Second Punic War Research Papers (original) (raw)
Qui se propose d’accompagner l’histoire religieuse des peuples de l’Italie centro-méridionale au temps de la Deuxième Guerre Punique doit s’affranchir de préjugés encore trop répandus, tels celui qui minore les cultes italiques et... more
Qui se propose d’accompagner l’histoire religieuse des peuples de l’Italie centro-méridionale au temps de la Deuxième Guerre Punique doit s’affranchir de préjugés encore trop répandus, tels celui qui minore les cultes italiques et les mesure à l’aune du culte romain ou celui qui prête à ces décennies troublées une religion en « crise ». Rassemblant et croisant des données jusque-là traitées séparément, cette étude présente une vaste fresque des pratiques rituelles romaines et italiques, à un moment où bouleversements politiques et militaires rendent plus que jamais nécessaire le rempart d’une religion immuable. L’exaspération rituelle n’interdit cependant pas quelques innovations contrôlées, fruits d’une hellénisation maîtrisée, telles la monumentalisation des sanctuaires ou la théâtralisation des pratiques. L’identité religieuse de ces communautés est à chercher surtout dans le jeu contrasté de l’acculturation et de la résistance, dans l’entrelacs subtil de la romanisation et de l’italicisation. D’un peuple à l’autre se fait ainsi entendre un thème reconnaissable, fait pourtant d’infinies variations rituelles.
Texto completo (catalán y español) del Catálogo de la exposición "Indíbil i Mandoni. Reis i Guerrers" expuesta en Lleida en 1996-1997. Estudios de I. Garcés, E. Junyent, A. Pérez Almoguera, F. Quesada, N. Rafel, C. Rovira, J. Ruiz de... more
Texto completo (catalán y español) del Catálogo de la exposición "Indíbil i Mandoni. Reis i Guerrers" expuesta en Lleida en 1996-1997. Estudios de I. Garcés, E. Junyent, A. Pérez Almoguera, F. Quesada, N. Rafel, C. Rovira, J. Ruiz de Arbulo, M. Soler y G. Sopeña.
- by Ignasi Garcés Estallo and +2
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- Ancient History, Archaeology, Roman History, Iberian Studies
Der Beitrag versucht, die komplizierte Situation in der Phase vor Hannibals Marsch nach Italien aufzuhellen und zu überprüfen, inwiefern Anhaltspunkte für eine Verantwortlichkeit auf römischer oder karthagischer Seite für den... more
Der Beitrag versucht, die komplizierte Situation in der Phase vor Hannibals Marsch nach Italien aufzuhellen und zu überprüfen, inwiefern Anhaltspunkte für eine Verantwortlichkeit auf römischer oder karthagischer Seite für den Kriegsausbruch erkennbar sind. Von den antiken Berichten zum Ebrovertrag ist allein derjenige des Polybios als vertrauenswürdig einzustufen. Die Vereinbarung hat demzufolge lediglich Hasdrubals militärischen Spielraum eingeengt, nicht denjenigen Roms und nicht (mehr) denjenigen Hannibals. Aus diesem und anderen Gründen konnte nicht von einem Vertragsbruch die Rede sein. Da das Verhältnis zu Sagunt am ehesten einer formlosen amicitia entsprach, gab auch Hannibals Angriff Rom nicht das Recht, Karthago den Krieg zu erklären. Die spätere römische Geschichtsschreibung verfälschte entscheidende Details, um die Verantwortlichkeit für die militärische Auseinandersetzung von Rom auf Karthago abzuwälzen.
- by Alicia M. Canto
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- Urbanism, Spain, Hadrian, Hispania
This thesis explores the origins of the Second Punic War and how Hannibal launched a conquest of Northern Italy from New Carthage in Spain after Hamilcar and Hasdrubal's death. It demonstrates how Hannibal utilizes the powers' to attract... more
This thesis explores the origins of the Second Punic War and how Hannibal launched a conquest of Northern Italy from New Carthage in Spain after Hamilcar and Hasdrubal's death. It demonstrates how Hannibal utilizes the powers' to attract and appeal to alliance and their mutual hatred from Rome. That would allow Hannibal to decisively win significant battles against Rome that almost ended the war with a Carthaginian victory.
While recurrently cited in the specialized bibliography, until recent years Castellet de Banyoles was only really known by the findings of monetary hoards and some luxury ritual vases, in addition to the Hellenistic-type pentagonal towers... more
While recurrently cited in the specialized bibliography,
until recent years Castellet de Banyoles was only really known
by the findings of monetary hoards and some luxury ritual
vases, in addition to the Hellenistic-type pentagonal towers
flanking the site entrance. Excavation work since 1998 has
enabled precise dating of the first settlement between the last
third of the 3rd century BC and early 2nd century BC, and has
revealed the existence at that time of a Punic-type compartments wall, as well as an extensive dwelling area, which probably corresponds to a specific gens. Houses of different types and sizes are attested, as well as a possible sanctuary. With an area of 4.5 ha, Castellet de Banyoles is a small city that brought together the entire population of the Mora basin, following a mononuclear model unprecedented in the northern
Iberian world. This is likely explained by strategic reasons in
a turbulent historical context due to the Barcid expansion in
the Iberian Peninsula and the Second Punic War.
- by Joan Sanmarti and +2
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- Religion, Military Architecture, Culture Contact, Social Structure
Reseña de «Bendala Galán, M. (ed.), Fragor Hannibalis. Aníbal en Hispania. Madrid, Comunidad de Madrid y Museo Arqueológico Regional, 2013», Studia Historica. Historia Antigua, 32, 2014, pp. 315-319
Polybius, the three spies and the forgotten battle of Zama Aims In this paper I will discuss some plausible links in the historiography of the three spies` stories and I will attempt to identify Polybius` sources and the reasons why he... more
Polybius, the three spies and the forgotten battle of Zama Aims In this paper I will discuss some plausible links in the historiography of the three spies` stories and I will attempt to identify Polybius` sources and the reasons why he decided to retain it in his narrative leading up to the great battle of Zama. Polybius` version of the three spies' story will be compared to other ancient Roman sources that have been overlooked by most modern historians. These sources are the histories of Appian and Cassius Dio; they provide us with an alternative sequence of events that led to Carthage's acceptance of Scipio`s peace terms. As a consequence of the three spies` story's inclusion in Polybius` version of the campaign, we should ask ourselves if the testimonies of Polybius` witnesses and his sources are reliable and if there is reason to believe that they are unfairly biased, we ought therefore to question Polybius` account of the battle of Zama itself. This is a speculative piece of course, without hard, tangible evidence and without primary sources to refer to. There are of course, only secondary sources which are contradictory in parts that span just over three hundred years to base anything upon. But these sources fall into two sets; Polybius/Livy and Appian/Cassius Dio. We need to ask ourselves the right questions about the ways in which these histories contradict one another and where they concur. In this, it will also be useful if we were to examine the motives of the principal characters in the history and the historiography (both the motives of the people who were involved and the authors who later recorded their actions). Where these motivations and the correspondences in the narratives correlate, we might discover that the true history is revealed. I will attempt to conclude this paper with a credible chronology for the Zama campaign. Michael Collins, 16/11/2020.
La intención de este trabajo es la de exponer las propuestas de investigación y los primeros resultados del análisis arqueológico implementado en torno a Iliturgi (Mengíbar, Jaén). Los trabajos, enmarcados en el proyecto de I+D+i... more
La intención de este trabajo es la de exponer las propuestas de investigación y los primeros resultados del análisis arqueológico implementado en torno a Iliturgi (Mengíbar, Jaén). Los trabajos, enmarcados en el proyecto de I+D+i «Metodología para el estudio arqueológico de campos de batalla y asedios en el contexto de la Segunda Guerra Púnica», desarrollan una novedosa estrategia metodológica multidisciplinar desde la arqueología del territorio, con
diferentes escalas de análisis. Los avances realizados hasta el momento han permitido identificar el emplazamiento de un oppidum ibero en el Cerro de la Muela, donde han sido documentados
los restos de un asedio de finales de la Segunda Guerra Púnica. A partir de esta acción bélica comienza un proceso convulso de transformaciones, con distintas escalas temporales y
espaciales, que tienen su reflejo en el nuevo modelo de organización territorial, con el abandono del Cerro de la Muela y la creación de una nueva ciudad en el cercano Cerro Maquiz, que iniciará un proceso de expansión y monumentalización a partir del cambio de era.
- by CARMEN RUEDA GALAN and +1
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- Conflict Archaeology, Second Punic War
At the end of the Republic, the Romans regarded Triumph as the most magnificent ceremony and the status of the triumphant general as the highest attainable. This rite, officially awarded by the Senate, permitted the general to make a... more
At the end of the Republic, the Romans regarded Triumph as the most magnificent ceremony and the status of the triumphant general as the highest attainable. This rite, officially awarded by the Senate, permitted the general to make a processional entry into the city of Rome and glorify his prestigious victory in front of his fellowcitizens. However, the critical analysis of sources reveals that the data related to Triumphs are unreliable. The first Triumph of Romulus was reconstructed by Augustus for ideological reasons : to emphasize the paralell between himself and the founder of the Urbs. Moreover, during the third century BC, families made up fake Triumps which were then integrated into annal and epigraphs. Such inventions mostly concern the period 322 BC -291BC -because it was at this point in time that Triumphs became highly political as the Romans adopted the Theology of victory current in the hellenistic world. Military victory was what the nobilitas, the emerging Roman aristocraty, valued most and its celebration, the Triumph, became the occasion for asserting the hereditary dimension of victory and power. In the third century BC, the desire for Triumph intensified, which led the Senate to impose stricter rules and conditions. The resulting conflicts between the senate and the generals explains the emergence of new ceremonies such as the Ovatio and the Triumph on Mount Alban. Triumphant generals had a variety of ways of commemorating their victories and reminding the Romans of them, especially at election time. But the most efficient way was the building of temples financed by spoils of war. The adoption of new cults enabled them to celebrate divine protection, under which they fell, but also to integrate the memory of their victories in both the history and architecture of Rome. Indeed, close historical examination often reveals an interesting ‘coincidence’ between the dates of the consecration of temples and those of the Triumphs.
Saguntum (Valencia) is an exceptional example of the transformation of an Iberian oppidum into a Roman town. Still preserved within the town are multi period walls, a temple and port infrastructures of Roman typology, dating from the... more
Saguntum (Valencia) is an exceptional example of the transformation of an Iberian oppidum into a Roman town. Still preserved within the town are multi period walls, a temple and port infrastructures of Roman typology, dating from the early 2nd century BC. The town, inhabited by Roman citizens, contained middle status public architecture, and its urban plan has an Hellenistic influence. It is one of the few towns in Hispania Tarraconensis which has a well recorded main forum, theatre and circus. The export of local wine was its main commercial activity.
Abstract: This article examines the Battle of Zama in 202, which ended the Second Punic War (218–201) between Rome and Carthage. It argues that the maneuvers described by Polybius are most intelligible if Hannibal sought to corral Scipio... more
Abstract: This article examines the Battle of Zama in 202, which ended the Second Punic War (218–201) between Rome and Carthage. It argues that the maneuvers described by Polybius are most intelligible if Hannibal sought to corral Scipio into a trap formed by an extended third infantry line, perhaps aided by terrain. Scipio escaped by hastily extending his own forces, holding out until his superior cavalry enveloped Hannibal in turn.
...notes on Italian “deserters” in Carthage after the second Punic War are supplemental to my previous papers on the battle of Zama. The presence of these demobilised troops in Carthage at the end of the Punic War is something of an... more
...notes on Italian “deserters” in Carthage after the second Punic War are supplemental to my previous papers on the battle of Zama. The presence of these demobilised troops in Carthage at the end of the Punic War is something of an untidy end which I believe needs to be addressed.
...This inconsistency between Livy`s summary of events after the Punic war and the account given of the end of the decisive battle of Zama by both Polybius and Livy needs some consideration. In this short piece, I will identify the sources that appear to be contradictory and discuss some related references that may shed some light on the way that Polybius described the battle of Zama.
This short paper is centred upon a recurring phrase to be found in the histories of; Polybius, Livy and Appian. I believe that the source of this expression was quite probably Gaius Acilius, who may have been the last Roman historian to... more
This short paper is centred upon a recurring phrase to be found in the histories of; Polybius, Livy and Appian. I believe that the source of this expression was quite probably Gaius Acilius, who may have been the last Roman historian to include the earlier tradition of a cavalry battle, negotiations and an armistice which took place before the grand battle of Zama that we know today from Polybius` book 15, which is well-understood was very much informed by Scipionic sources and witnesses.
In addition to the way that Polybius decided which sources to rely upon, I also consider Livy`s treatment of the early part of the Zama campaign and his choice of sources.
In this paper I will consider the probability of the size of Hannibal’s elephant corps in the autumn of 202 BC and question Hannibal’s tactical use of his elephants in Polybius` battle of Zama and Scipio`s response to them. These points... more
In this paper I will consider the probability of the size of Hannibal’s elephant corps in the autumn of 202 BC and question Hannibal’s tactical use of his elephants in Polybius` battle of Zama and Scipio`s response to them. These points have been discussed in the past, but I will also consider the circumstances of the Zama campaign and address the environmental conditions and logistical requirements that would have affected the deployment of elephants in North Africa during the late summer to early autumn of 202 BC.
Esta obra es la continuación del ensayo dedicado a la historia de Cartago, titulado: “Qart Hadast. El Imperio cartaginés hasta la Primera Guerra Púnica (HRM, 2015), que analizaba su ancestral origen fenicio, su fundación por parte de... more
Esta obra es la continuación del ensayo dedicado a la historia de Cartago, titulado: “Qart Hadast. El Imperio cartaginés hasta la Primera Guerra Púnica (HRM, 2015), que analizaba su ancestral origen fenicio, su fundación por parte de colonos provenientes de Tiro, su posterior desarrollo hasta dominar gran parte del Mediterráneo occidental, y su primer enfrentamiento con Roma durante la Primera Guerra Púnica, hasta la posterior Guerra de los Mercenarios.
Cartago sufrió una derrota catastrófica que aparentemente ponía fin a sus ambiciones expansionistas, pero los púnicos estaba decididos a recuperar su antigua gloria. En este momento tan crucial retomamos nuestra historia, en la que narraremos la conquista cartaginesa de la península ibérica, los sucesos que desencadenaron la Segunda Guerra Púnica, las operaciones militares dirigidas por Aníbal hasta su derrota en Zama y, finalmente, los acontecimientos posteriores que precipitaron la destrucción de Cartago a manos de Publio Cornelio Escipión Emiliano, durante la Tercera Guerra Púnica.
Mi intención fue siempre escribir un relato completo sobre la extraordinaria civilización cartaginesa, que por fin queda concluido con este nuevo ensayo.
Cartago bien lo merece, a pesar de la opinión que siempre defendió Catón.
The fabricae system was not developed in Republican times, and it seems that the Roman State did not provide weapons and clothing for its troops before the last decades of the second century BC. However, during the far-flung and prolonged... more
The fabricae system was not developed in Republican times, and it seems that the Roman State did not provide weapons and clothing for its troops before the last decades of the second century BC. However, during the far-flung and prolonged campaigns in Hispania, first against the Carthaginians and later against Iberians, Celtiberians and Lusitanians, the Roman armies needed a constant supply of weapons and military equipment to replace lost and worn-out items. We believe that most of them –and specially offensive arms- were not brought form Italy, but that they were requisitioned or forged in the Iberian Peninsula, even by local artisans at bases such as Tarraco or Carthago Nova. The key to this lies in the high compatibility between Roman and Iberian weapons of the period, specially regarding offensive weapons ane
even oval shields, that would make local production for the legions much easier. This would also explain the ease with wich Romans could adopt the gladius hispaniensis, the pugio and probably other items of military equipment such as soliferrea and saga.
El contexto histórico en el que se inicia la presencia romana en Hispania, como un frente más de su conflicto contra Cartago, condiciona fuertemente las formas de contacto y vinculación con las realidades allí presentes. Un caso peculiar... more
El contexto histórico en el que se inicia la presencia romana en Hispania, como un frente más de su conflicto contra Cartago, condiciona fuertemente las formas de contacto y vinculación con las realidades allí presentes. Un caso peculiar lo constituyen los prisioneros de guerra o aquellos individuos que, por su importancia política o estratégica, pasaban a custodia militar romana. Entre ellos podemos citar a hispanos que combatían del lado de los cartagineses, habitantes de ciudades rendidas o conquistadas, notables púnicos, mercenarios de los más variados orígenes e, incluso, tropas propias amotinadas y desertores. A pesar de que Roma contaba con pautas de actuación más o menos regladas para proceder ante estos casos, la necesidad de disponer de los mayores recursos humanos y materiales frente al enemigo, dio lugar a que en ocasiones se adoptasen ciertas medidas excepcionales. Indultos, reclutamiento de fuerzas auxiliares entre los cautivos y esclavizaciones provisionales en masa, son algunos de estos procedimientos. En este trabajo se pretende analizar las distintas percepciones y tratamientos que recibieron los antagonistas al poder romano en Hispania durante esos años de intensa crisis y transformaciones para el estado itálico.