Serbian-Albanian relations Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
The contribution provides for a discussion of published sources and Albanian, Serbian, and international research on Kosovo demographic history - with the ethnographic structure of the population being at the core of interest - from the... more
The contribution provides for a discussion of published sources and Albanian, Serbian, and international research on Kosovo demographic history - with the ethnographic structure of the population being at the core of interest - from the Middle Ages till around the year 2000. Albanian and Serbian historiographical myths and 20th century discourses are mirrored with each other. After such de-mystification, some basic result deserve to be pointed out: Contrary to Albanian convictions, Kosovo must once have had a Slav majority population, but in contrast to Serbian beliefs, Albanians there have been strongly present long before the so called turning point of 1690, and an Albanian majority population must have been present in the region at least by the mid 19th century (as the actual starting point of a period with more or less reliable statistical data on that question).
...The purpose of this study is not to provide a detailed and complete picture of the life of Kosovo Serbs in the first post-war decade, but to point out the main political trends which allowed for systematic discrimination, forced... more
...The purpose of this study is not to provide a detailed and complete picture of the life of Kosovo Serbs in the first post-war decade, but to point out the main political trends which allowed for systematic discrimination, forced expulsions and violation of their basic human rights. All of this is an unacceptable political practice, apparently in sharp contrast with the basic European values and universal human rights. Furthermore, there is a particular empha-sis on the unprecedented destruction of Serb patrimonial sites by the Kosovo Albanian extremists ― churches and monasteries which have been and still are an important component of European and world culture, as verified by UNESCO, which enlisted four Serbian medieval monasteries in the UN-administered Kosovo on the list of World Heritage Sites.
Serbian monasteries in Kosovo, which have been guarded from the hostile Albanian environment for more than a decade by KFOR-troops, are the only European cultural monuments which are still being protected from immediate destruction by strong international military forces.
Në punimet e mëposhtme na paraqitet një gjeografi historike e trojeve shqiptare duke filluar nga krahinat përreth liqenit të Shkodrës e duke përfunduar në qytetin e lashtë Amantia në afërsi të Gjirokastrës. Përshkrimet... more
Në punimet e mëposhtme na paraqitet një gjeografi historike e trojeve shqiptare duke filluar nga krahinat përreth liqenit të Shkodrës e duke përfunduar në qytetin e lashtë Amantia në afërsi të Gjirokastrës. Përshkrimet gjeografike-historike të saj janë pjesë të ndryshme nga leksionet e Konstantin Jireçekut mbi gjeografinë historike të vendeve ballkanike, të mbajtura në Universitetin e Vjenës, të cilat më vonë u botuan edhe nëpër revista të ndryshme të kohës.
Autori përqendrohet kryesisht në zonën bregdetare të Shqipërisë së Sotme dhe na jep shumë të dhëna, jo vetëm për lokalitetet historike të krahinave përkatëse, por edhe për monumente kishtare dhe për personazhe historike të kohërave të ndryshme nga lashtësia deri në fillim të kohës së re, të cilët kanë luajtur një rol të rëndësishëm në lokalitetet për të cilat bëhet fjalë. Ky botim ndahet në katër pjesë, të cilat janë katër studime që autori ka bërë mbi gjeografinë historike dhe mbi historinë e trojeve dhe të popullit shqiptar, duke filluar nga lashtësia dhe në pjesën e fundit, duke përfunduar me një vështrim të përgjithshëm historik deri në kapërcyellin e shekujve XIX-XX, kohë në të cilën ka jetuar edhe vetë autori.
20’nci yüzyılın başından günümüze Arnavutların Osmanlı, Türkiye ve Türk algısı mevcut literatür taranarak tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Yazılı kaynaklar yanında yazarın Kosova’da 2007 yılında Türk Kıdemli Subayı ve 2009-2010 yıllarında... more
20’nci yüzyılın başından günümüze Arnavutların Osmanlı, Türkiye ve Türk algısı mevcut literatür taranarak tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Yazılı kaynaklar yanında yazarın Kosova’da 2007 yılında Türk Kıdemli Subayı ve 2009-2010 yıllarında Türk Temsil Heyeti Başkanı sıfatıyla görev yaptığı dönemdeki kişisel gözlem, tespit ve değerlendirmeleri de bu çalışmada kullanılmıştır. Arnavutluk ve Kosova’da Türkler ve Türkiye için gayet olumlu algı sahipleri yanında, hemen her türlü karmaşık problemlerinin sebebi olarak Balkanlardaki Osmanlı asırlarını gören farklı sosyal sınıflara mensup etkili kişilikler de bilinmektedir. Zıt uçlara savrulan bu algıların nedenleri anlaşılmaya çalışılmış, mevcut algının Türkiye’nin Kosova ve Arnavutlukla sosyal, kültürel, ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkilerine muhtemel etkilerine işaret edilmiştir.
This paper lays out a new framework for thinking about Albania's participation in the First World War.
This Paper represents an effort of the ISAC Fund to address another sensitive topic of regional cooperation. It strives to show that there are numerous issues in bilateral relations between Serbia and Albania which should not wait for the... more
This Paper represents an effort of the ISAC Fund to address another sensitive topic of regional cooperation. It strives to show that there are numerous issues in bilateral relations between Serbia and Albania which should not wait for the Kosovo issue to be finally settled.
The purpose of this article is to study the linguistic evidence of Slavic-Albanian language contact in the kinship terminology of the Mrkovići, a Muslim Slavic-speaking group in southern Montenegro, and to demonstrate how it refers to the... more
The purpose of this article is to study the linguistic evidence of Slavic-Albanian language contact in the kinship terminology of the Mrkovići, a Muslim Slavic-speaking group in southern Montenegro, and to demonstrate how it refers to the social context and the kind of contact situation. The material for this study was collected during fieldwork conducted from 2012 to 2015 in the villages of the Mrkovići area. Kinship terminology of the Mrkovići dialect is compared with that of bcms, Albanian, and the other Balkan languages and dialects. Particular attention is given to the items borrowed from Albanian and Ottoman Turkish, and to the structural borrowing from Albanian.
Ky artikull përfaqëson një përpjekje për ta parë procesin e shtet-formimit në Ballkanin Perëndimor nga një perspektivë e ndryshme. Konkretisht, vështruar jo më si një proces që duhet të kalojë medoemos nga krijimi i shtet-kombeve të... more
Ky artikull përfaqëson një përpjekje për ta parë procesin e shtet-formimit në Ballkanin Perëndimor nga një perspektivë e ndryshme. Konkretisht, vështruar jo më si një proces që duhet të kalojë medoemos nga krijimi i shtet-kombeve të munguara në shekullin XVII-XIX në Ballkanin Perëndimor, por si një proces, i cili duhet të ndjekë tendencën bashkëkohore të imponuar edhe nga vetë procesi i globalizmit: atë të konsolidimit të shteteve kombëtare. Duke e anashkaluar debatin mbi materializimin e historisë dhe duke përdorur një qasje konstruktive të përqendruar kryesisht mbi historinë e institucioneve, ky shkrim do të përdorë qëllimisht eksperiencat historike institucionale të shtet-kombeve në Evropën Perëndimore, për të nxjerrë në pah faktin se historia nuk mund të përsëritet, prandaj lind gjithnjë nevoja për të shkruar faqe të reja të një historie bashkëkohore, në përputhje me tendencat e kohës dhe me kushtet specifike të vetë Ballkanit Perëndimor.
The thousand-year long history of Serbia's troublesome province of Kosovo (Kosovo and Metohija) is a case study of conflicting narratives and opposing versions of history.The case of Kosovo became famous worldwide after the Kosovo... more
The thousand-year long history of Serbia's troublesome province of Kosovo (Kosovo and Metohija) is a case study of conflicting narratives and opposing versions of history.The case of Kosovo became famous worldwide after the Kosovo Albanian minority in Serbia, within the wider federal, communist Yugoslavia, organized separatist movements, fully backed by communist Albania, openly demanding, since 1981, secession from Serbia, and claiming the status of a constituent nation. It was an announcement of the coming collapse of Titoist Yugoslavia in 1991 .The violent dismemberment of communist Yugoslavia, followed by the series of wars for Yugoslav succession (1992-1995), had its last chapter with the NATO bombing campaign against Serbia and FR of Yugoslavia in 1999,followed by the UN protectorate over Kosovo, administered by UNMIK under UN SC Resolution 1244 of June 1999, and militarily protected by the NATO-led KFOR.
The following study, covering the period from the medieval times to unilateral proclamation of independence of Kosovo by the Kosovo Albanians in 2008, illustrated by a series of lesser known Kosovo-related documents, provides relevant historic insight into important elements of the Kosovo drama, in particular from Serbian, rarely quoted or deliberately neglected sources.
Corrected in January 2021.
On the apocryphal "Privilegium Alexandri slavis datum" and its use by Albanian refugees in Venice after the Turkish conquest of Scutari. Drafts of the paper "Il mito di Alessandro Magno tra Slavi e Albanesi", published in "Ponti e... more
On the apocryphal "Privilegium Alexandri slavis datum" and its use by Albanian refugees in Venice after the Turkish conquest of Scutari. Drafts of the paper "Il mito di Alessandro Magno tra Slavi e Albanesi", published in "Ponti e frontiere", cur. by Andrea Bonifacio, Venezia, EditGraf, 2005, pp. 131-146 [ISBN 88-89447-02-8]
The article is addressed to study the Angevin visual culture in Albania through unpublished or not well known testimonies, instruments of the propaganda. The first “study case” is about a cycle of frescos in a Benedictine church, where a... more
The article is addressed to study the Angevin visual culture in Albania through unpublished or not well known testimonies, instruments of the propaganda. The first “study case” is about a cycle of frescos in a Benedictine church, where a local workshop educated to a Byzantine pictorial language, under the direction of the abbot concepteur of the cycle, put on scene the celebration of the Roman Church and the new French ruler. The frescos are dated on 1272, that was the same year in which the sources mention Charles of Anjou as Rex Albanie for the first time. After that, the focus of this research moves on the Angevin legacy in the 14th century. Images and symbols of the Angevin visual culture and propaganda were part of the Albanian cultural heritage, those have been reused by certain feudal families to show their own social status and ambitions. This phenomenon, jointly to the spread of the Catholicism, marked the approach of Albania to Western Europe until the Turkish conquest.
Uz temeljno uverenje da je teorija duboko politična i da učestvuje u načinu na koji promišljamo i gradimo svet, naš je cilj bio da javnosti predstavimo knjigu koja promoviše kritičku politiku prijateljstva. Takođe, cilj nam je bio da u... more
Uz temeljno uverenje da je teorija duboko politična i da učestvuje u načinu na koji promišljamo i gradimo svet, naš je cilj bio da javnosti predstavimo knjigu koja promoviše kritičku politiku prijateljstva. Takođe, cilj nam je bio da u dijalog, neprestano sputavan i otežavan, uključimo teoretičare i teoretičarke sa Kosova i iz Srbije, ali i iz Albanije, proširujući tako domen pitanja koja nas međusobno povezuju. Verujemo stoga da Figura neprijatelja predstavlja napredak u međusobnoj saradnji i proučavanju srpsko-albanskih tema. Takođe, ova knjiga nudi i presek stanja naučne i teorijske misli u ovoj oblasti, ali i trenutnog kritičkog potencijala i njegovih ograničenja u srpskoj, kosovskoj i albanskoj sredini.
Shqipëria është vendi i parë rus dhe sërb i anëtarësuar në NATO. Flamuri i saj i ashtuquajtur kombëtar në realitet është bizantin ose greko-sllav, dhe shqiponja e zezë dykrenare me emrin sllav Kosovo që në shqip do të thotë Zogu i zi,... more
Shqipëria është vendi i parë rus dhe sërb i anëtarësuar në NATO. Flamuri i saj i ashtuquajtur kombëtar në realitet është bizantin ose greko-sllav, dhe shqiponja e zezë dykrenare me emrin sllav Kosovo që në shqip do të thotë Zogu i zi, Mëllënja (Molllazeza në dialektin Gegë) ose Fusha e Mëllënjave, është trashëguar nga serbët pasi edhe Skënderbeu ishte sllav nga dinastia Brankoviq e sërbëve. Shqipëria gjatë sundimit komunist zyrtarisht e quante veten shtet dhe popull ateist, por në realitet faktet tregojnë se ishte shteti dhe populli më fanatik dhe më brutal i fundamentalizmit religjioz në botë. Cilit religjion? Çka tregon gjendja nga realiteti.
Nell'ambito dei più recenti studi e nel contemporaneo dibattito sull'arte balcanica e le sue radici, è molto marginale l'interesse per l'Albania medievale. Piuttosto vivo invece per altri periodi storici (età greca, romana, tardo-antica o... more
Nell'ambito dei più recenti studi e nel contemporaneo dibattito sull'arte balcanica e le sue radici, è molto marginale l'interesse per l'Albania medievale. Piuttosto vivo invece per altri periodi storici (età greca, romana, tardo-antica o ottomana), che hanno prodotto significativi contributi per la conoscenza delle passate società mediterranee su quel territorio. Studiosi rinomati, università e istituzioni straniere, ne hanno inserito i casi di studio nel dibattito internazionale, ricucendo le distanze con l'accademia albanese 1 .
Заглавие на бълг. ез.: "(Пре)Откриване на изворите за българската и унгарската история"
This Collection represents the latest effort to address another sensitive topic of regional cooperation. The publication aims to provide the information about elites in Albania and their perspective on the relations with Serbia and the... more
This Collection represents the latest effort to address another sensitive topic of regional cooperation. The publication aims to provide the information about elites in Albania and their perspective on the relations with Serbia and the Serbs. Furthermore, the Collection touches upon topics of internal political situation in Albania, as well as its current position in the region and in Europe.
Les poids de l'histoire, la manque d'une culture politique L"histoire des Balkans est véritablement riche en interprétations contradictoires de l"histoire : depuis l"antiquité jusqu"aux les événements très récents, presque tout les... more
Les poids de l'histoire, la manque d'une culture politique L"histoire des Balkans est véritablement riche en interprétations contradictoires de l"histoire : depuis l"antiquité jusqu"aux les événements très récents, presque tout les phénomènes politiques sont expliqué et justifié en faisant un appel ultérieur à l"histoire. Cette passion pour l"histoire et une légitimation exclusivement historiques des objectifs politiques est le résultat d"une longue période de collectivisme inscrit dans la tradition politique : le collectivisme en tant que imaginaire politique n"a pas marqué seulement le longue période de la domination ottomane dans les Balkans ; il été imposé, s'appuyant sur le héritage du nationalisme romantique, par les élites communistes. Dans cette perspective du collectivisme -religieuse sous les Ottomans et idéologique sous les communistes -tout droit particulier découlait du droit collectif. La courte période entre ces deux types du collectivisme reste marqué par le romantisme national, jamais pleinement maîtrisé.
The paper analyses the policy of the Yugoslav Foreign Minister, and later PM, Vojislav Marinković towards Italy, during his mandates in 1927-1932. The bilateral relations are addressed in the scope of his broader concepts of foreign... more
The paper analyses the policy of the Yugoslav Foreign Minister, and later PM, Vojislav Marinković towards Italy, during his mandates in 1927-1932. The bilateral relations are addressed in the scope of his broader concepts of foreign policy, which included closer cooperation with France and surmounting prevailing difficulties in the relations with the Great Britain. The main goal was to prove that the Yugoslav Kingdom was conducting pacifistic foreign policy in order to gain the sympathy of the Foreign Office and the international public as a counterweight to Italy’s aggressive plans towards the Balkans and the Danube region. During the course of five years, Marinković was changing attitude towards Italy according to the relations among the Great Powers.
Ce lo kup no is tra ži va nje "Et nič ki ste re o ti pi i na ci o nal ni mi to vi kao pre pre ke po mire nju u srp sko-al ban skim od no si ma" spro veo je tim Cen tra za stu di je mi ra Univer zi te ta u Be o gra du -Fa kul te ta po li... more
Ce lo kup no is tra ži va nje "Et nič ki ste re o ti pi i na ci o nal ni mi to vi kao pre pre ke po mire nju u srp sko-al ban skim od no si ma" spro veo je tim Cen tra za stu di je mi ra Univer zi te ta u Be o gra du -Fa kul te ta po li tič kih na u ka (www.csm-fpn.org). Tim su čini li:
Establishment of the Albanian state under a crucial influence of the Austro-Hungary, so that Serbia would be cut off from sea resources, forced the latter to find alternative ways to achieve its interests. Because of permanent problems at... more
Establishment of the Albanian state under a crucial influence of the Austro-Hungary,
so that Serbia would be cut off from sea resources, forced the latter to find alternative
ways to achieve its interests. Because of permanent problems at its border and incursions of Albanian companies, Serbia called for the major powers to pay attention to the delimitation between the two countries and to focus on the need for a strategic security of Debar and Prizren. Also, according to the decisions of the London Conference of the Ambassadors, Serbia sought for a faster construction of ports on the Adriatic and the railway links with them. In this matters, Serbia had the support of Russia and France, and Italy in part, while United Kingdom showed a deceitful attitude towards the Serbian interests. Germany, and especially Austro-Hungary, would not hear of its wishes. Internal instability in Albania forced the Serbian authorities, in order to protect its own lands, to establish links with certain Albanian chiefs, the most important being Arif Hikmet, as well as with the leader of the uprising against the central government and the Vido Island Prince, Hajji Chamil Feysa. Besides the uprising, the situation was made worse by the rebels of Epirus, who were indirectly being supported by Greece. The international intervention in Albania, which was discussed in diplomatic circles, was not achieved due to a disagreement between the Great Powers. As a solution to the Albanian question, the Serbian side supported the internationalization, but at the same time, did not give up a possibility of dividing the Albanian lands with Greece, in a case it was an international decision. At the beginning of the war, complications with Albania harassed the Serbian government, especially because the Austro-Hungary planned to establish there an auxiliary front against the Serbian Kingdom.
Abstract: This article deals with an interesting social phenomenon, namely the mixed marriages between Serbian men and Albanian women from Albania. The article is based on fieldwork in the reagion of Sandžak. However, the examination od... more
Abstract: This article deals with an interesting social phenomenon, namely the mixed marriages between Serbian men and Albanian women from Albania. The article is based on fieldwork in the reagion of Sandžak. However, the examination od this phenomenon transcend both geographical and theoretical, and treis to offer a new approach to the study of links between patriarchy and nationalizm.
Key words: patriarchy, nationalizm, mixed mariages, Sandžak
On ancient history and classics in Ismail Kadare. Draft of the article published in Leggere Kadare. Critica – Ricezione – Bibliografia, a cura di Alessandro Scarsella, Milano, Biblion edizioni, 2008, pp. 61-76 [ISBN - 9788890144475].... more
On ancient history and classics in Ismail Kadare. Draft of the article published in Leggere Kadare. Critica – Ricezione – Bibliografia, a cura di Alessandro Scarsella, Milano, Biblion edizioni, 2008, pp. 61-76 [ISBN - 9788890144475].
Other studies about Kadare by Stefano Trovato:
"Kadare e le radici dell'Europa, tra sogni e traumi", in "Kadare europeo e la cultura albanese oggi", a cura di Giuseppina Turano, Roma, Bulzoni, 2011 (Contesti adriatici, 3), pp. 79-90 [ISBN 978-88-7870-572-2];
"Universalismo spirituale e nazionalismi tra letteratura d’Italia e d’Albania", in "La scrittura obliqua di Ismail Kadare. L'écriture oblique d'Ismaïl Kadaré. Balcanistica e comparatistica", a cura di Alessandro Scarsella e Giuseppina Turano, Venezia, Granviale Editori, 2012 [ISBN 978-88-95991-26-9], pp. 47-58.
Although the history of Kosovo is undoubtedly one that encompasses ethnic violence, attributing the fundamental dynamics and chief causes of the conflict from 1981 onwards to intrinsic hatreds engendered in Kosovo Serbs and Albanians is... more
Although the history of Kosovo is undoubtedly one that encompasses ethnic violence, attributing the fundamental dynamics and chief causes of the conflict from 1981 onwards to intrinsic hatreds engendered in Kosovo Serbs and Albanians is inaccurate, if not reckless. In order to precisely understand the eruption of ethnic violence, the conflict must be examined from another perspective altogether, reallocating the locus of analysis from idle deliberations about either group’s ‘right’ to the territory, to one that provides a succinct investigation of the more recent motivations behind the conflict. Through identifying the extent to which both groups summon history and myth to legitimize modern territorial claims, the constitutional and economic failures of Yugoslavia, and finally the rise of ethno-nationalist mobilization, this paper attempts to provide a comprehensive framework for interpreting the radicalization of both pro- and anti-independence movements in Kosovo, asserting that various socio-economic and structural failures are what led to such violent radicalization, rather than issues of irreconcilable ethnic identity.
The paper will be dealt with Albania's stance on the demonstrations held in Kosovo in 1981, largely based on archival documents state that the Albanian Government, documents from the Archives of Kosovo, etc. There are archive documents in... more
The paper will be dealt with Albania's stance on the demonstrations held in Kosovo in 1981, largely based on archival documents state that the Albanian Government, documents from the Archives of Kosovo, etc. There are archive documents in the archives of this site as valuable sources of historical handwriting, which help to make scientific analyzes and conclusions more reliable and more durable in the face of time and true historiographical criticism. From these documents seen numerous segments of the research of the general circumstances of the study in 1981. Based on the documents of these funds, the Republic of Albania have followed with great attention, all developments in Kosovo, and had obtained confidential data from all possible sources...! Therefore, we conclude that such a work of untreated until now (on the basis of the aforementioned documents), will be contributing part of historiography.
The aim of this article is to put in relation different sources (documents, chronicles, epigraphs, coat-of arms, visual evidences) in order to give a contribution in the historic-artistic research about Late Middle Ages Albania. From the... more
The aim of this article is to put in relation different sources (documents, chronicles, epigraphs, coat-of arms, visual evidences) in order to give a contribution in the historic-artistic research about Late Middle Ages Albania.
From the end of the XIII century and during the XIV century, the Angevins expanded their influence on the Albania, also by means of their feudality. That strengthened the exchanges between both Adriatic coasts and supported the artistic transfers. Reflections of the Angevins' court visual culture were introduced in that context of ancient byzantine tradition, including the Albanian coast in the artistic koinè of the Adriatic.
The re-use of elements from the western visual culture, even if selected, blended or hybridized, it goes in parallel with social changes, especially in central and northern Albania : along with the success of the customs more latinorum, as well as the consolidation of the Roman Church and the transformation of the Arbanon in a feudal society.
Serbian‐Albanian relations in the period between the Austro‐Hungarian announcement of the war and the temporary collapse of Serbia in late 1915 ‐ were conditioned by Serbia's political interests, the unresolved issue of definitive... more
Serbian‐Albanian relations in the period between the Austro‐Hungarian
announcement of the war and the temporary collapse of Serbia in late 1915 ‐ were conditioned by Serbia's political interests, the unresolved issue of definitive demarcation, and the existence of a strong anti‐Serb coalition in Albania. The increasingly frequent incursions of the Arnaut rebels into Serbian territory triggered a major military campaign with the goal of deeply penetrating into Albanian territory, the deployment of military troops the subsequent campaign, the main burden of the battle fell on the units of the Ohrid Detachment, which contained two cadres regiments and one battalion that was in reserve. The Serbian military intervention in Albania, with less misunderstanding with the Greeks, had insignificant losses (120 dead, wounded, and missing) and lasted a total of ten days. Serbia was harshly criticized by the Allied powers, especially Italy, Great Britain, and Russia. The Russian supreme command even threatened to halt any further military assistance to Serbia. This action succeeded in breaking Arnaut's uprising, strategically providing the Serbian background against the German‐Austro‐Hungarian‐Bulgarian offensive, and for some time securing the positions of the Serbian ‐ally of the Esad‐pasha, which by August completely suppressed the uprising
and eliminated its culprits. Serbia attacked deeply into the Albanian territory in this operation, and also achieved strategic superiority. Only a month later, the Serbian Army's main element retreated in front of the superior enemy through the Albanian territory and many liberated areas. With the withdrawal of the Serbian Army towards the Albanian coast, the provisional Albanian troops were gradually dispersed, when most of the personnel from the cadre regiments joined their divisions.
The paper analyses the socio-political context and public discourse related to the ethnic and religiously motivated violence which initially occurred in Kosovo in March 2004 and subsequently spread to Serbia. The introductory section... more
The paper analyses the socio-political context and public discourse related to the ethnic and religiously motivated violence which initially occurred in Kosovo in March 2004
and subsequently spread to Serbia. The introductory section sheds light on the history of the Bajrakli mosque, which is one of the oldest religious and cultural monuments preserved in Belgrade up to the present time. The paper further reveals historical and demographic data on the Muslim population in Serbia and Belgrade. Finally, it focusses on the events and discourses in Kosovo and Serbia which eventually led to setting the only Belgrade mosque ablaze. By applying methods of critical discourse analysis and media analysis, the Serbian public discourse related to the March riots and the mosque arson is analysed. In this paper, I argue that the strategy of unifying the Other appeared to be a very effective means of mobilizing people en masse in both Kosovo and Serbia.
Namera ovog rada je da istraži stavove intelektualaca Srbije u odnosu na Kosovo kao geografsku oblast koja je učitavanjem simboličkih značenja stekla poseban status i važnost. U tekstu se teži prepoznavanju i operacionalizaciji... more
Namera ovog rada je da istraži stavove intelektualaca Srbije u odnosu na Kosovo kao geografsku oblast koja je učitavanjem simboličkih značenja stekla poseban status i važnost. U tekstu se teži prepoznavanju i operacionalizaciji diskurzivnih strategija kroz koje intelektualci upotrebljavaju pojam Kosova i/ili metaforu „figure neprijatelja – figure Drugog“. Analiza izjava i tekstova intelektualaca u medijima, vezana je za tri ključna događaja post-jugoslovenskog, to jest post-petooktobarskog perioda, koji su obeležili proces samoopredeljenja Kosova. U pitanju su dešavanja označena kao „Kosovski pogrom“ 2004. godine, proglašenje nezavisnosti Kosova 2008. i potpisivanje Briselskog sporazuma 2013. godine. Rad bi trebalo da posvedoči o dilemama (ili njihovom manjku) intelektualaca „sudbinski“ zainteresovanih ili isprovociranih da javno predstave svoj sud o „kosovskom pitanju“, usmerenim na pitanje - da li intelektualni dug pre svega podrazumeva lojalnost vlastitoj naciji i borbu za njena „prava“ intelektualnim sredstvima ili upravo protest protiv nacionalnih i drugih euforija i privođenje univerzalnim vrednostima?
The intra-party conflict in Yugoslavia in 1966 resulted in a fundamental shift in the attitude of the Yugoslav leadership toward the Albanian national minority, which was also reflected in the country' s foreign policy orientation. The... more
The intra-party conflict in Yugoslavia in 1966 resulted in a fundamental shift in the attitude of the Yugoslav leadership toward the Albanian national minority, which was also reflected in the country' s foreign policy orientation. The normalization of relations with Albania was set as one of the objectives of Yugoslav foreign policy. Yugoslavia stopped responding to the anti-Yugoslav statements of Albanian officials and launched a series of cooperation initiatives with Albania. The Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was assigned a special role in the normalization of relations with Tirana and, with the consent of Belgrade, an exchange of publications, visits of cultural-artistic associations and contacts between the cultural institutions of Kosovo and Metohija and Albania ensued. This policy resulted in the establishment of direct cultural, economic and political ties between the governments of Albania and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Meto-hija, into which the Yugoslav political leadership no longer had any insight.
The use of Albanian in Belgrade and particularly its dependency on the Serbian-Albanian conflict in Kosovo is discussed herein. The paper initially gives an overview of the Albanian minority in Serbia, its demographics, institutions and... more
The use of Albanian in Belgrade and particularly its dependency on the Serbian-Albanian conflict in Kosovo is discussed herein. The paper initially gives an overview of the Albanian minority in Serbia, its demographics, institutions and language use. Drawing on the results of the sociolinguistic survey carried out among the Albanian speakers in Belgrade, the paper then analyses use of Albanian and its dependence on the ethnopolitical conflict.
Marian Cult-Sites Along the Venetian Sea-Routes to Holy Landin the Late Middle Ages
This study seeks to explore the relations between Albania and Kosovo as they stand at the present and the likely trajectory they are going to take in the near future. The point of departure is the study of these relations from February... more
This study seeks to explore the relations between Albania and Kosovo as they stand at the present and the likely trajectory they are going to take in the near future. The point of departure is the study of these relations from February 2008 when Kosovo proclaimed its independence and how the process of Kosovo`s recognition and state-building have influenced and conditioned its relationship with Albania. The discussion has involved the mainstream elite in both countries and several proposals have emerged since. On the other hand, a related debate on a Kosovar identity as a rather exclusive and new one versus the traditional understanding of the undivided Albanian identity seems to develop simultaneously with the participation of a substantial part of political and cultural elite on both sides of the border.
In this framework, stereotypes about “Great Albania” and unification of Kosovo with Albania persist and are part of the discourse in the Balkans, especially neighbors such as Serbia which have expressed certain fears about such developments. This phenomenon had seen attempts made by governments of both Albania and Kosovo, whose effects remain to be seen, ranging from unification of school curricula and textbooks to unification of consulates in certain countries to an energy union between the two countries. On the other hand, polls made by international organization, as well as local organization in Albania and whose data is presented below, do not support any popular support for “Greater Albania”, so fears mentioned above remain without a solid base.
However, recent evidence that is going to be duly analyzed in this study, testifies for a rising nationalist fervor in Albania versus a decline in Kosovo, which also relates to how masses and elites view the Albania-Kosovo future. It is the goal of this study to make an assessment of key internal and external factors that will influence the future of relations between Tirana and Pristina and make projections for possible scenarios of the bilateral relations in the next twenty to thirty years. These four scenarios are the following:
A. Kosovo and Albania borders become gradually irrelevant as part of European Union if both are integrated at that stage.
B. Albania and Kosovo are part of one of the following regional proposals (i.e. Balkan Union, Balkan Benelux, CEFTA etc.), but only one of them (most probably Albania) is part of EU.
C. Albania and Kosovo realize a de facto unification before accession in the European Union.
D. Albania and Kosovo operate as two functional countries without any projected unification of any kind, where Albania joins EU, with Kosovo still to conclude state-building process.
I will show here that the scenario most likely to happen in the next ten years period is the last scenario while the scenario the most likely will develop in the next decade after that is the B scenario. I base this selection on the findings I have accumulated through desk analyses and focus group that is used to test my hypotheses and which one most likely will develop as a scenario in the short and medium term period.
Lessons from the Post-War Balkans. Part 6 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi). Includes the articles: * 'Interethnic Policymaking for Interethnic Tolerance' by Islam Yusufi * 'Islam in Southeast European... more
Lessons from the Post-War Balkans. Part 6 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi). Includes the articles: * 'Interethnic Policymaking for Interethnic Tolerance' by Islam Yusufi * 'Islam in Southeast European Discourse: Focusing on Traditions of Tolerance' by Simeon Evstatiev * 'Religion, Media and National Security in Albania' by Aldo Bumci * 'Stumbling Block on the Road to Democracy: Security Sector Reform in Serbia' by Mladen Momcilovic * 'Local Governance Reform in Kosovo: Milestones for the Promotion of Tolerance' by Algirdas Petkevicius
Në punim shqyrtohet ndikimi i konfliktit etno-politik në përdorimin e gjuhës shqipe në Beogradin bashkëkohor. Së pari jepet një tabllo e përgjithshme e pakicës shqiptare në Serbi, e veçantive demografike të saj, institucioneve dhe... more
Në punim shqyrtohet ndikimi i konfliktit etno-politik në përdorimin e gjuhës shqipe në Beogradin bashkëkohor. Së pari jepet një tabllo e përgjithshme e pakicës shqiptare në Serbi, e veçantive demografike të saj, institucioneve dhe përdorimit të gjuhës. Duke u nisur nga rezultatet e anketës sociolinguistike të kryer me folësit e shqipes në Beograd, në punim më pas analizohet përdorimi i gjuhës shqipe dhe varësia e tij nga konflikti etno-politik.
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The use of Albanian in Belgrade and particularly its dependency on the Serbian- Albanian conflict in Kosovo is discussed herein. The paper initially gives an overview of the Albanian minority in Serbia, its demographics, institutions and language use. Drawing on the results of the sociolinguistic survey carried out among the Albanian speakers in Belgrade, the paper then analyses use of Albanian and its dependence on the ethno-political conflict.