Roman Love Poetry Research Papers (original) (raw)

This new companion (edited by Patrick Finglass and Adrian Kelly) aims to incorporate the newest finds of Sappho's poetry into an overall study of her importance in the ancient world and her reception into the modern. The cast list and... more

This new companion (edited by Patrick Finglass and Adrian Kelly) aims to incorporate the newest finds of Sappho's poetry into an overall study of her importance in the ancient world and her reception into the modern. The cast list and proposed structure can be found in the attached document.

understand how Ovid empowers them to create what he considers to be a new genre.

Although the Mediterranean Sea was the center of Greek and Roman life, the Red Sea tells another story of the West trying to catch up with Eastern refinement. The trade of the Red Sea has again and again been called into question where... more

Although the Mediterranean Sea was the center of Greek and Roman life, the Red Sea tells another story of the West trying to catch up with Eastern refinement. The trade of the Red Sea has again and again been called into question where extensive bibliography can conveniently be found. My present study, in a way, continues this interest, but with a crucial shift of emphasis. The trade of the Red Sea is not my particular concern as such, though it remains important. My purpose is to weigh how the luxury trade of the Red Sea appeared in Augustan poetry. (1) It is a subject on which two principal lines of thought can be traced: : First: How did this luxury trade affect the literary perspectives of the Roman poets in connection with women? Second: The Roman poets' reflections on this trade. Time and again, I would assist my argument by references to other sources outside the Augustan poetry to give emphasis to the Augustan poetical view. (2) Many Latin texts address the issue of female adornment. Our knowledge of the Roman women's extravagance of getting the luxury products of the East comes from a variety of literary sources, usually and mainly Pliny the elder, Seneca the younger, and the satirists Juvenal and Martial. I would suggest, in this context, to illuminate the evidence of Roman love elegy. (3)

La questione della genesi e dell’evoluzione dell’elegia latina è uno dei temi più interessanti e maggiormente affrontati dagli studiosi di ogni epoca, in quanto pare di ritrovarsi dinnanzi ad una forma letteraria che non ha alcun... more

La questione della genesi e dell’evoluzione dell’elegia latina è uno dei temi più interessanti e maggiormente affrontati dagli studiosi di ogni epoca, in quanto pare di ritrovarsi dinnanzi ad una forma letteraria che non ha alcun riscontro preciso nella letteratura greca, soprattutto per quanto riguarda uno dei suoi caratteri distintivi: quello erotico soggettivo. A tal proposito, nell’ambito della poesia neoterica, il carme 68 di Catullo occupa un ruolo di primo piano assoluto e potrebbe, pertanto, considerarsi «the prototype of the Latin erotic elegy», ovvero la prima grande elegia latina, derivata dall’applicazione dei canoni alessandrini alla mentalità propria del mondo romano, per la funzione archetipica svolta per la restante produzione elegiaca. Oggetto privilegiato di questo saggio, tuttavia, sono i versi 1- 20 del carme 68, facenti parte della sezione dell’opera dedicata a Manlius. Dopo aver ricevuto da lui una lettera compassionevole, infatti, Catullo risponde che, a causa della difficile situazione in cui si trovava, non possedeva uno stato d’animo adatto né per affrontare discorsi inerenti all’amore, né per dedicarsi alla composizione di poesia amorosa.

Breve presentación del poeta romano Catulo y los demás poetae novi

Quintilian names Gallus, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid as the canonical poets of Roman elegy. His comments are brief enough that they can be quoted in full: Elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuius mihi tersus atque elegans maxime videtur... more

Quintilian names Gallus, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid as the canonical poets of Roman elegy. His comments are brief enough that they can be quoted in full: Elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuius mihi tersus atque elegans maxime videtur auctor Tibullus. Sunt qui Propertium malint. Ovidius utroque lascivior, sicut durior Gallus. (Quint. Inst. 10.1.93) The Text and Roman Erotic Elegists Nec sane quisquam est tam procul a cognitione eorum remotus ut non indicem certe ex bibliotheca sumptum transferre in libros suos possit. Nec ignoro igitur quos transeo nec utique damno, ut qui dixerim esse in omnibus utilitatis aliquid. Sed ad illos iam perfectis constitutisque viribus revertemur: quod in cenis grandibus saepe facimus, ut, cum optimis satiati sumus, varietas tamen nobis ex vilioribus grata sit. tunc et elegiam vacabit in manus sumere, cuius princeps habetur Callimachus, secundas confessione plurimorum Philitas occupavit. Sed dum adsequimur illam firmam, ut dixi, facilitatem, optimis adsuescendum est et multa magis quam multorum lectione formanda mens et ducendus color.

In the prologue of Terence's Eunuchus, written, according to the didascalia, in 161 BC, the author of the play defends himself against the charge of literary theft. He denies completely any knowledge on his part that the Greek plays he... more

In the prologue of Terence's Eunuchus, written, according to the didascalia, in 161 BC, the author of the play defends himself against the charge of literary theft. He denies completely any knowledge on his part that the Greek plays he had combined to produce his own play had already been translated into Latin. In the alternative, he argues against the charge of comic theft by way of the very nature of stock characters. 'If', argues Terence, 'a man isn't allowed to make use of the same characters [personae] as other writers, how, all the more, is he allowed to write of the running slave, to make his matrons good and his prostitutes wicked, his hanger-on greedy, his soldier arrogant; how is he allowed to have a child substituted, an old man deceived through his slave, to love, to hate, to be suspicious?' 1 This last line -amare odisse suspicari -aims to evoke the characteristic attitude of the comic adulescens, whose emotional vacillation is presented as just another stock aspect of the genre, a literary inheritance as clichéd as any of the comedy's archetypal stock characters. 'Nothing is said nowadays which hasn't been said before', concludes Terence. 2 Mid second century BC, and the Latin literary lover is already afflicted by textual, as much as emotional, exhaustion.

The use of the word cura in its erotic meaning in the Augustan poets can be traced back to the poetry of Cornelius Gallus; beginning from Virg. ecl. 10 and then in Propertius and Ovid, a series of references to the Gallan elegy can be... more

The use of the word cura in its erotic meaning in the Augustan poets can be traced back to the poetry of Cornelius Gallus; beginning from Virg. ecl. 10 and then in Propertius and Ovid, a series of references to the Gallan elegy can be reconstructed, showing the continuity of a poetic dialogue between authors and genres.

In Virgil’s Eclogues the Muses Pierides are always represented as authors of the poems, like in the Gallus papyrus from Qaṣr Ibrîm. Their presence in passages allusive to the verses of the papyrus and the employ of the epithet by Prop. 2,... more

In Virgil’s Eclogues the Muses Pierides are always represented as authors of the poems, like in the Gallus papyrus from Qaṣr Ibrîm. Their presence in passages allusive to the verses of the papyrus and the employ of the epithet by Prop. 2, 10 and 2, 13 in texts rich of gallan references let suspect that the word Pierides was already in Gallus’ poetry and perhaps in the lacuna at v. 6 of the papyrus.

The paper aims at debating some questions raised by vv. 6-9 ofthe Gallus papyrus from Qasr Ibrirn. Among them, the restoration ofthe text (plakato iudice te seems better at v. 9), the date (45-44 b. C. appears more likely) and the... more

The paper aims at debating some questions raised by vv. 6-9 ofthe Gallus papyrus from Qasr Ibrirn. Among them, the restoration ofthe text (plakato iudice te seems better at v. 9), the date (45-44 b. C. appears more likely) and the relation ofthese verses with Virgil's eclogues allo w to see vaguely the cultural and artistic milieu in which originated Latin love elegy and the lively debate raised by it. La scoperta nel J 978, a Qasr Ibrim, del papiro ormai unanimemente attribuito a Comelio Gallo' ha suscitato-com'è noto-numerosi e talora insolubili problemi di ordine bibliografico, storico, filologico ', ma ha pure aperto I A rendere semplice l'attribuzione del testo a Gallo è stata la presenza, a v. I, del nome di Licoride, che, secondo le testimonianze antiche, era lo pseudonimo dato dal poeta all'amata Volumnia/Citeride, destinataria dei suoi quattro libri di elegie (cf. Apu\.,

L'ottantacinquesimo carme del Liber catulliano è forse il primo tweet della storia, il distico amoroso più famoso di sempre, con l'ossimorica asserzione iniziale dell'Odio e dell'Amore, che assume valenza universale pur in un contesto in... more

L'ottantacinquesimo carme del Liber catulliano è forse il primo tweet della storia, il distico amoroso più famoso di sempre, con l'ossimorica asserzione iniziale dell'Odio e dell'Amore, che assume valenza universale pur in un contesto in definitiva intimista, se non propriamente egotista.

RESUMEN El mito de Dido y Eneas es conocido, entre otros aspectos, por las distintas pasiones que desata el anuncio del troyano con respecto a su partida de Cartago. Las pasiones de este episodio se han analizado, principalmente, en la... more

RESUMEN El mito de Dido y Eneas es conocido, entre otros aspectos, por las distintas pasiones que desata el anuncio del troyano con respecto a su partida de Cartago. Las pasiones de este episodio se han analizado, principalmente, en la Eneida de Virgilio. Por tal razón, en el presente trabajo se estudian desde otra perspectiva: la de Ovidio en las Heroidas. Este artículo pretende enfocarse en las pasiones compasión, vergüenza y temor presentes en la epístola VII de la obra a partir de una interpretación retórica de las mismas. ABSTRACT The myth of Dido and Aeneas is known, among other aspects, for the different passions provoked by the announcement of the departure of the Trojan hero from Carthage. The passions of this episode have been analyzed, mainly in Virgil's Aeneid. For this reason, in the present paper they study from another perspective, that is, the one presented in Ovid's Heroids. Therefore, this article focuses on the following feelings: compassion, shame and fear in the VII epistle of the work from a rhetorical interpretation.

Η νεοτερικότητα του Κατούλλου

ABSTRACT. The character of Orpheus as unhappy lover is in the Hellenistic love elegy, but it appears in Latin poetry only with the Virgilian epyllion at the end of the Georgics. The scrutiny of several texts (Virgil's ecll. 2, 6, 8 and... more

ABSTRACT. The character of Orpheus as unhappy lover is in the Hellenistic love elegy, but it appears in Latin poetry only with the Virgilian epyllion at the end of the Georgics. The scrutiny of several texts (Virgil's ecll. 2, 6, 8 and 10; the anonymous Lament for Bion; Hor. carm. 1, 24; Prop. 2, 34, 90 – 91; Ov. amor. 3, 9, 63 – 64) allows to assume the presence of Orpheus in Gallus' elegy and to guess his figure behind the Virgilian Orpheus.

The name of the addressee of Catullus 32, whether Ipsit(h)illa, Ipsimilla or Ipsicilla, contains a bilingual wordplay on the Homeric hapax ἴψ, a woodworm which bores through materials just as Catullus’ unfulfilled erection does at the end... more

The name of the addressee of Catullus 32, whether Ipsit(h)illa, Ipsimilla or Ipsicilla, contains a bilingual wordplay on the Homeric hapax ἴψ, a woodworm which bores through materials just as Catullus’ unfulfilled erection does at the end of the poem. It may also relate to certain conventions of hetaira-names.

Ο έρωτας και οι ποικίλες εκφάνσεις του δεν έπαψαν ποτέ να βρίσκονται στο επίκεντρο του δημόσιου και του ιδιωτικού βίου της Ρώμης. Διόλου τυχαία, άλλωστε, η λέξη ROMA αναγραμματίζεται σε AMOR (= έρωτας). Οι Ρωμαίοι ποιητές, στην προσπάθειά... more

Ο έρωτας και οι ποικίλες εκφάνσεις του δεν έπαψαν ποτέ να βρίσκονται στο επίκεντρο του δημόσιου και του ιδιωτικού βίου της Ρώμης. Διόλου τυχαία, άλλωστε, η λέξη ROMA αναγραμματίζεται σε AMOR (= έρωτας). Οι Ρωμαίοι ποιητές, στην προσπάθειά τους να φανούν αντάξιοι συνεχιστές των Ελλήνων προκατόχων τους, καλλιέργησαν συστηματικά και διεύρυναν το πεδίο της ερωτικής γραφής κατακτώντας νέους εκφραστικούς τρόπους, εξερευνώντας νέες θεματικές και προχωρώντας σε τολμηρά νέα εγχειρήματα. Η λατινική ερωτική ποίηση είναι γεμάτη πολυχρωμία, εκπλήξεις, ανατροπές και αντινομίες. Τη διακρίνει φαντασία, ευαισθησία, τόλμη, ειρωνεία και, όχι σπάνια, καυστικό χιούμορ. Είναι ένας χώρος αναρίθμητων αποχρώσεων, όπου τα πιο λεπτά σκιρτήματα μιας ερωτευμένης καρδιάς μπορούν να συνυπάρχουν με την εκδικητική μανία ενός προδομένου έρωτα.
(…)
Η ανθολογία αυτή απευθύνεται σε κάθε αναγνώστη που επιθυμεί να γνωρίσει τη λατινική ποίηση, αλλά και σε εκείνον που θέλει να διευρύνει τη γνωριμία του με αυτήν. Σύντομα εργοβιογραφικά σημειώματα για κάθε ποιητή βοηθούν τον αναγνώστη να αποκτήσει μια, έστω αδρή, εικόνα των συνθηκών (ιστορικών, πολιτικών, πνευματικών, και άλλων) συγγραφής κάθε έργου, ώστε να μπορέσει να εκτιμήσει καλύτερα τη συμβολή κάθε δημιουργού. Σύντομες ερμηνευτικές υποσημειώσεις παρατίθενται για να διευκολύνουν την κατανόηση του κειμένου.

The analysis of three adjectives (mollis, tener, and durus) in Virgilʹs Ecl. 10 reveals a particular usage which differs from that in the other eclogues. In Ecl. 10, Virgil conforms to an elegiac usage where these adjectives acquire a... more

The analysis of three adjectives (mollis, tener, and durus) in Virgilʹs Ecl. 10 reveals a particular usage which differs from that in the other eclogues. In Ecl. 10, Virgil conforms to an elegiac usage where these adjectives acquire a literary connotation, and when attributed to a person, reflect the elegiac sensibility; such usage is unique in the whole bucolic liber. It gives the poem an elegiac atmosphere which may well reflect imitation of Gallus' poetry. A comparison with passages of Propertius seems to confirm that the specific occurrences and connotations of these adjectives in Virgilʹs Ecl. 10 originated in Gallus.

Gallus is mentioned five times in Propertius’ Monobiblos (elegies 5, 10, 13, 20 and 21). Scholars have thoroughly debated how these constructions may provide concrete evidence of Roman life. The possibilities found were presented on... more

Gallus is mentioned five times in Propertius’ Monobiblos (elegies 5, 10, 13, 20 and 21). Scholars have thoroughly debated how these constructions may provide concrete evidence of Roman life. The possibilities found were presented on well-researched studies, which, nevertheless, were based on a false premise: that the names cited by the poet were necessarily identified with real people.
This paper argues that the name Gallus refers to one and the same character: Cornellius Gallus, as it is clear in elegy 2B.34.91. Thus this name, in Propertius, may function as a marker of the elegiac genre, or refer to a rival in the erotic narrative of the book or point to the structure of the Monobiblos. We must keep in mind that Gallus is evoked not as a historical character, but as persona ficta, whose ἦθος was constructed observing Propertius’ poetic program, and whose fides resides in the contiguity with the homonym elegiac poet, the poet-lover, whose beloved is Lycoris, his scripta puella. Thus although these characters can be real, they pass through the filter of this poetic genre.
This article aims to demonstrate how the name Gallus functions as a marker of the elegiac genre in Propertius’ Monobiblos, in which it may refer to the poetics, the erotic narrative or the structure of the book.

This paper is concerned with mapping the construction of the poetic personae in Roman erotic poetry from the late Republic and the early Principate, with a view to reevaluate some aspects of the “poetic game” which programmatically... more

This paper is concerned with mapping the construction of the poetic personae in Roman erotic poetry from the late Republic and the early Principate, with a view to reevaluate some aspects of the “poetic game” which programmatically orients this kind of poetry between reality and fiction. Then, on the one hand, I observe some denotative and referential aspects of these poetic personae – both male and female –, restoring their ways of life (uitae modus) as well as the decorous ambience, appropriate to this forma mentis, this way of thinking and acting. On the other hand, I try to reveal how these same personae can and must be read connotatively and poetically, i.e., they must be understood as tropes. Therefore, if we associate these aspects of the personae to the denotative and referential aspects, we will not only be clear about the “poetic game” to which the reception of the erotic poetry of this period was subordinate, but also that this same game, a border genre, par excellence, provides a metapoetic reading.

Presented at the Inaugural Student Paper Conference organized by Hillsdale College's LIT honorary in March 2015, this paper attempts to offer one possible account of Ovid’s objective in writing Heroides 7, specifically in relation to the... more

Presented at the Inaugural Student Paper Conference organized by Hillsdale College's LIT honorary in March 2015, this paper attempts to offer one possible account of Ovid’s objective in writing Heroides 7, specifically in relation to the author’s role as a reader of Vergil, and focusing on the conclusion of the epistle, which, as will be shown, must be read back onto the earlier portions of the letter and onto the original Dido narrative of Aeneid 4 in order to grasp some sense of the meaning of the whole. Ovid uses the elegiac epistolary form to draw out details of the Vergilian plot which might otherwise be overlooked and which provide the necessary basis for a fully-nuanced understanding of the relationship between Dido and Aeneas. As Ovid’s Dido herself admits, she and her sister Anna are both guilty because of her breach of pudor first in forgetting her vow to Sychaeus and then in scheming to keep Aeneas with her at Carthage. While Dido is undeniably the victim of tragic fate, Ovid insists that his readers remember the active part which the queen plays in her own demise. Deceived, she deceives all. Aeneas provided the cause and the sword, but Dido fell by her own hand.

In his epicedion on the death of Tibullus, amor. 3, 9, Ovid has a dialogue not only with the obvious model of Tibullan poetry, but aso with Propertius. He chooses Prop. 2, 13b, that contains the broadest foreshadowing of Propertius' death... more

In his epicedion on the death of Tibullus, amor. 3, 9, Ovid has a dialogue not only with the obvious model of Tibullan poetry, but aso with Propertius. He chooses Prop. 2, 13b, that contains the broadest foreshadowing of Propertius' death and burial. In this way Ovid can riflettere su important themes like death, burial, underworld and literary glory, assumendo a different point of view in comparison with his elegiac predecessors. A great importance in this poetic dialogue has the figure of Venus, that Ovid presents in a very different way from Tibullus and Propertius. In this perspective amor. 3, 9 becomes a reconsideration by Ovid of all the tradition of Latin love elegy on pivotal topics of this literary genre.

Nowy Filomata XX 2016 (1) 135 Sulpicja ELEGIE I. Wreszcie przyszła miłość, którą lepiej by było przezornie ukryć, niż komukolwiek wyjawić. Ubłagana moimi wierszami Wenera przyniosła mi ją i na mej piersi złożyła. Dotrzymała słowa. Niech o... more

Nowy Filomata XX 2016 (1) 135 Sulpicja ELEGIE I. Wreszcie przyszła miłość, którą lepiej by było przezornie ukryć, niż komukolwiek wyjawić. Ubłagana moimi wierszami Wenera przyniosła mi ją i na mej piersi złożyła. Dotrzymała słowa. Niech o mojej radości opowie ten, kto jeszcze nie poznał jej smaku. Nie powierzę niczego znaczonym tabliczkom, by nikt ich nie przeczytał przed mym ukochanym. Cieszy mnie, że zgrzeszyłam, dość mam udawania. Niech wszyscy wiedzą, że byłam z tym, kto mnie godzien.

The participation of the poet to the triumph and the reading of the tituli, a theme present in vv. 2-5 of the Gallus papyrus from Qaṣr Ibrîm, is polemically transformed by Prop. 3,4, where it is employed to express the indifference of the... more

The participation of the poet to the triumph and the reading of the tituli, a theme present in vv. 2-5 of the Gallus papyrus from Qaṣr Ibrîm, is polemically transformed by Prop. 3,4, where it is employed to express the indifference of the poet to war and laudatory poetry, and his elegiac choice of life is reaffirmed. Ovid in ars 1,177-228 changes it further, so that the triumph becomes an occasion for amorous encounters, but in the elegies from exile he proposes the topos in a different sense, to please the emperor.

The opinion that Virgil’s ecl. 10 can have a function of ‘courtship’ to Lycoris in favour of Gallus, or to the same Gallo by Virgil is contradicted by a careful reading of the text and by a comparison with the verses of the Qaṣr Ibrîm... more

The opinion that Virgil’s ecl. 10 can have a function of ‘courtship’ to Lycoris in favour of Gallus, or to the same Gallo by Virgil is contradicted by a careful reading of the text and by a comparison with the verses of the Qaṣr Ibrîm papyrus. The eclogue appears quite deliberately assimilated in other ways to the erotic Latin elegy with which it is compared.