Richard Nixon Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025

Kevin Fernlund offers a superb analysis of Lyndon Baines Johnson's western roots and President Johnson's expansive view of presidential leadership. Fernlund creates an insightful account of American political leadership, its potential and its limitations. Fernlund engages the reader with a readable prose and illuminating observations about the making of the man Lyndon and the government's role in developing western potential. President Johnson saw the west as a great desert lacking in infrastructure. In order to achieve its full potential, the government would have to redirect resources westward in order to exploit the land and favor the people. The iconic view of western independence needed government assistance. Johnson wasted little effort to make it happen. President Johnson expanded this template of government assisting those in need and applied it to Vietnam. The Vietnamese needed help and Johnson wasted no time coming to their assistance. Fernlund's analysis asserts that one of the greatest Senatorial leaders ever to grace the halls of Congress found himself in a tsunami oftrouble in Southeast Asia. One ofF ern lund's best traits is the care he takes in explaining the initial attractiveness ofLBJ's vision, and his sensitivity in describing the innate limitations ofLBJ's appeal. Undergraduates in particular would benefit considerably from Fern lund's treatment of the fragile nature of

2025, Fairbanks News-Miner

My op-ed in the May 5, 2025 Fairbanks Daily News-Miner on Trump 2.0's populist foundations. An earlier version appeared in American Thinker (May 2, 2025) and a later version appeared in The Hartford Courant (May 9, 2025).

2025, Revista Conciencia

Todo lo que necesitas que se diga en materia de emancipación comunicacional.

2025

This paper conducts a critical analysis of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Hearings (1919-1920) on the Treaty of Versailles, applying Michael Cunningham's theory of educide-the deliberate suppression of knowledge vital to societal survival. The research question explores why the Senate rejected expert testimony supporting the treaty, particularly the League of Nations, and how educide explains this outcome. Utilizing extensive primary sources, including hearing transcripts, diplomatic correspondence, and contemporary newspaper articles from outlets like the New York Times and Los Angeles Times, the study identifies sovereignty concerns, partisanship, and isolationist public opinion as central issues. It examines testimony from figures like Woodrow Wilson, James T. Shotwell, and Herbert Hoover, contrasting their arguments with those of senators Henry Cabot Lodge and William Borah. The Senate's dismissal of expertise is framed as educide, driven by political motives and media influence. Ten lessons learned, fully explained through Cunningham's lens, underscore the consequences of rejecting knowledge, with six charts visualizing key trends. The paper concludes that educide illuminates the Senate's failure, offering lessons for modern diplomacy. 1 Committee on Foreign Relations Hearings on the Treaty of Versailles, offering new insights into diplomatic history. Research Question Why did the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reject expert testimony supporting the Treaty of Versailles, and how does Michael Cunningham's theory of educide explain this outcome? This question investigates the mechanisms behind the Senate's refusal to ratify the treaty, focusing on the suppression of expert knowledge and its alignment with educide's framework of cultural self-destruction. It seeks to uncover how political, social, and media-driven factors contributed to this rejection and how Cunningham's theory, developed in his 2023 thesis, provides a lens to understand the broader implications of dismissing expertise in critical diplomatic decisions.

2025, Understanding Timor-Leste Hatene kona ba Timor-Leste Compreender Timor-Leste 2019 - Volume 11, Timor-Leste 1999: 20 Years On

The text was far from balanced. As Clinton Fernandes notes, East Timor in Transition, was produced by a 'team of departmental officers who had worked on East Timor over the period' so that 'those who had implemented policy were assessing their own performances within the covers of a book they had themselves written, using material they had themselves selected' (Fernandes 2004: 1-2). Australia's interest in 1998 and 1999 in oil and gas fields, set to deliver $40-50 billion into the Australian treasury, barely rates a mention in East Timor in Transition. There is no discussion of the fact that if East Timor became independent, the Timor Gap Treaty between Australia and Indonesia dividing up oil and gas resources in the Timor Sea would cease to exist. This was the treaty signed in 1989 by Australia and Indonesia's foreign ministers as they drank champagne in a jet flying over the Timor Sea. Under the treaty Australia secured rights to revenue from oil and gas reserves between Australia and East Timor on East Timor's side of median line -the line halfway between the coasts of Australia and Timor. The possibility of an independent East Timor threatened Australia's claim to potentially billions of dollarsworth of oil and gas revenue. Australia's interest in energy resources in the Timor Sea is mentioned once in the 312 pages, in a six-line section titled 'Timor Gap Treaty' (DFAT 2001: 171). The brief discussion skates over the enormous diplomatic effort required by Australia's diplomats and the foreign minister Alexander Downer to keep Australia's claim to oil and gas reserves north of the median line alive. The stakes were high. Billions of dollars in taxes and royalties were expected to flow into the Australian treasury when Conoco's (now ConocoPhillips) Darwin LNG plant was operational and Woodside's massive Greater Sunrise gas field developed. Both these fields lie north of the median line, much closer to East Timor than Australia. It is not surprising, therefore, that Australian officials were far from enthusiastic about moves at the UN in 1998 to facilitate negotiations between Portugal and Indonesia about the future of East Timor. Australia had a multi-billion-dollar interest in the status quo. In January 1998, after successful lobbying by shadow foreign affairs minister, Laurie Brereton, the Australian Labor Party adopted a policy supporting self-determination for the people of East Timor (Fernandes 2011: 170-2). Brereton also recommended renegotiating the revenue-sharing arrangements under the Timor Gap Treaty to provide funds for an independent East Timor (Fernandes 2011: 177).

2025

India played a vital role in the Liberation war of Bangladesh. Not only political but also military as well as people-topeople support was given by India. • Besides, India provided support and refuge to the people of Bangladesh. The contribution of Indian government and the citizens of India is an integral part of the history of the Independence war of Bangladesh • On 27 March 1971, the Prime Minister of India Mrs. Indira Gandhi, expressed full support of her government to the Bangladeshi struggle for independence.  Refugee Shelter • Almost 10 million men and women who were forced to leave their motherland to save themselves entered various states of India like West Bengal, Tripura, Assam, Meghalaya, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh where they lived as refugees. India willingly took the responsibility and cared for these unfortunate men, women and children for nine months.

2025

This paper presents an original method of intention detection that can open a new direction of research in voice-based affective computing. A deep learning approach was used to detect the consistency between real and expressed intentions of a speaker (or the inconsistency, that is related to deceiving – or manipulative – intention), as reflected in their voice. The labeling and triangulation of results imply a qualitative research method, critical discourse analysis, and require expert evaluation. The method was implemented in a software platform integrated with the neural network programming frame. The deep learning architecture selected is based on similar models used by the authors in affective computing applications. The experimental research applied the proposed method for a famous historical case: US President Richard Nixon’s audio speeches from the ‘Watergate affair’. A labeled data base of 2758 files (2 seconds audio fragments) was generated, based on publicly available voic...

2025

Una panorámica especial sobre los problemas de la comunicación.

2025, La unidad popular y la crisis de la democracia en Chile 1969-1973

2025

Slides for History of US/Canadian Relations - Lecture Eleven - "The Cold War and The Nixon Shock"

2025

Puteți afla din această carte părerea canadienilor despre președinții americani și despre electoratul lor; poate că este un pamflet, dar este de actualitate.

2025, Visione. Un altro sguardo sul mondo

Il 5 novembre 2024, Donald J. Trump (1946-) è stato eletto per un secondo mandato alla Casa Bianca, con un consenso molto ampio non solo a livello di grandi Stati ma anche di voto popolare, che sancisce il tramonto definitivo delle dinastie Clinton e Obama. Un successo di proporzioni inattese che i grandi media, non solo negli Usa, non avevano saputo (voluto?) prevedere, mostrando per l'ennesima volta la propria faziosità. “The Donald” non si è lasciato intimorire da anni di persecuzioni politico-giudiziarie, prima con l'infondata accusa di manipolazione russa nella vittoria elettorale del 2016 - a cui sono seguite ben due iniziative di impeachment - e poi con molteplici tentativi di affossarlo con attacchi giudiziari pretestuosi. Alla fine si è fatto ricorso addirittura a tre tentativi di omicidio, di cui il più grave il 13 luglio mentre Trump teneva un comizio elettorale a Butler, Pennsylvania, non andato a segno per puro miracolo. Il Deep State statunitense ha davvero giocato il tutto per tutto pur di impedire il ritorno dell'odiatissimo Trump alla presidenza. Le reazioni affrante e isteriche del "mondo che conta", non solo negli Usa ma anche in Europa e in Italia, lasciano pochi dubbi sul fatto che il Presidente eletto sia davvero un corpo estraneo alle pseudo-élites liberal, globaliste e tecnocratiche che negli ultimi lustri hanno affondato in profondità le proprie radici nei gangli vitali della cultura, dell'informazione, del potere economico-finanziario, del Pentagono, delle potenti agenzie federali, di Big Pharma, Big Tech e così via. È arrivato il redde-rationem.

2025

Castañeda contends that despite the United States's occasional behavior contravening the international law and retreat to isolationism and gradual indifference to international institutions such as the United Nation (UN)-which has been, will continue to be, a glaring characteristic of the Trump Administration-the Global South 1 should develop closer relations and even form alliances with the United States, while detaching from China and Russia. His reason, in simple terms, is that China and Russia seek to undermine the international law and US-led liberal international order-an order that he claims aligns with the Global South's interests. Though, as Castañeda concedes, the liberal order led by the US faces challenges created by itself and could not sufficiently and soundly serve developing countries' interests, the Global South can nudge the country to fix the system from within by lobbying the Congressmen. This paper objects to Castañeda's thesis claim and rather maintains that the Global South should engage more with the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation to serve their national interests in the most profound way. I furnish four reasons to shore up my thesis argument. First and foremost, the hypocrisy of the US's foreign policies has been exceedingly understated by Castañeda. The end goal of the US foreign policy is never respecting international law and promoting the liberal international order as such, but has instead been 1 According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the Global South primarily consists of countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia (excluding Israel, Japan, and the Republic of Korea) and Oceania excluding Australia and New Zealand. See Classifications | UNCTAD Data Hub. . Accessed 7 Feb. 2025. "America First," that is, to serve the national interests of the US. Granted, it is undoubtedly reasonable that a state's foreign policies should always benefit itself at the core (and as far as its citizens are concerned, this is necessary, as otherwise the government acts in betrayal of the interests of the state and citizens). Nevertheless, the underlying "America First" logic in US foreign policies renders the country's adherence to international law or the liberal order and values conditional. When the US deems that conforming to the international law or behave in accordance with its liberal order and values no longer serves its fundamental interests, it will choose to act against them and adopt all necessary means (including those blatantly against international law and morality) to fulfil its strategic goals and the most crucial interests, comprising carrying out regime changes. Here, I cite the US's endeavor to implement regime change in Latin America during the Cold War and in Ukraine in 2014. During the Cold War, countering the Soviet Union and containing the spread of communism were the prime objectives of US strategy and foreign policies. As a part of the efforts to achieve the strategic goals, the US engaged in a multitude of regime changes in Latin America, backing up military coups in overthrowing democratically elected left-wing state leaders and adamantly supporting the authoritarian regimes established thereafter, which declared to be anti-socialism and anti-communism. For instance, the United States actively aided the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état against social democrat President João Goulart, who maintained decent relations with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. After the coup succeeded, a military junta that implemented dictatorship was established in Brazil, under which right-wing hardliners gained power, and a vast amount of civil rights (even constitutional ones) of Brazilian citizens was suspended. There were only two political parties that had the legal permission to exist: one was the military government's party, the National Renewal Alliance Party, the other was a consented opposition party, the Brazilian Democratic Movement, which was a puppet, holding no real power and not being allowed to challenge the military government. In addition, the military government commenced persecuting political dissentients nationwide. The United States, which calls itself the defender of democracy and human rights, sat still when witnessing the cruelty of the Brazilian military junta done to its people, merely because the latter shared its opposition to socialism and communism. Argentina and Chile were also victims of the US's endeavor to change their regimes for its own interests. President Salvador Allende, who became the President of Chile through democratic election in 1970, presented conspicuous socialist leaning in his policies after coming to office. This incurred considerable unease for the White House, which ultimately decided to fuel the 1973 Chilean coup d'état with the involvement of the CIA. The US supported Augusto Pinochet-who pronounced to oppose communism-to implement a military dictatorship in Chile. During his despotic rule, Pinochet sabotaged the political freedom and civil rights of the Chilean people. Thousands were arrested, tortured, and murdered. Likewise, after the US considered Argentina as a bridgehead for its anticommunism strategy in Latin America, it unhesitatingly furnished the military rebels with resources and weapons, enabling them to succeed in the coup in 1976 and enforce military dictatorship after taking over the country. The leader of the coup as well as the President of Argentina after its success, Jorge Rafael Videla, also launched the "Dirty War," which lasted from 1974 to 1983. This state-sponsored terrorist movement, executed by the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance, was directed to exterminate the existence of any pro-communism, left-wing people and political dissidents in Argentina. Hundreds of thousands of people became victims of the political violence of the military dictatorship. More than 22,000 people were killed. Nevertheless, the United States was nonchalant to the human rights abuse in Argentina, as it was delighted to see that its anti-communist alliance had a newly joined, staunch member. Hence, the US even bolstered its support for Videla's dictatorship: in 1977, the US Department of Defense authorized 700,000totrain217Argentinemilitaryofficersandin1977and1978theUnitedStatessoldmorethan700,000 to train 217 Argentine military officers and in 1977 and 1978 the United States sold more than 700,000totrain217Argentinemilitaryofficersandin1977and1978theUnitedStatessoldmorethan120,000,000 in spare military parts Likewise, Russia has turned to African, Latin American, and Asian countries as crucial partners in mitigating the negative impact of Western sanctions. By forging security, energy, and trade agreements with these regions, Moscow has not only sought to sustain its own economic 11 With respect to the achievement of the BRI, see Nedopil Wang, Christoph. Ten Years of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): Evolution and the Road Ahead.

2025

Les prétentions impérialistes de Donald Trump sont situées dans un contexte qui dépassent les considérations préétablies depuis 1945, quand les instances internationales de l’ONU sont instituées après la signatures du traité de San Francisco instaurant les bases multilatérales de l’après 2e Guerre mondiale. Très vite la guerre froide va voir s’instaurer la confrontation des deux blocs Est et Ouest.
Historiquement, l’idée du canal n’est pas nouvelle mais il revient au Français Ferdinand de Lesseps, auteur du canal de Suez d’avoir mis en oeuvre sa réalisation en 1882. L’ingénieur français Gustave Eiffel conçut le système d’écluses qui avec le lac réservoir imaginé par l’ingénieur français Adolphe Godin de Lépinay donnèrent lieu à la conception définitive du canal de Panama.
Le gouvernement des USA montra rapidement les dents en refusant que ce canal stratégique pour ses propres intérêts tombe dans des mains étrangères et fit tout pour récupérer le canal en imposant ses volontés y compris territoriales en fomentant un soulèvement indépendantiste contre la Colombie, pour créer l’Etat croupion de Panama, amputant la Colombie de toute la zone territoriale du canal, pour l’annexer ensuite par les USA.
Le 18 novembre 1903, à New York, est signé le traité Hay-Bunau-Varilla, faisant du Panama un protectorat. Les États-Unis reçoivent une frange de 10 milles de large des deux côtés du canal, pour sa construction et son exploitation à perpétuité. La souveraineté dans la zone du canal leur revient, le Panama étant « exclu de l’exercice de tels droits souverains, pouvoir ou autorité ». On leur concède aussi un droit d’ingérence permanent dans les affaires intérieures panaméennes, et la possibilité d’intervenir militairement en cas d’atteinte à l’ordre public. Cette clause prend force de loi lorsqu’on l’inclut dans la Constitution, promulguée le 20 février 1904, et rédigée avec la participation du consul américain William I. Buchanan.
Cette extraterritorialité américaine du canal de Panama a suscité les revendications territoriales des Panaméens dans les années 1950, les États-Unis acceptent que le drapeau panaméen soit placé au côté du leur sur les bâtiments civils de la zone du canal. Le général Omar Torrijos, au pouvoir depuis 1968, se lance dans un combat contre les États-Unis pour obtenir la souveraineté du Panama. Finalement, en 1977, Torrijos réussit à renégocier l’accord sur la zone du canal (traités Torrijos-Carter) et celle-ci est rétrocédée au Panama vingt ans plus tard, en 1999.
C’est ce traité qui est fondamentalement remis en question par Trump aujourd’hui par ses prétentions impérialistes en ignorant toutes considérations étrangères à ses intérêts mercantiles

2025

He is the author of Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights (2010), and his recent research has focused on shifts in the meaning of the 1948 University Declaration of Human Rights in articles in the Journal of Global History and Humanity. At present, he is completing a monograph on competing visions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

2025, Article, Régime Nixon, Guerre du Vietnam et scandales, Révolution conservatrice des Nouveaux-Républicains, Ségrégations et Discriminations raciales persistantes, Droits civiques, 1960-2020

Article, Régime Nixon, Guerre du Vietnam et scandales, Révolution conservatrice des Nouveaux-Républicains, Ségrégations et Discriminations raciales persistantes, Droits civiques, 1960-2020 / composé et édité par Eric Pouliot-Thisdale

2025, Journalism History

Less than a year into the presidency of Richard Nixon, Vice President
Spiro Agnew launched a series of attacks on television journalists,
accusing them of being biased and having too much power to deter-
mine what news millions of Americans watched on their televisions.
Because the government licensed and regulated their stations, the
networks considered Agnew’s statements, and other White House
criticisms, to be threats. As the smallest, most vulnerable network,
ABC found itself at a confluence of relationships with the administra-
tion: It employed both Nixon’s favorite and least favorite anchors, as
well as a highly placed executive who lent sympathy and assistance to
the White House. In addition, one of ABC’s senior correspondents went
to work for the president. Finally, the network aired a popular televi-
sion program with the assistance of the FBI. This article focuses on ABC
during the Nixon administration’s war on television news.

2024

It was the purpose of this study to provide a tool for designing and executing future research on panel data in which relationships between pairs of variables are observed over time so thf. contingent conditions can be controlled. The 360.subjects were selected from the telephone directory and surveyed at random about their responses to the Watergate hearings. The findings were heuristic in that they demonstrated the potential usefulness of this approach in the analysis of panel data and provided the beginnings of a plausible conceptualization of d political socialization process. The most surprising aspect of these findings was that significant changes in variables relationships were often related to a lack of maps media use or to low attention to Watergate. The conceptual framework used in this study did not predict such results, which suggests that in some instances interpersonal communication, distrust of politicians, or Richard Nixon's image had more important effects for those who chose not to pay attention to the mass media. Future studies should consider the conceptualization of contingent variables for use in causal analyses of the type used in this study.

2024, Mobility and Coercion in an Age of Wars and Revolutions: A Global History, c. 1750–1830

Edward Blumenthal 1 The historiography on the independence period has undergone an enormous expansion in the decades surrounding the bicentenary. Recent important contributions include Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the... more

2024, Abdur

A paper on Wilsonianism

2024, Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi/ Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies

Bu çalışma, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri'nde (BAE) federalizmin teorik temellerini ve pratik uygulamalarını incelerken, özellikle Emirlikler arasındaki çatışma alanlarına odaklanmaktadır. Federalizmin tarihsel kökenleri ve günümüzdeki uygulamaları arasındaki evrimsel süreç, çeşitli örneklerle detaylandırılmaktadır. Federal ve yerel yönetimler arasındaki güç dengesi ve işbirliği mekanizmaları, bu çok katmanlı yönetim sisteminin temel yapı taşlarını oluşturmaktadır. Çalışma ayrıca, BAE'nin emirlikler arası ilişkileri ve içsel dengeleri üzerinden federal sistemin dinamiklerini ele almakta, özellikle Abu Dabi'nin liderlik rolü ve diğer emirliklerle olan ilişkilerinin bölgesel politikalara nasıl yön verdiğini ve BAE için hangi zorlukları beraberinde getirdiğini analiz etmektedir.

2024, Pre-Publication

Table of Contents 1. Intro: From the Construction of Amerian Hegemony at the End of World War II to Bemoaning It's Absence as We Approach Mid-Century 2. Theories of Hegemony (Review Chapter) 3. The Squandering of American... more

2024, Critica Penal Y Poder

Observatorio del Sistema Penal y los Derechos Humanos Universidad de Barcelona RECENSIÓN BOOK REVIEW La doctrina del shock: el ascenso del capitalismo del desastre, de Naomi Klein, Editorial Empúries. Barcelona: 2007.

2024

Masteroppgave i historie, Universitetet i Agder 201

2024, Россия в глобальной политике. Т. 22. • № 6 (130).

An overview of the systemic crisis the United States entered since ca. 1969 and its recovery. U.S. history of the 1970s -- 1980s demonstrates the strength and resilience of its political system.

2024, U.C.T. - Uomo Città Territorio

Cosa hanno in comune Mao Ze Dong, Marylin Monroe, Dick Tracy, la zuppa Campell, la Coca cola e il detersivo Brillo? Sono tutte celebrità per la cultura di massa degli anni sessanta, tutte celebrità rese famose non dalle loro gesta o dal loro uso, ma dalla loro immagine. La Pop Art svelata dal genio di Andy Warhol, fu la prima vera grande manifestazione della cultura di massa uniformata dall’utilizzo dei media, non solo dei rotocalchi, delle riviste patinate, o della televisione, ma in primis dalla fotografia, i cui scatti istantanei della mitica Polaroid, erano poi trasformati da Wahrol mediante alcuni procedimenti elaborati nei suoi celebri ritratti.

2024, International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence

Henry Kissinger's role in the build-up to the Yom Kippur War.

2024

Richard Nixon’s longstanding attraction to Miami, and to satellite centers of Syndicate operations in Cuba and the Bahamas, placed him in the midst of a milieu of shady developers, bankers, lawyers, politicians, and organized criminals who put wealth accumulation and political power ahead of ethical scruples. This group played a key role in keeping Nixon's political career alive in the 1960s and helping him win the presidency in 1968. They help explain his administration’s subsequent record of favoritism toward certain organized crime interests and the payoffs he took from Howard Hughes that figured so prominently in Watergate. This online supplement to my book Dark Quadrant explores this history with a host of original sources, including documents released for the first time from the files of the Watergate Special Prosecutor's office.

2024, Journal of the History of Rhetoric

2024, Review: "On Nixon's Madness. An Emotional History", Zachary Jonathan Jacobson, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2023

A quasi trent'anni dalla scomparsa di una delle figure più controverse, criticate e divisive della storia politica americana, Richard Milhous Nixon continua ad essere affascinante oggetto di studio e dibattito della storiografia... more

2024

Limitaremos los altos sueldos de los funcionarios de confianza. Terminaremos con la acumulación de cargos y sueldos (Consejerías, Directorios, Representaciones). Terminaremos con los gestores administrativos y traficantes políticos. ¿MÁS ASESORES? ¡NO! Todo funcionario pertenecerá al escalafón común y ninguno estará al margen de las obligaciones del Estatuto Administrativo. En Chile no habrá más ASESORES. HONESTIDAD ADMINISTRATIVA Terminaremos con los favoritismos y los saltos de grados en la Administración Pública. Habrá inamovilidad funcionaria. Nadie será perseguido por sus ideas políticas o religiosas; se atenderá a la eficiencia, la honradez y el buen trato con el público de los funcionarios de Gobierno. NO MÁS VIAJES FASTUOSOS AL EXTRANJERO Suprimiremos los viajes al extranjero de los funcionarios del régimen; salvo aquéllos indispensables para los intereses del Estado. NO MÁS AUTOS FISCALES EN DIVERSIONES Los automóviles fiscales no podrán usarse bajo ningún pretexto con fines particulares. Los vehículos que queden disponibles se utilizarán para fines de servicio público, como transporte de escolares, traslados de enfermos de las poblaciones o vigilancia policial. EL FISCO NO FABRICARÁ NUEVOS RICOS Estableceremos un control riguroso de las rentas y patrimonios de los altos funcionarios públicos. El gobierno dejará de ser una fábrica de nuevos ricos. JUBILACIONES JUSTAS, NO MILLONARIAS Terminaremos con las jubilaciones millonarias, sean parlamentarias o de cualquier sector público, o privado, y utilizaremos esos recursos en mejorar las pensiones más bajas. DESCANSO JUSTO Y OPORTUNO Daremos derecho a jubilación a todas las personas mayores de 60 años, que no han podido jubilar, debido a que no se les han hecho imposiciones. PREVISIÓN PARA TODOS Incorporaremos al sistema previsional a los pequeños y medianos comerciantes, industriales y agricultores, trabajadores independientes, artesanos, pescadores, pequeños mineros, pirquineros y dueñas de casa.

2024, Susurrus Summer 2024

2024, Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi

Türkiye’nin siyasî tarihinde 12 Mart Muhtırası döneminin ayrı bir özelliği vardır. Daha önceki dönemlerden farklı olarak eski CHP’li Nihat Erim’in kurduğu partiler üstü hükûmetlerin karşılaştığı en önemli dış politika sorunlarından birisini haşhaş üretiminin yasaklanması teşkil etmiştir. Süleyman Demirel’in Başbakanlığı döneminden beri ABD’de uyuşturucu bağımlılığını kontrol altına almak isteyen Amerikalı yetkililer, ülke içinde kullanılan uyuşturucunun Türkiye menşeli olduğuna inandıkları için haşhaş
ekimini yasaklatma konusunda Erim Hükûmeti’yle temasa geçmişlerdir. İç politikada
önemli sorunlarla karşı karşıya bulunan Nihat Erim’in Başbakanlığındaki hükûmet, ABD desteğiyle haşhaş üreticisi çiftçilere farklı geçim kaynakları sağlayabilecekleri
düşüncesiyle ve Türkiye’ye yönelik olumsuz algıları değiştirebilme umuduyla haşhaş üretimini yasaklama kararı almıştır. Böylece hem çözüm bekleyen sorunları azaltmak ve hem de ABD’den Türkiye’ye verilecek destek karşılığında haşhaş üretim bölgelerinde farklı yatırım sahalarına yönelmeyi amaçlayan Nihat Erim, kısa süreliBaşbakanlığı zamanında bu hedefe ulaşma olanağı bulamamıştır.

2024, Il Nastro Azzurro

Operation MH/CHAOS was the code name for a domestic espionage project conducted by the Central Intelligence Agency in the late1960s and early 1970s, first charged by Presidents Lyndon Johnson and later by Richard Nixon to find foreign intelligence, terrorist organisations or government contacts, controlling or influencing Anti-Vietnam War activists or American black extremists protesting, bombing and carrying out other anti-government, unlawful or illegal activities in the United States.

2024, Panorama

This article outlines how modern art, especially psychedelic and non-representational art, was promoted or weaponized by factions within the federal government seeking to define the American experience by examining a controversy over posting psychedelic images by the artist Peter Max on billboards at the border entry stations to the US during the American Bicentennial. The images were commissioned in 1973 by the General Services Administration (GSA) as part of a government-wide initiative to improve federal design and were intended to present the nation as forward thinking. But the Customs Service, which staffed the border stations, stopped their installation because its commissioner viewed them as promoting illicit drug use. Both sides presented their positions to the press as a debate about modern art with GSA espousing that contemporary expression demonstrates the agelessness of American ideals and the Customs Service countering that modern art celebrates and promotes abhorrent behavior. President Jimmy Carter intervened and had the images posted, but rather than resolving the issue, the controversy continued into the Reagan administration when the images were removed. The controversy developed into a rolling debate that extended into subsequent administrations that questioned federal funding of art projects and also widened in scope with opponents casting federal arts commissions as contrary to the will of its citizenry and in some circumstances, detrimental to society.

2024, Federal History Journal

2024, Revista Conciencias

Tendiendo una conexión entre la Revolución Bolivariana y el proyecto de la Cuarta Transformación, se identifican los elementos coincidentes que enfrentan los procesos progresistas que en América Latina han impulsado una redistribución de la riqueza y combatido los daños causados por el avance del neoliberalismo en la región. Se analiza particularmente la manera en que opera el terrorismo mediático y las estrategias empleadas por ambos proyectos para combatirlo, así como las nuevas formas de comunicación que se proponen desde el ejercicio de una democracia participativa, yendo más allá de la limitada visión que se ofrece desde la democracia representativa.

2024, Viet Nam- Political history of the two wars-Independence war (1858-1954) and ideological war (1945-1975)

In his book , Nguyễn Tiến Hưng wrote that Henry Kissinger described Dương Văn Minh as follows: «Mr Minh was president for less than 72 hours, enough to do two important things: to ask Hà Nội for a ceasefire and political negotiations, that the latter refused instantly, and on 29th April to ask all Americans to leave Vietnamese territory in 24 hours. This last request was in line with our withdrawal programme and really helped us to leave without being criticized for abandoning an ally ».

2024

È sempre più instabile l'ordine mondiale neoliberista centrato sugli Stati Uniti, basato sul capitale produttivo di interessi e sulla centralità del dollaro come "moneta mondiale". La crisi scoppiata nel 2007 ha posto bruscamente fine al modello economico che aveva funzionato dagli anni Ottanta. E' in corso la transizione dall'ordine mondiale basato sul dollaro USA a un altro assetto degli affari mondiali.

2024, California Historian

2024, Estudios públicos (Santiago)

Se incluye a continuación una breve selección de documentos de la izquierda chilena correspondientes al período del gobierno de la Unidad Popular. Se trata de 19 textos clave de aquella época, seleccionados por Arturo Fontaine Talavera, Ximena Hinzpeter y Cristián Pérez, de entre los documentos (discursos, artículos, cartas, informes, etc.) reunidos por Víctor Farías en su obra de seis tomos titulada La Izquierda Chilena 1969-1973: Documentos para su Línea Estratégica (Centro de Estudios Públicos, 2000). Se incluye además en esta ocasión el Prólogo de Víctor Farías. La presente selección se suma a las antologías de la obra de Víctor Farías preparadas anteriormente por Cristián Pérez y publicadas por Estudios Públicos durante los años 2001-2002. El período entre 1969 y 1973 marcó una etapa fundamental de nuestra historia reciente. El Centro de Estudios Públicos ha procurado realizar un aporte a su estudio y comprensión mediante la publicación de los documentos recopilados por Víctor Farías y, asimismo, de los dos volúmenes titulados Los Mil Días de Allende, que recogieron los años de la Unidad Popular a través de la prensa escrita. A su vez, aparte de varios ensayos sobre el período, a través de revista Estudios Públicos* el CEP ha dado a conocer los testimonios de importantes actores de la época como Edward Korry, quien fuera embajador de Estados Unidos en Chile al comienzo del gobierno de Salvador Allende, y del general Nikolai Leonov, Vicedirector del Departamento de América Latina del KGB entre los años 1968-* Para un listado completo de los artículos y selecciones de documentos relativos a este período de la historia chilena publicados en Estudios Públicos, véase el Índice por Materias, sección "Historia política de Chile", en www.cepchile.cl

2024, Historisk tidsskrift