Richard Nixon Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

On this day in history August 8, 1974, the 37th President Richard Nixon in a televised address announces to the American public that he is resigning the presidency as of noon on August 9, because of lack of support in upcoming impeachment... more

On this day in history August 8, 1974, the 37th President Richard Nixon in a televised address announces to the American public that he is resigning the presidency as of noon on August 9, because of lack of support in upcoming impeachment proceedings Congress was taking against him over his role in covering up the Watergate break-in scandal. To avoid the House of Representatives’ impeachment trial, Nixon decided to become the first president in history to resign from the office, when he did on August 9, 1974, over two years after the Watergate burglary began the president’s descent into a cover-up that consumed his presidency and launched the nation into a Constitutional Crisis. It would take less than a month later when on September 8, his successor Gerald Ford, would pardon Nixon and the “long national nightmare” would truly be “over” left for history to judge the legacies of Nixon and Ford.

The Tramp Shot theory of the Big Event

This essay is divided into two sections. First it will discuss how the current historical narrative attributes the American defeat in the Vietnam war towards the Civil Rights Movement, the Moritoriums and the undercurrent of social... more

This essay is divided into two sections. First it will discuss how the current historical narrative attributes the American defeat in the Vietnam war towards the Civil Rights Movement, the Moritoriums and the undercurrent of social tensions in the U.S mainland. Next it will argue how bureaucratic inefficiencies with defence expenditures, and incoherent policy objectives in Washington lead to a long and drawn out war. As the war dragged on in Vietnam this sapped the political support of the war from the populace at home. By examining how the shift from LBJ's to Nixon's presidencies affected the war. It becomes apparent that Washington had no clear and coherent response to managing a protracted guerilla war.

In his entire political career, and especially the Watergate debacle, Richard Nixon manifested tragic flaws of the type that dominate Greek and Shakespearian tragedies: hubris, jealousy, and excessive ambition. He was an extremely... more

In his entire political career, and especially the Watergate debacle, Richard Nixon manifested tragic flaws of the type that dominate Greek and Shakespearian tragedies: hubris, jealousy, and excessive ambition. He was an extremely intelligent man, a brilliant if particularly vindictive politician. But it would not be outside enemies that destroyed him. The enemies that undid Nixon were the demons within the man himself.

The relationship between the United States and drug policy has been tense since the inception of the " war on drugs " in the mid-20th century. This paper will focus mainly on the drug trade around cannabis and cannabis control policies... more

The relationship between the United States and drug policy has been tense since the inception of the " war on drugs " in the mid-20th century. This paper will focus mainly on the drug trade around cannabis and cannabis control policies that can reduce international disorder stemming from the war on drugs. I argue that the failure of the war on drugs, joint with the losses it has created, produces an ethical obligation of the United States to pursue alternative policies on drugs, namely the legalization of cannabis. After giving a brief background on the origin of the war on the drugs, I analyze the failure of the war on drugs to achieve its intended goal and highlight the consequences that materialized. I then present evidence of how legalizing cannabis domestically in the United States can end the war on drugs while achieving its initial goals, with the benefit of reducing international casualties. With a cosmopolitan view, I conclude by presenting the United States with an ethical obligation to pursue a policy of legalization instead of placing moral weight on individual drug use.

From 1776 to the Vietnam War, the United States had never lost a war. The loss was an embarrassment, or shame to the military industrial complex, and it exposed the country to its false delusion of endless omnipotence. From perpetual... more

From 1776 to the Vietnam War, the United States had never lost a war. The loss was an embarrassment, or shame to the military industrial complex, and it exposed the country to its false delusion of endless omnipotence. From perpetual self-confidence, Americans descended into the abyss of self-doubt and interrogation. Politicians continue to banter the view of American exceptionalism and though the United States continues as the most impressive world power ever, it lives in a post-Vietnam era; grappling with the awkward but undeniable fact that President Johnson’s “raggedy ass fourth-rate (Southeastern Asia) country” had routed it from Saigon. Though the War had been over for 20 years, the haunting ghosts and legacy of the Vietnam war hadn't vanished. Former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said in 1995, admitting to being haunted by the government’s mistakes and convoluted role in Vietnam, “People don’t want to admit they’ve made mistakes. We were wrong, terribly wrong. We owe it to future generations to explain why.”

Crime surged in the 1960s and 1970s, a time of economic, social and political upheaval in the United States. Crime defined the era, from high level political assassination, abuse of power and corruption in government, to murder, robbery,... more

Crime surged in the 1960s and 1970s, a time of economic, social and political upheaval in the United States. Crime defined the era, from high level political assassination, abuse of power and corruption in government, to murder, robbery, burglary, and drug abuse on the streets. The surge itself was dramatic but relatively swift. It occurred with increasing intensity from the mid 1960s and started to abate in the early 1970s. The consequences however would last for at least a generation even after crime began to decline in the 1990s. The potential causes are discussed and evaluated. The economic transition, and with it the changing nature of cities, altered status relations, and demographics were all important factors but drug abuse and in particular heroin was a trigger. A ‘drug economy’, emerged reaching from the poppy fields of Turkey and South East Asia, to the inner cities in America where heroin was distributed and consumed. Furthermore, crimes from murder to larceny were a natural by-product. The policy narrative considers the drug abuse and crime prevention policies of the Nixon Administration. The President had run on a law-and-order platform in the election of 1968; it was a political imperative for his Administration to bring the crime problem under control. Drug abuse prevention policy emerged as the principal weapon. This narrative is complemented by an empirical investigation into the links between crime surges and heroin epidemics, looking at selected cities from 1963-74. This is tested using graphical methods and multivariate regression analysis. It is clearly demonstrated that the spread of heroin was mirrored by the crime surge. Finally the consequences for law enforcement, penal and drug abuse policy are considered, showing that only now are the adverse effects of the crime surge being resolved with the downplaying of crime and drugs in the national conversation.

American prevailing perceptions of the Cold War serve current US national foreign policy process goals that emphasize the expansion of US global influence. The prevailing view in the American polity remains that the Soviet Union was an... more

American prevailing perceptions of the Cold War serve current US national foreign policy process goals that emphasize the expansion of US global influence. The prevailing view in the American polity remains that the Soviet Union was an aggressive, imperialist threat that the US defeated through its containment strategy. The validity of this ultimately self-serving assumption requires critique because Communist state postwar foreign and public policy behavior patterns did not conform with this prevailing position. Failure of the academy generally to predict the remarkably peaceful collapse of the Soviet Union is further evidence that this politically prevailing viewpoint was fundamentally flawed. Current dissent is in effect tied to the New Left that emerged partly as a critique to Cold War assumptions that produced the Vietnam debacle. This article analyzes the political interests that support the prevailing belief that the US nevertheless won the Cold War despite this left dissent. These interests overwhelm current critique of US global dominance that continues to rely on Cold War-era formulated hard power containment prescriptions. By accepting the validity of this assumption that the US won the Cold War, the academy weakens its ability to critique US foreign policy behavior in the so-called war on terror.

In 1973, Norman Mailer published a work of creative nonfiction about the life of the actor Marilyn Monroe, entitled Marilyn: A Biography. Released amid a wave of American nostalgia for the 1950s and during the Watergate investigation, the... more

In 1973, Norman Mailer published a work of creative nonfiction about the life of the actor Marilyn Monroe, entitled Marilyn: A Biography. Released amid a wave of American nostalgia for the 1950s and during the Watergate investigation, the book was upheld as evidence of a 'witch-hunt' Watergate culture. In this article, I will analyse the initial reception of Marilyn and its affective history. Situating Marilyn at the intersections of biography, New Journalism, and Watergate discourses demonstrates the important role historical context can play in analysis of celebrity biography. Considering Marilyn in its political, cultural, and literary context illuminates the ways in which the project's destabilisation of truth aligned with New Journalist pursuits while clashing with Watergate era longings for stability, a collision which excited the ire of many of its initial critics and an early reception that continues to shape responses to the work to this day.

This paper examines the reasons behind the normalization process of U.S. - China relations in the 1969 - 1976 periods, when the U.S. was under the Nixon Administration. The paper refer to declassified documents from the U.S. Department of... more

This paper examines the reasons behind the normalization process of U.S. - China relations in the 1969 - 1976 periods, when the U.S. was under the Nixon Administration. The paper refer to declassified documents from the U.S. Department of State to explore the reasons why the United States decided to normalize relations with China, despite facing risks in doing so.

A través de siete apartados se analiza la cronología de Star Wars, el contexto histórico-social que la determina y cómo se evidencia en la saga. También por qué se puede considerar Star Wars como un mito moderno y cómo refleja el viaje... more

A través de siete apartados se analiza la cronología de Star Wars, el contexto histórico-social que la determina y cómo se evidencia en la saga. También por qué se puede considerar Star Wars como un mito moderno y cómo refleja el viaje del héroe. Son estudiados aspectos religiosos que gira alrededor del concepto de la Fuerza, los aprendizajes biopedagógicos, la interculturalidad manifiesta en la saga y los elementos que ésta posee para que se desarrolle un nuevo camino espiritual llamado jedismo.
Abstract Through seven sections the chronology of Star Wars, the historical and social context that determines it and how is evident in the saga are analyzed. Also in which way Star Wars is a modern myth and how the hero's journey is reflected. Eeligious aspects that revolves around the concept of the Force, the biopedagogy learning, interculturalism manifested in the saga and the elements that this series of films has to develop a new spiritual path called jedism are studied.

Makale, ABD yöneticilerinin konuşmalarından ve yazılarından yola çıkarak ABD'nin Vietnam Savaşı'nda izlediği politikanın analizini yapıyor. Birincil kaynakların önemli bir yer tuttuğu makale özellikle savaşın haklılığı ve ABD... more

Makale, ABD yöneticilerinin konuşmalarından ve yazılarından yola çıkarak ABD'nin Vietnam Savaşı'nda izlediği politikanın analizini yapıyor. Birincil kaynakların önemli bir yer tuttuğu makale özellikle savaşın haklılığı ve ABD politikalarının gidişatı arasındaki ilişkiye dikkat çekiyor. Yazı Teori dergisinin Şubat 2016 tarihli sayısında yayınlanmıştır.

En este trabajo se abordarán los sucesos más destacables ocurridos en la década de 1960 en Estados Unidos desde una perspectiva política y social. Una vez entendido su contexto, es necesario explicar de forma individual los movimientos... more

En este trabajo se abordarán los sucesos más destacables ocurridos en la década de 1960 en Estados Unidos desde una perspectiva política y social. Una vez entendido su contexto, es necesario explicar de forma individual los movimientos sociales y contraculturales para comprender el cambio producido en la sociedad estadounidense y su posterior relevancia.

La etapa del colonialismo ha (casi) terminado, sin embargo ha quedado vigente la colonialidad, como forma de regulación de las existencias de los territorios colonizados y, por otra parte, el neocolonialismo, última etapa del capitalismo... more

La etapa del colonialismo ha (casi) terminado, sin embargo ha quedado vigente la colonialidad, como forma de regulación de las existencias de los territorios colonizados y, por otra parte, el neocolonialismo, última etapa del capitalismo avanzado, que impone condiciones de subjetivación que se vuelven inapelables, dada su configuración. Imposible rebelarse ante sus nefastos efectos. Desde África hasta México, el neocolonialismo y su régimen de explotación y opresión decide sobre la forma de existencia e incluso sobre la vida y muertes de mujeres y hombres. ¿Cómo podría el psicoanálisis no interrogarse al respecto?

The intelligence technique for spying on people by going through their trash.

The prominence of racial and antiwar movements in the 1960s left important legacies to American society, but they also provoked the rise of a powerful conservative movement in the United States. This paper will examine three circumstances... more

The prominence of racial and antiwar movements in the 1960s left important legacies to American society, but they also provoked the rise of a powerful conservative movement in the United States. This paper will examine three circumstances in the 1960s United States: the government’s institutionalization of civil rights reforms, the government’s handling of the Vietnam War and the characteristics of the antiwar movements. Together, these three state of affairs aroused notable responses from different domestic groups in the 1960s, leading to a change of partisan alignment for white southerners and working-class Americans. Overall, the series of racial and antiwar movements of the 1960s brought a fundamental change in the constituency of partisanship and marked the beginning of the modern conservative American society from the late 1960s and onwards.

Throughout his career, John Williams has set the musical tone for the American presidency, most elaborately with his scores for Oliver Stone's controversial films JFK (1991) and Nixon (1995). While invested in capturing the character of... more

Throughout his career, John Williams has set the musical tone for the American presidency, most elaborately with his scores for Oliver Stone's controversial films JFK (1991) and Nixon (1995). While invested in capturing the character of these commanders in chief through musical codes, Williams's soundtracks are equally engaged in the act of the evocation and telling of “history.” Specifically, they construct a tragic myth of 1960s America in which the promise represented by JFK is destroyed from without, and Nixon from within, both by the malevolent forces of the military-industrial complex. In considering the thematic and dramatic means by which Williams paints his orchestral portraits, I reveal the extent to which music supports Stone's paranoiac narratives, especially in cases where the director's collage-like visual aesthetic puts pressure on the otherwise nostalgic traits of Williams's default tonal style.
I offer a music-analytical approach to JFK and Nixon informed by interviews, studies of political mythology and paranoia, and musicological appraisals of Williams's music. Stone's 1960s-as-lapsarian-metanarrative positions Kennedy as a romanticized absence, an image of the fabular fallen King, and Williams renders him as a public recollection rather than a human being with interiority. Nixon, by contrast, is a tragic antihero, consumed by dark forces of history and an abundance of ambivalent thematic material. Particular attention is paid to the dismantling of Kennedy's noble leitmotif during JFK’s prologue and motorcade sequence and to the near-fascistic musical accompaniment of Nixon's speeches. Having demonstrated the active role these scores play, I conclude that Williams's music constitutes an authoring of history in a strong, albeit postmodern, sense, consistent with but independent from Stone's screenplay.

l presente lavoro è il risultato di un percorso di ricerca, di natura storico- politica, dedicato ai rapporti tra Stati Uniti e America Latina intercorsi dai primi anni Sessanta fino a metà degli anni Settanta. Tale ricerca si sofferma... more

l presente lavoro è il risultato di un percorso di ricerca, di natura storico- politica, dedicato ai rapporti tra Stati Uniti e America Latina intercorsi dai primi anni Sessanta fino a metà degli anni Settanta. Tale ricerca si sofferma principalmente sulle relazioni inter-americane avvenute nel contesto mondiale della Guerra Fredda. La presente ricerca prova, quindi, a dare una spiegazione ad alcune questioni centrali: quale fu l’atteggiamento nei confronti dell’America Latina, rispettivamente, delle Amministrazioni Kennedy, Johnson e Nixon; in che misura gli Stati Uniti abbiano effettivamente cercato di aiutare lo sviluppo del subcontinente; quanto le decisioni prese da Washington furono condizionate dall’obiettivo di frenare l’avanzata del comunismo nella regione.

The fall of the Bretton Woods international monetary system, in 1971, has often been interpreted as a defeat of politics – namely the choices of United States – on the part of economic forces. The documents of the Nixon presidency... more

The fall of the Bretton Woods international monetary system, in 1971, has often been interpreted as a defeat of politics – namely the choices of United States – on the part of economic forces. The documents of the Nixon presidency (1969-74), declassified at the National Archives of the United States, allow the adoption of a different perspective. The monetary instability of the second half of the 1960's, made it possible for the new republican administration to develop, since 1969, lines of thought and policies, aimed at abandoning the “embedded liberalism”of Bretton Woods, in the name of a return to more traditional laissez faire practices. Influenced by important foreign policy considerations as well, the neo-liberal international economic choices of the Nixon administration anticipated by a decade those of Ronald Reagan, and contributed to pave them the way. The contents of this essay have been analyzed in greater detail in the monograph "Il governo del dollaro. Interdipendenza economica e potere statunitense negli anni di Richard Nixon" (Firenze, 2006).

The Nixon-Khrushchev kitchen debate a fundamental controversy between the two superpowers of the cold war. the kitchen figured both as symbol and as material fact of modernism and of technology. To discuss the kitchen was to discuss the... more

The Nixon-Khrushchev kitchen debate a fundamental controversy between the two superpowers of the cold war.
the kitchen figured both as symbol and as material fact of modernism and of technology.
To discuss the kitchen was to discuss the technological innovations and promises of the twentieth century.

Se hace una revisión crítica del Premio Nobel de Economía, con una recopilación del papel de Yanus Varoufakis en las negociaciones con la Unión Europea en 2015, con el apoyo de Joseph Stiglitz, Paul Krugman y Thomas Piketty, a partir de... more

Se hace una revisión crítica del Premio Nobel de Economía, con una recopilación del papel de Yanus Varoufakis en las negociaciones con la Unión Europea en 2015, con el apoyo de Joseph Stiglitz, Paul Krugman y Thomas Piketty, a partir de una crítica realizada por el economista colombiano Guillermo Maya Muñoz, en el que se muestra la farsa, que hay tras el Nobel de Economía.

Vice-President Richard Nixon’s 1953 diplomatic mission to Asia was a watershed in the development of his understanding of the Eastern world, extending the goodwill of the United States to a number of countries and providing Nixon a... more

Vice-President Richard Nixon’s 1953 diplomatic mission to Asia was a watershed in the development of his understanding of the Eastern world, extending the goodwill of the United States to a number of countries and providing Nixon a background in the region’s geopolitical processes and affairs in the wake of the Chinese communist revolution. Through analysis of publically-available primary documents located at the Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library in Yorba Linda, California, this paper examines and analyzes the ideological framework located within Nixon’s 1953 diplomatic trip in the broader context of the Cold War. In mainland Southeast Asia, namely the countries of Thailand, Burma (Myanmar), Indochina (Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam), Nixon’s visits illustrate the significant influence of the communist threat on American foreign policy directives in the region. Evidence indicates that this trip provided Nixon on-the-ground insight into the political dynamics of the region, including a deeper awareness of the features and functions of communism in the societies that he was visiting, and helped to shape the public perceptions of him at home and abroad. Nixon’s trip enabled him to recognize Southeast Asia’s growing significance on the world’s stage, providing important insights about the implications of the rise of the People’s Republic of China, the intensifying Cold War against communism in Southeast Asia, and the importance of American involvement throughout the region that would last throughout his career and into his presidency. The evidence presented here also suggests that Nixon’s trip enhanced public perceptions of his abilities as a policy maker, and thus in turn his rise to the U.S. presidency, where his own understanding of Asia, developed especially during his 1953 trip, took on new but old directions with massive global implications.

While scholarship in carceral studies both credits and blames Richard Nixon for starting the war on drugs, this paper’s focus on youth politics and the marijuana controversy during his first term shows a more complicated story. At first,... more

While scholarship in carceral studies both credits and blames Richard Nixon for starting the war on drugs, this paper’s focus on youth politics and the marijuana controversy during his first term shows a more complicated story. At first, Richard Nixon’s politics of youth continued the law and order approach that had shaped his campaign in 1968. Nixon railed against the drug culture’s role in the youth revolt as he cheered his aides to “hit it hard,” opting to, “Enforce the law, you've got to scare them.” However, marijuana laws required some leniency after Kent State, when the Ohio State National Guard shot at protesters and killed four students. After Kent State, some polls showed Nixon’s approval rating as low as thirty-one percent on campuses. This problem became even more acute when the voting age fell to eighteen in 1971, allowing over fourteen million youth to vote for the first time. Through his own PR offensive, Nixon also offered an alternative political culture – “square power”– defined as “the fall in a community’s tolerance of moral looseness.” Thus, though Nixon’s marijuana policies may have fallen short of his conservative law and order agenda, he still used the “gateway theory” to link various groups ranging from women, Sunbelt suburbanites, religious voters and ethnic, blue collar whites to expand his constituency.

English and Russian Version of Scientific American Document

This chapter introduces the opera's structure and discusses the staging of the first production.