как раз смотрю с высоты 3400 метров на долину и голые горные склоны и вспоминаю те маленькие и красивые холмики, которые называют Крконошами!. Здесь ! Горы на северо-западе Чехии.-Прим. перев. ' Набранная в разрядку часть текста была изъята чехословацкой цензурой.-Прим. перев.

2025, British Politics

The American study of British politics has a long lineage. Samuel Beer was its most distinguished 20th century exponent. However, Beer has an added significance: he closed the period of anglophile scholarship. The reasons for the exhaustion of this tradition have much to do with the crises of British politics from the mid-1960s onwards, and Beer's writings illuminate strikingly how crisis destroyed the old anglophile enchantment.

2025

Dans cette présentation, j’examinerai la
représentation de la Mongolie, du Tibet et du
Xinjiang dans les parlements de la Chine du début
du XXe siècle, notamment au sein du Conseil
consultatif politique (Zizhengyuan 資政院) de la
fin des Qing et de l’Assemblée nationale du début
de la République. J’identifie deux modes distincts,
mais entremêlés, de représentation des régions
frontalières : un modèle patrimonial, qui maintenait
les privilèges aristocratiques en échange de la
loyauté, et un modèle d’État-nation, qui envisageait
un statut égal pour les régions frontalières aux côtés
des provinces à majorité Han. En reconstruisant ces
deux modes de représentation parlementaire, cette
intervention replacera les débats constitutionnels
chinois dans un contexte eurasien plus large,
montrant comment les tendances mondiales en
matière de gouvernance ont croisé les efforts de
la Chine pour assimiler ses populations frontalières
diverses dans un État-nation unitaire.

2025, Gender in Eighteenth-Century England: Roles, Representations and Responsibilities

Chapter Eight: A politician's politician: Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire and the Whig party in Gender in Eighteenth-Century England: Roles, Representations and Responsibilities by Hannah Barker and Elaine Chalus

2025, Наукові записки НаУКМА. Історичні науки. 2024. Том 7

У фокусі статті перебуває формування образу побожності першого олицького ордината князя Станіслава Радзивила (1559-1599). Зокрема, здійснено спробу простежити етапи формування образу побожного князя-католика та притаманних йому рис на базі гербівників та іншої геральдичної літератури ранньомодерного періоду, із залученням історіографії пізніших століть. Крім аналізу формування образу побожності олицького ордината у статті розглянуто відомості про релігійні практики та харитативну діяльність князя Радзивила. Перша спроба дослідження образу «Побожного» володаря Олики виявила певні невідповідності між трансльованим образом Станіслава Радзивила та його практичними утіленнями у діяльності князя як ордината і патрона, що відкрило нове коло питань, які потребують подальшого дослідження.

2025

ΜΙΑ ΜΕΓΑΛΗ ΕΠΕΤΕΙΟΣ:Μισός αιώνας με το Σύνταγμα του 1975
ΣΚΕΨΕΙΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΘΕΩΡΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ

2025, Domesday to America

Domesday to America, Volume II: The Colonization of America and the Great Companies of London by Patrick Allen Payne This volume continues the investigative trajectory of Domesday to America, tracing the genealogical and historical... more

2025, Státus Kiadó

Balykó Elek
önéletírása helytörténészek, néprajzosok, nyelvészek számára
igazi csemege

2025, Political Studies Forum

Abstract
The Constitution of 27th February 1938 created the ideological and theoretical foundations for the birth of the singleparty, called by the new regime The National Renaissance Front (Frontul Renaşterii Naționale, FRN) and proclaimed as the only political entity in the state. FRN was strongly militarized in all its management structures, starting with the Directorate to the Superior National Council. It had a corporate-like structured aligned with the new constitutional principles, whereby people were only allowed and granted positions in the party, state, or Parliament if they actually had a job. A critical analysis of some of the parliament speeches made by the regime’s representatives will shed light on the ideological principles of the FRN.

2025, Primavera storica

Повстання під проводом Богдана Хмельницького середини XVII ст. відіграло ключову роль в українській історії, воно виявилось тією точкою неповернення назад до старої системи управління Речі Посполитої. Одним із аспектів життя українських земель у складі Речі Посполитої, який зачепило повстання, стало функціонування судової системи та сеймиків.

2025

This interdisciplinary volume explores the relationship between history and a range of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences: economics, political science, political theory, international relations, sociology, philosophy, law, literature and anthropology. The relevance of historical approaches within these disciplines has shifted over the centuries. Many of them, like law and economics, originally depended on self-consciously historical procedures. These included the marshalling of evidence from past experience, philological techniques and source criticism. Between the late nineteenth and the middle of the twentieth centuries, the influence of new methods of research, many indebted to models favoured by the natural sciences, such as statistical, analytical or empirical approaches, secured an expanding intellectual authority while the hegemony of historical methods declined in relative terms. In the aftermath of this change, the essays collected in History in the Humanities and Social Sciences reflect from a variety of angles on the relevance of historical concerns to representative disciplines as they are configured today.

2025, Tijdschrift voor genderstudies

2025

According to the conventional view, based on the widely accepted theory of viscosity, the Japanese legislative process is characterized by a mode of operation known as "long deliberation without discussion". It did not, however, appear as soon as the Constitution was enacted in 1947, nor did it emerge when the ever-dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Government started in 1955. It is not until around 1970 that it was "institutionalized" with the advent of political equilibrium between the LDP and the opposition in the one-party dominant regime. I believe that some of the new quantitative tools here will contribute to improving the study of legislatures in parliamentary systems. qualitative analysis backs up these findings. 1 2 The Conventional View: Viscosity Theory "Viscosity theory" has dominated the study of legislatures in parliamentary systems thus far. 2 Viscosity is defined as "the legislature's capacity to resist, change, or retard the executive branch's legislative proposals" (Loewenberg and Patterson, 1979: 63). According to this theory, even legislatures in a parliamentary system can kill or amend a fair number of government bills by taking advantage of the "scarce time resource". Viscosity theory is also conventionally used to study the Japanese Diet (Mochizuki, 1982: esp. ch. 2;. As a result, an older legislative study that regards the Diet as a "rubber stamp", a body without great influence that simply passes bills (Baeward, 1974), was criticized. The Diet, however, especially the opposition, did in fact exert influence. The question is, how? In a parliamentary system, the "executive majority" usually holds the "legislative majority" . If a vote is taken, the government should always win. In Japan, the opposition parties have managed to stop and delay deliberation on bills they oppose, ultimately preventing a vote by using rules of procedure. It is useless to deliberate a bill thoroughly because there is little hope that the opposition will win an election and assume power. The scarce time resource can be used as leverage in viscosity in four ways, that is, by controlling the agenda and deliberative timetables, as well as through the time limitation in the session system, the committee system, and the bicameral nature of the Diet. There follows an explanation of these terms. I begin with "the control of the agenda and deliberative timetable." Important legislative steps such as referrals to committee and the passage of bills are delayed 1 As for details of my definitions of terms and the argument here, see Fukumoto (2000, esp., ch. 4), although data from 1996 to 2000 was not included.

2025, De iruisprudentia et iure publico

This paper examines how natural law theory was invoked and interpreted by the judges of the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal in the absence of a comprehensive system of international criminal law. While legal positivism dominated much of twentieth-century jurisprudence, the Tribunal’s majority and dissenting opinions often relied on universal moral principles to justify the prosecution of crimes against peace. Judges such as Henri Bernard, William Webb, Radhabinod Pal, and B. V. A. Röling offered contrasting approaches to legal responsibility, ranging from explicit endorsement of natural law to firm positivist rejection. The study argues that, beyond the formal legal framework, these moral-philosophical underpinnings significantly influenced the legitimacy, reasoning, and outcome of the Tokyo proceedings. The Tribunal became a unique historical forum where the boundaries between law and morality, and between Western and non-Western legal cultures, were openly negotiated.

2025, Stirling Online Research Repository (University of Stirling)

2025

Throughout history the opening ceremonies of state assemblies, those within and without their respective chambers, can be seen to exist for a variety of inter-related reasons. Tradition, national prestige, national unity, the authority of the crown, parliament, the role of servants of the state and the sovereignty of people and princes are all conveyed in ritual terms. Whether elected or appointed the members of all assemblies or parliaments are representatives: representatives of class, nation, ethnicity, community and much else besides. The pageantry of parliaments, interwoven with the symbols of power and responsibility, are and were intended always to convey the legitimisation of these representatives and of the leaders of people. This can be seen in the rituals surrounding the opening of Scotland’s old medieval and early modern Parliament and equally in the opening ceremony of the new, ‘modern’ Scottish Parliament which first sat in 1999. The reasons in 1707 for Scotland accept...

2025

Parliaments communicate with the people of their nations through a range of symbolic and ritualistic registers. The nature of symbolism and ceremony in the Scottish Parliament before the 1707 union with the parliament of England provides an interesting illustration of this communicative aspect. 1 In particular seventeenth-century Scotland an astonishingly traumatised place of political and religious strife – was home to a surprising reliance on rituals in spite of the atmosphere of conflict. In the last full century of this parliament’s long life, the impact of decades of revolution, warfare and economic collapse was even greater for Scotland than for England. Traditionally, in Scottish and English historiography, the woes of Scotland after 1603 are placed at the foot of government by absentee monarchy. Indeed although some seventeenth-century English contemporaries and modern English historians have reflected on the negative consequences of a Scottish King James VI becoming King Ja...

2025, Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200 - c. 1690)

Even if at this time both principalities were governed by the later Emperor Charles V, their representatives apparently continued to be identified with the history and famous princes of their own respective principalities: the Brabantine delegates with their duchy and the great kings and emperors; the Flemish, for their part, with their forester. The quotation shows that there was more to the ideology of the representative institutions or Estates than is generally assumed. In general, scholars refer to the Latin, learned and abstract notions that form the basis of their ideology, such as the famous maxim quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur (what concerns all is to be approved by all), derived from Roman Law, or the concept of bonum commune (common good) used by Thomas Aquinas, Marsilius of Padua, and other late medieval theorists. 2 Other scholars have maintained, on the basis particularly of administrative sources, that the aims of the representative institutions more or less coincided with the interests of the urban oligarchies: the maintenance of law and order and the protection of privileges and commercial interests. Most authors, furthermore, are determined that the towns' ideology is opposed to the prince. 3 This latter characteristic appears not to be borne out by the confrontation in 1508: here, on the contrary, the ideology of the Estates of Brabant, the "set of cultural beliefs, values, and attitudes that underlie and thereby to some degree justify and legitimate either the status quo 2 See, for instance, A. Marongiu, Medieval parliaments. A comparative study, Studies presented to the International commission for the history of representative and parliamentary institutions 32 (London, 1968), pp. 33-37; Antony Black, Political thought in Europe 1250-1450 (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 24-28 and 162-169; Janet Coleman, A history of political thought from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance (Oxford, 2000), pp. 42-46; Robert Stein, Anita Boele and Wim Blockmans, "Whose community? The origin and development of the concept of Bonum commune in Flanders, Brabant and Holland (12th-15th century)", in De bono communi. The discourse and practice of the common good in the European city (13th-16th c.) Discours et pratique du Bien Commun dans les villes d'Europe (XIIIe au XVIe siècle), ed. E. Lecuppre-Desjardin, A.-L. van Bruaene, Studies in European urban history 22 (Turnhout, 2010), pp. 149-169. 3 See, for instance, Jan Dhondt, "Ordres ou puissances. Études l'histoire des assemblées representatives en Belgique du XIIe au XVIIIe siècle", in Estates or powers. Essays in the parliamentary history of the southern Netherlands from the XIIth to the XVIIIth century, ed. W.P. Blockmans, Anciens pays et assemblées d'États 69 (Heule, 1977), pp. 25-49 (at p. 29); W.P. Blockmans, "Representation (since the thirteenth century)", in The new Cambridge medieval history VII, c. 1415-c. 1500, ed. C. Allmand (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 19-64 (at pp. 50, and 53); Jan Dumolyn, "Privileges and novelties: the political discourse of the Flemish cities and rural districts in their negotiations with the dukes of Burgundy (1384-1506)", Urban history 35 (2008), pp. 5-23 (at p. 22).

2025

When in July 1999 the British and world media gathered in Edinburgh to witness the state opening of the new Scottish parliament, the head of the newly devolved government, the late Donald Dewar, book-ended his speech in the chamber with two emotional and pointed references. He stated at the beginning 'there shall be a Scottish parliament' and concluded that the opening ceremony had its 'roots in a great tradition'. As Scotland's 'first', First Minister, Dewar was the man of the moment. His lifelong ambition for Scottish devolution was fulfilled and as a scholar-politician he was imbued with an acute sense of the past. His opening phrase refers to the first line of the Westminster Scotland Act (1998) that established the parliament. It is strikingly simple but 'there shall be a Scottish parliament again', would have been more accurate and more in tune with Dewar's own historicism, something his contemporaries, both political friend and foe, came to admire. 1 But how significant are the links between the old and new parliaments? Is Scotland's medieval and early modern parliamentary tradition in any way 'great'? For many the key event with which to judge the value of the Scottish parliament was the Anglo-Scottish parliamentary Union of 1707. Who could applaud an assembly that voted for its own extinction or allowed national affairs to reach such a perilous state that union was the only solution? To take a negative view it is not necessary to be a 'Scoto-phob' like Hugh Trevor Roper (admittedly in his case apologetically so), who appeared to spend a lifetime exploding the 'myths', as he saw it, of Scottish history. Thus in the late 1970s P.W.J Riley, an English-born political historian of Scotland, declared the parliament 'no more than an instrument of magnate rivalry and the kingdom was well rid of it'. This bleak and cynical assessment arises from Riley's close study of Scottish political culture from the Revolution of 1689 (when the Catholic James VII and II was removed) to the Union itself, and the dismissive tone expresses a common enough perception by commentators of various political hues, and many without Riley's credentials as a Scottish expert. 2 Since 1707 in fact Whig, Tory and Jacobite historians have developed their own critiques. Scottish 'Jacobites' such as John Cockburn, writing soon after the Union, or John Lingard in the 1850s, argued that the parliament was essentially the king's feudal court, and was duty-bound to defer to the royal will, but also in 1689 its parliamentarians had rebelled against 'rightful' monarchy, and then defied the popular will in 1707. 3 Tory interpretations also link 1689 with 1707. The Revolution and Union were 'necessities', though in themselves limited dynastic and

2025, Parliamentary History

x. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance With Wiley Terms and Conditions for self-archiving. II. Changes arose mostly due to the burgeoning level of business, not directly from the Revolution. But party politics was also at play. In the 1690s House of Commons a group of 'country' MPs consciously developed procedural techniques as a method of 'supervising and attacking government' and to Scottish historians this has echoes in the behaviour of opposition factions in Scotland's post-1689 parliament. In spite of notions to the contrary, the procedural and administrative impact of the Revolution on the Scottish Parliament was neither sudden nor immediately efficacious. The 'new-born constitutionalism' 8 was, in the short term, the harbinger of chaos. Revolutions are, of course, rarely tidy affairs. Nonetheless, in the medium term there was considerable institutional reform. The most obvious change was the abolition of the Lords of the Articles, the traditional session committee of Parliament through which legislation was vetted and drafted. This objective was contained within the statement of grievances, the Articles of Grievance, agreed after the drafting of the Claim of Right and published by the revolutionary Convention of Estates in April 1689. 9 After the 1689 Convention transformed itself into a Parliament, the short session in June and July saw William and Mary's High Commissioner, William, 3rd Duke of Hamilton fail to negotiate a compromise over the fate of the Lords of the Articles. King William and a presbyterian-dominated Parliament, egged on by the 'Club', an opposition grouping of allied Jacobites, episcopalians and rogue presbyterians, found themselves poles apart. William, not unreasonably, wished to preserve those managerial and moderating advantages of the Articles, even though he was prepared to concede that the election of members of the Committee could now be more fully under the control of the Estates. He was surprised that the Estates wished to remove a traditional mechanism that worked. Meanwhile, a majority of the Parliament believed that King William was either putting up token resistance, or was being misled by his London advisers. In the middle was Hamilton who, as early as mid June, confirmed that 'no business [could] be brought in … untill the law establishing the articles be repealed'. 10 When three weeks later the King suggested a complex compromise, the Commissioner abruptly informed George, Lord Melville, the Secretary of State, that the 'expedient about the Articles will not do'. Hamilton had no choice but to adjourn the session on 2 August. The tone of his correspondence with Melville conveys his frustration at the turn of events, yet also the bewilderment of a pro-revolutionary yet establishment figure observing a revolution careering out of control. 12 Nevertheless, on 8 May 1690, during the second parliamentary session under William and Mary, and with Melville, now 1st earl of Melville, as High Commissioner, an act was passed abolishing the Lords of the Articles. King and Commissioner had been forced to concede that Parliament and Estates could now elect committees 'as they shall desire'. And so a system of standing committees was put in place. But how did this dramatic victory come about and why was the Committee of the Articles such a popular target? The conventional view of the Lords of the Articles, as laid down by Rait, is of a committee virtually of the Crown, not of Parliament, which acted as a conduit of Crown policy with a firm control over parliamentary business. This straitjacket is sometimes thought to have held back the representational strength of the Scottish Parliament, especially in comparison with England, and also its institutional and constitutional evolution. Royal control of 'election' to the Articles and the parallel membership of the Scottish Privy Council emphasised Crown authority and agenda manipulation. However, Roland Tanner has established a revisionist analysis that counters this view for the period before 1540. Examples of the weakness of the Committee of the Articles in the face of the full Estates, even in the reign of the powerful James IV, and the fact that Committee membership often reflected current political circumstance rather than Crown or council popularity contests, suggest the Articles remained before 1540 'much more the servant of the Estates than of the Crown'. Few historians have challenge the omnipotent position of the Articles for the remainder of its existence. The committee, it is argued, relegated Parliament to a mere instrument of royal policy so preventing effective scrutiny or consultation over legislation. 17 James VI, Charles I, Charles II and James VII all, with varying degrees of success, used the Committee to maintain control of Parliament. The conventional picture is that from James VI's reign, the Articles consisted largely of privy councillors and those generally nominated by the king, though Alan MacDonald has demonstrated that the link was not straightforward before 1640.

2025, Politics and Governance

In recent decades, the term "liberal democracy" has become increasingly prevalent in political and academic discourse. However, this widespread usage obscures the historical tension between democracy-understood as the exercise of popular sovereignty-and liberalism's emphasis on constitutional constraints and individual rights. While this contradiction was apparent to earlier political thinkers, the ideological battles of the 20th century led to the fusion of democracy and liberalism into a seemingly self-evident political ideal. To understand this transformation, this article examines the conceptual evolution of "liberal democracy" in Britain and France between 1968 and 2001, focusing on its use in parliamentary debates. It demonstrates how the concept was initially mobilized to counter participatory critiques of democracy in the 1970s, before gaining broader acceptance in the 1980s and culminating in cautious celebration after 1989. By the late 1990s, however, the term became increasingly contested, with both its liberal and democratic components facing scrutiny. Drawing from conceptual history, parliamentary studies, and democratic theory, this article historicizes "liberal democracy" as a constructed and politically charged category rather than a neutral descriptor of political regimes.

2025

Has writing changed history or has it merely recorded historical change? Within the field of Literacy Studies, opinions on the role of writing in bringing about historical change have tended to polarise into two camps. The 'autonomous' school sees literacy as a dynamic force for change and accords it a central role in the development of civilisation. The 'ecological' school sees literacy as embedded in specific social contexts and disputes that it plays any autonomous role in historical change. This thesis will discuss both theoretical approaches and evaluate these contrasting positions in a specific historical context. The focus of this study is on the role that literacy played in Ireland from the medieval to the modem period. Ireland is a useful case study because it contains virtually all the elements that arise in the wider debate: restricted literacy and pragmatic literacy, the relationship of language change to literacy, the presence of disparate literate pract...

2025

Raccolta sistematica e commentata di tutti i documenti riferibili all'attività di deputato presenti nell'Archivio storico della Camera dei deputati.

2025, Saeculum Christianum

This article is the first comprehensive overview of the criminal regulations of the first Statute of Mazovia, which was announced by Prince Siemowit III of Masovia on April 27, 1377 in Sochaczew. The authoress examines 11 criminal laws, which cover more than half of the act. The article presents the legal and penal regulations concerning: the conditions of taking revenge, villainy (robbery and persistent thievery), broadly defined rape on a person, the amount of were-gild for murdering a Włodyka (a representative of lower knighthood) and a well-to-do peasant, complicity, the defamation of people of high rank (ie. the rebuke of nobility), the requirements on which one can exonerate themselves in court, as well as the amount of compensatory damages for beating or wounding a well-to-do peasant. While discussing specific legal articles, the authoress explains the basic notions concerning mazo-vian criminal law both substantive and procedural, in particular: the penalty of proscription, a vendetta, the penalty of infamy, the rebuke of nobility, exoneration, were-gild and punitive damages. At the same time, the article presents the issue of the death penalty and confiscation of one’s property, which were the most severe penalties for convicted criminals. The article concludes with the summary of the conducted research.

2025

Статья посвящена изучению такого явления в истории междукняжеских отношений, как "часть/причастие". Предложена интерпретация этого явления как один из способов институционализации конфликтов за лидерство в Русской земле.

2025

ENACTED by the Parliament of Zambia This Act may be cited as the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act, 2025-Citizen-Centered Version, and shall be read as one with the Constitution of Zambia (hereinafter referred to as the... more

2025, Прогрессивизм

Статья, которая планировалась для публикации в Большой российской энциклопедии

2025, Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae, vol. 29

Critical research concerning the origins of Polish parliamentarism in the late Middle Ages, which has been ongoing since the end of the 19 th century, has led to the situation that the image of this historiographical problem has already been mostly outlined. A particularly good summary of the output of legal historians and historian-medievalists in this field has recently been made by Sławomir Gawlas, which frees us from the need to discuss the main research trends in greater detail . 1 However, it is worth citing Wacław Uruszczak's recent research, successfully promoting a new date of holding the model first bicameral parliament/sejm (with the participation of land deputies), which was shown as early as 1468, and not as late as 1493, as suggested by earlier scholars of this issue . 2 Wojciech Fałkowski's work concerning some of the general

2025, Σάκκουλας

Το Σύνταγμα, τχ. 3-4, σσ. 1063-1078
(διπλό τεύχος)
- Α Φ Ι Ε Ρ Ω Μ Α: 1821: Επαναστατικά Συντάγματα και
Κρατικές Λειτουργίες
- Ε Π Ι Μ Ε Λ Ε Ι Α: Λίνα Παπαδοπούλου / Αριστείδης Χατζής

2025, Advancing Human Rights Through Parliamentary Mechanisms: A Five-Year Institutional Review Of The Senate Of Pakistan (2020-2025

The study examines how the Senate promotes human rights within Pakistan, using parliamentary records, reports of Senate committees and relevant policy papers from 2020 and 2025. Even though the Senate first became involved in human rights in the late 20th century, its responsibility has grown significantly in recent years. Issues the Senate has discussed include domestic violence, child protection, rights for people with disabilities, workplace harassment and defending against any discrimination based on race, religion, gender or gender identity, based on expert guidance and human rights rules worldwide. In addition, it joined forces with these organisations, such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the United Nations Human Rights Council, to encourage diplomatic actions supporting human rights. Civil society and similar groups have been very important in supporting legislative efforts on marriage and legal aid. Even with these efforts, certain problems persist, for example, when it takes a long time to process bills, not much progress is made on transgender rights, budgets are not always sufficient, and it is often challenging to enforce delivered resolutions. Visible progress has been made, although real improvement needs strong legislative changes to improve how things are handled, increase oversight and hold the Senate more accountable for human rights.

2025

This paper studies the Other House, the upper house of Parliament under the Protectorate. It attempts to assess the place of the house in the constitutional history of England.

2025

XII International Medieval Meeting Lleida, 5-7 julio 2025.
Revisiting the cathedral and its space. Liturgical sources and architecture

2025, Nottinghamshire Family History Journal

A Victorian family of tradesmen, teachers and an artist

2025

Статья посвящена анализу деятельности великого князя владимирского Ярослава Всеволодовича (1190/1191-1246) в годы нашествия Батыя на русские земли. В работе уточняются цели похода князя на южнорусский город Каменец (1239 г.). На основе анализа источников высказывается гипотеза, согласно которой этот поход был осуществлен им не из Владимира, а из окрестностей Киева, где в то время мог находиться Ярослав. В связи с этим пересматривается время возвращения князя из Киева в Суздальскую Русь. Скорее всего, это произошло не в середине 1238 г., как принято считать, а на рубеже 1239-1240 гг. В период его отсутствия во Владимире там правил его младший брат-князь Святослав Всеволодович (1196-1252), который при возвращении Ярослава получил Суздаль-второй по значению город Суздальской земли и, возможно, статус соправителя.

2025

In Latin America, as in Europe, parliamentary activity was accompanied by satirical criticisms of the poor performance of inefficient assemblies or the privileged nature of the legislature. This negative view of legislative activity did not share homogeneous criteria that would bring together sarcastic editorials, caricatures or portraits of parliamentarians. Particularly from the 1890s to the outbreak of the Great War, criticism of parliament as was shown in irreverent editorials expressed both a regenerationist tone as well as a broader rejection of the parliamentary regime. In Argentina, with the federalisation of the city of Buenos Aires and the establishment of a new Congress after the defeat of porteno forces, an intense debate took shape about the place of the parliamentary institution in the imagination of the conservative republic that was to be built, in part as a result of the relevance of the legislative debates in the 1880s. This article seeks to analyse the criticisms ...

2025, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III. Historia Medieval

Los monarcas aragoneses del final de la Edad Media debieron solicitar a los representantes de sus territorios reunidos en Cortes la financiación de su proyecto mediterráneo. En este trabajo nos ocupamos de un caso en el que Martín I eludió este mecanismo y negoció en Aragón acuerdos puntuales para financiar la última gran armada sobre Cerdeña (1409). De manera singular, cedió la administración de estas cuantías a Benvenist de la Caballería y Ramón de Casaldáguila, dos grandes financieros asentados en Zaragoza acreedores de las instituciones aragonesas.
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In the late Middle Ages, Aragonese monarchs often sought financial aid from the representatives of their territories gathered in parliaments to fund their Mediterranean endeavours. This study examines a case in which King Martin I avoided this mechanism and negotiated specific agreements in Aragon to finance the last major fleet to Sardinia in 1409. In a unique move, the king entrusted the administration of these funds to Benvenist de la Caballería and Ramón de Casaldáguila, two prominent financiers based in Zaragoza who were creditors to the Aragonese institutions. This delegation of extraordinary fiscal management illustrates the inclusion of a financial sector within the power structure of the Crown of Aragon through its involvement in the royal administration. Additionally, the existence of a booklet of accounts allows for an analysis of the human capital mobilized by the collaboration between a Jew and a Christian, as well as the financial mechanisms used to secure liquidity at a critical time, following the collapse of the large private banks.

2025, Monarchia i republika w filozofii i praktyce społecznej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów. Perspektywy białoruskie, ukraińskie i litewskie

The paper examines the image of the monarch, created in the welcoming speeches of the Lithuanian marshals of the Chamber of Delegates in the General Sejm of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the 16th and the first third of the 17th centuries. Such addresses were one of the most important elements of the ceremonial opening of the General Sejm. The welcoming speeches clearly reflected the Grand Duchy of Lithuania nobility’s thoughts on the positive and negative qualities of the ruler, his main duties, as well as the essence of the relations between a responsible ruler and his loyal subjects. It is emphasized that reflections on the moral foundations of royal power were closely connected with the history and current political events in Central and Eastern Europe. The author concludes that the General Sejm’s welcoming speeches are an important example of political thought and open wide opportunities for the study of the political and intellectual culture of the noble society of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the early modern period.

2025

Taonga puoro is a Māori instrumental tradition through which one cultivates an improvisational form of playing with the world. It does not follow musical notation. ‘Instruments’ vary from rocks, to bones, wood and other non-traditional materials, such as glass. They can be found in situ, or carefully crafted and gifted. Each performance is different, new and responsive not only to the riffing soundings of fellow humans but also to the wider worlds of more-than-human sensuous agency with which we attune, respond and participate. In both their materiality and their performativity, taonga puoro draws attention to points of convergence, in which histories, ancestors, human and more-than-human entities mingle as affective co-collaborators in a world already playing in co-composition. Thinking and riffing with this idea of co-composition as a practice of attuning to how I participate in the world that I have come to know, this sound–image–text article is made to revisit and dwell within moments of creative-critical world-making through playing with my close friend Jessica Kahukura (Te Ātihaunui-a-Pāpārangi, Ngā Rauru, Ngāti Kahungunu, Ngāti Tūwharetoa). It focuses particularly on my own practices as a Pākehā (non-Māori New Zealander) researcher-musician by attuning to my creative-critical positionality in relation to a broader politics and ethics of participation and invention.

2025

A riqueza dos Debates Parlamentares como fonte de estudo permite a quem os analisa alcançar uma abrangência temática conseguida por muito poucos documentos enquanto tal. O nosso trabalho contém um fio condutor transversal, a cortiça, abarcando áreas como a política, a indústria, a agricultura, o comércio interno e externo, os transportes marítimos e terrestres, as vias de comunicação, as finanças, os impostos, o pensamento político, e o pensamento económico. Destas formas de pensar tenta-se demonstrar a importância da cortiça enquanto produto internacional, nacional e regional, através das vozes dos ilustres deputados clarificando quando teve aquele produto dimensão suficiente para ser debatido na Câmara dos Senhores Deputados da Nação Portugueza. Tendo como base principal a pesquisa digital, através do site da Assembleia da República, são percorridos sessenta anos da Monarquia Constitucional (1839-1899) sendo incluída toda a riqueza conjuntural política, económica e social associada. Palavras-chave: cortiça, debates parlamentares, sessões parlamentares, deputado, indústria, direitos alfandegários, comércio e agricultura.

2025, Politička misao : Croatian political science review

Prisutnost žena u zagrebačkom političkom tisku od 1920. do 1927. IVANA ŠUBIC KOVAČEVIĆ Hrvatski institut za povijest, Zagreb Sažetak U radu se analizira prisutnost žena u zagrebačkom političkom tisku vodećih političkih stranaka u vrijeme prvih parlamentarnih izbora u Kraljevini SHS (1920. -1927.). Analiza obuhvaća političke priloge u stranačkim novinama: Radikalskom glasniku, Domu, Riječi SHS/Riječi i informativno-političkom dnevniku Jutarnjem listu. Analizirani su politički prilozi vezani za parlamentarne izbore i političku kulturu za godine 1920., 1923., 1925. i 1927. U političkim prilozima istražuje se prisutnost žena, koja u Radikalskom glasniku i Jutarnjem listu nije bila česta, dok je u Domu i Riječi bila učestalija. Analiza zagrebačkog političkog tiska je pokazala kako borba žena za pravo glasa i jednakost plaća u zagrebačkom stranačkom tisku (političkim prilozima) nije zabilježena, premda je postojala. Ključne riječi: žene, parlamentarni izbori, Kraljevina SHS, Dom, politička kultura, zagrebački tisak "Žene više neće šutjeti, neće više čekati, da se milostivo sjetite i na nas..." 1 Uvod