Stalin and Stalinism Research Papers (original) (raw)
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- Polish History, Second World War, Early Postwar (1945-1950), World War II
This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in... more
This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.
O presente artigo, baseado nos recentes avanços historiográficos, pretende analisar sinteticamente os aspectos mais significativos de um episódio sombrio da história europeia. Assim, serão abordadas as transformações sócio-económicas... more
O presente artigo, baseado nos recentes avanços historiográficos, pretende analisar sinteticamente os aspectos mais significativos de um episódio sombrio da história europeia. Assim, serão abordadas as transformações sócio-económicas desencadeadas no final dos anos 1920, decorrentes do triunfo de Estaline e dos seus partidários na luta pelo poder, o processo de decisão política, a sequência dos acontecimentos e o nível de responsabilidade do poder central. Por outro lado, será apresentada uma interpretação global deste crime de massas e uma reconstituição do longo e difícil processo de revelação e de reconhecimento.
Personal reflections on “The Roots of Russia”, written by the late Dr. Lev Dobriansky (1918-2008), a renowned Professor of Economics at Georgetown University, and former US Ambassador to the Bahamas. The Dobriansky article was published,... more
Personal reflections on “The Roots of Russia”, written by the late Dr. Lev Dobriansky (1918-2008), a renowned Professor of Economics at Georgetown University, and former US Ambassador to the Bahamas. The Dobriansky article was published, courtesy of the (US) Naval Institute Proceedings-April 1963, in An Cosantoir (The Defender), The Irish Defence Journal, Dublin in January 1964, under the auspices of the Irish Defence Forces. European coherence largely depends on two critical factors today: Russia's ability to respect Ukraine sovereign choices and to restore itself to international and multilateral collaboration, and Germany's ability to think "outside the box", and with some modesty realise that in the wider EU, it is a minority nation, for there is no majority one, and should therefore exert its influence more positively to build consensus around options and choices for European futures. Even Russia would be a minority country if and when it joins the EU. This neighbourhood no longer has any room for bullies.
Nel paese ove sarebbe in costruzione l'economia socialista non solo dunque esistono i rubli, coi quali il salario dei lavoratori viene pagato, ma esiste anche il risparmio sul salario, il deposito di esso nelle casse statali o nelle... more
Nel paese ove sarebbe in costruzione l'economia socialista non solo dunque esistono i rubli, coi quali il salario dei lavoratori viene pagato, ma esiste anche il risparmio sul salario, il deposito di esso nelle casse statali o nelle banche, la possibilità di investire l'accumulato risparmio in titoli fruttifero, da cui ogni sei mesi la salda mano dell'operaio, come quella delle vecchie signore che si affollano nei saloni delle banche, taglierà esitante la "cedola" dell'interesse, il borghesissimo "coupon". E con tutto ciò esiste del pari il pieno diritto di negoziare i titoli, venderli e comprarli, accumulare in quantità illimitata, e passare da stakhanovista a fannullonissimo "rentier".
'Edwin Bacon's first hand access to the archives has enabled him not only to unravel many of the mysteries of population figures but also conditions in the camps and the contribution of the labour camp system to the Soviet war economy...a... more
'Edwin Bacon's first hand access to the archives has enabled him not only to unravel many of the mysteries of population figures but also conditions in the camps and the contribution of the labour camp system to the Soviet war economy...a work of singular importance and harrowing illumination.' John Erikson The Times Higher Education Supplement
'Bacon's contribution is of great value...almost unique as a serious contribution to the sounding and measuring of the abysses of Stalinist falsification and terror.' Robert Conquest, The Times Literary Supplement
The Gulag at War reveals for the first time official documents kept in the archives of the Soviet forced labour system. An assessment of previous western and Russian studies of the Gulag is followed by a description of its origins. The bulk of the book then concentrates on the labour camps during the Second World War years. New information is revealed regarding prisoner numbers, living conditions, the organisation of forced labour, economic production, and rebellion in the camps.
Paperback version is forthcoming...
Kult nieznanego żołnierza jest szczególnym przykładem kultu bohaterów narodowych. Narodził się na Zachodzie i rozpowszechnił na całym świecie, przyjmując w poszczególnych regionach lokalny charakter. Stało się tak również w Europie... more
Kult nieznanego żołnierza jest szczególnym przykładem kultu bohaterów narodowych. Narodził się na Zachodzie i rozpowszechnił na całym świecie, przyjmując w poszczególnych regionach lokalny charakter. Stało się tak również w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. W niniejszym szkicu skupię się na konkretnym momencie historycznym i na tym, jakie znalazł odbicie w kulcie nieznanego żołnierza, a szerzej: w narodowych narracjach heroicznych. Momentem tym jest okres stalinizmu i odwilży połowy lat pięćdziesiątych – czas przełomowy w rozwoju środkowoeuropejskiego kultu. To wtedy uległa podziałowi spójna, powstała w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, narracja heroiczna, a władze w każdym z krajów wybrały różne strategie narracyjne względem kultu, odpowiadające bieżącym potrzebom legitymizacyjnym. W latach sześćdziesiątych doszło jednak do jego ponownej uniformizacji, gdy kult nieznanego żołnierza wszędzie uzyskał nowy, komunistyczny kształt. Ten krótki esej może stać się przyczynkiem do refleksji nad kultem bohaterów narodowych, nad jego wymiarem środkowoeuropejskim i specyfiką narodową. Jako że punktem wyjścia do analizy będą topograficzne miejsca pamięci, groby nieznanego żołnierza, tekst jest również próbą uchwycenia różnych metod ideologizacji przestrzeni miejskiej. Dokładniej przyjrzę się trzem grobom: bukareszteńskiemu, warszawskiemu i budapeszteńskiemu.
From the history of the Polish translations of Croatian literature. The fourth chapter of the book "Croatica. Croatian literature and culture in Poland between 1944 and 1989" about the second part of the whole period. The Words in the... more
From the history of the Polish translations of Croatian literature. The fourth chapter of the book "Croatica. Croatian literature and culture in Poland between 1944 and 1989" about the second part of the whole period. The Words in the title "The Yugoslav bomb" used Jerzy Putrament, prominent writer in PRL, to describe the political situation after the Cominform Resolution of June 28, 1948; Jerzy Putrament: Pół wieku. Zagranica. Warszawa 1965.
Эта книга – очередное издание известного труда историка советской и пост-советской правовой системы, профессора университета Торонто Питера Соломона. Впервые на русском языке эта работа была опубликована в 1998 году, на английском книга... more
Эта книга – очередное издание известного труда историка советской и пост-советской правовой системы, профессора университета Торонто Питера Соломона. Впервые на русском языке эта работа была опубликована в 1998 году, на английском книга вышла в 1996. В середине 1990-х годов исследование Соломона внесло вклад в дискуссию о советском правосудии сталинского периода, участниками которой были Габор Риттершпорн, Йорам Горлицкий, Олег Хлевнюк, Харольд Берман, Юджин Каменка и другие. С тех пор дискуссия на Западе значительно продвинулась, однако далеко не все исследования, посвященные этой проблеме, известны в России. Между тем, в последние годы активно развиваются эмпирические социо-правовые исследования, которые нуждаются в теоретико-
методологической базе. При общем дефиците русскоязычной научной литературы по практике правоприменения, истории и социологии права хотелось бы, чтобы труд Питера Соломона не остался незамеченным.
The paper presents one of the tools of indoctrination of Czechoslovak society after 1948 – the building of the cult of personality, namely Stalin's cult of personality. In the introduction, it discusses the starting points of the cult of... more
The paper presents one of the tools of indoctrination of Czechoslovak
society after 1948 – the building of the cult of personality, namely Stalin's cult of personality. In the introduction, it discusses the starting points of the cult of personality of Stalin and briefly presents its manifestation in the Soviet Union. It maps the period from the turn of the 1920s and 1930s to the end of World War II. The text also deals with
the form and methods of cult behavior, its aim and content. The article talks about the spread of popularity and respect for this native of Gori across Europe after 1945 and the causes that led to his cultivation in Czechoslovakia, too. It presents the regime, in which this behavior was embedded and in which it had been intensively promoted for several years. The core of the text maps one of the concrete manifestations of building a cult of personality – the celebration of the 70th birthday of ‘generalissimus’. It describes the origin, establishment and activities of the government commission that was in charge of preparing the
elebrations. It presents the first plans for the realization of celebrations and reflections on the appropriate content of the feast. It includes the time and organizational problems that accompanied this mass-popularization event and analyzes the form and possible impacts of propaganda content disseminated through the celebrations. The text also deals in more detail with some of the main parts of the celebrations, such as the event of gifts that traveled from Czechoslovakia to the
USSR. It talks about ‘zdravica’ – about the written congratulations of the Czechoslovak people to Stalin, but also about the network of lectures and discussions and also about the laying of the foundations of the monumental statue, which was later erected in the country's capital. The authoress also declares a tendency of the state party seeking to
establish itself in the newly dominated territory, to transform the wide diapazon parts of the everyday life of a Czechoslovak citizen. The paper, by its timeframe, falls into the so-called founding period of the communist regime (1948 – 1953), with an accent on the end of 1949.
This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its... more
This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its prewar precursor. I analyze the reintegration of Ukrainian writers into the postwar Soviet polity and their adaptation to the new realities following the dramatic upheavals of war. Focusing on two parallel case studies, Lviv and Kyiv, this study explores how the Soviet regime worked with members of the intelligentsia in these two cities after 1945, at a time when both sides were engaged in “identification games.” This dissertation demonstrates that, despite the regime’s obsession with control, there was some room for independent action on the part of Ukrainian writers and other intellectuals. Authors exploited gaps in Soviet discourse to reclaim agency, which they used as a vehicle to promote their own cultural agendas. Unlike the 1930s, when all official writers had to internalize the tropes of Soviet culture, in the postwar years there was some flexibility in an author’s ability to accept or reject the Soviet system. Moreover, this dissertation suggests that Stalin’s postwar cultural policy—unlike the strategies of the 1930s, which relied predominantly on coercive tactics—was defined mainly by discipline by humiliation, which often involved bullying and threatening members of the creative intelligentsia. His postwar control over culture aimed to restore the visible unity of the Soviet symbolic collective, primarily by securing more control over the representation of the Soviet present and the non-Russian past. In this sense, Andrei Zhdanov’s postwar purges in literature and history were imperative to the symbolic codification of Soviet Ukraine as a “national periphery,” which, in practice, meant the de facto dominance of Russian culture and an impaired image of Ukraine’s past and present, wedged within boundaries of the official narrative of the Friendship of the Peoples.
Thomas Haury führt den "Antizionismus" in den "sozialistischen" Staaten vornehmlich auf Stalin zurück, allerdings habe er sich "kongenial" in die SED-Lesart des Marxismus-Leninismus eingefügt. Doch so erschreckend die Übernahme... more
Thomas Haury führt den "Antizionismus" in den "sozialistischen" Staaten vornehmlich auf Stalin zurück, allerdings habe er sich "kongenial" in die SED-Lesart des Marxismus-Leninismus eingefügt. Doch so erschreckend die Übernahme national-antisemitischer Denkweisen durch die Führung des sozialistischen deutschen Staates auch war – es bestand immerhin "auch eine prinzipielle Schranke: Da 'Völker' für den Marxismus-Leninismus einen prinzipiell positiven Referenzpunkt darstellten, musste dies logisch notwendig auch für das 'jüdische Volk' gelten. Der 'Einbau' des Antisemitismus in den Marxismus-Leninismus konnte daher nur erfolgen, wenn die offen ethnisch-rassische Definition des 'jüdischen Volkes' vermieden und durch eine scheinbar 'politisch-ökonomische' ersetzt wurde, die aber ansonsten dieselbe Funktion erfüllte."
En Russie, la fin de l'automne est depuis quelques années marquée par des commémorations historiques divergentes, reflétant l'affrontement de différentes mémoires, difficilement réconciliables. La plus profondément ancrée est celle du 7... more
En Russie, la fin de l'automne est depuis quelques années marquée par des commémorations historiques divergentes, reflétant l'affrontement de différentes mémoires, difficilement réconciliables. La plus profondément ancrée est celle du 7 novembre, qui marquait cette année le 99 e anniversaire de la Révolution d'Octobre – une fête autrefois célébrée en grand pompe et qui reste d'une grande importance pour une minorité vieillissante de Russes. Boris Yeltsin avait tenté de renommer cette fête en « journée de la concorde et de la réconciliation », mais cette nouvelle interprétation n'avait pas réussi à s'imposer. Afin d'offrir un substitut à cette mémoire désormais contestée, le régime de Vladimir Poutine a créé en 2005 une célébration alternative, la « Journée de l'unité nationale », célébrant chaque 4 novembre l'insurrection populaire menée par les héros russes Kuzma Minin et Dmitri Pojarski contre les forces armées polonaises qui occupaient Moscou en 1612. Enfin, le 29 octobre, un petit groupe se retrouve pour honorer la mémoire des victimes des répressions staliniennes. Depuis dix ans, l'ONG « Memorial » organise sur la place de la Loubianka (siège historique de la police politique soviétique/russe) l'action symbolique du « Retour des noms », une lecture à voix haute des noms d'une partie des 40 000 personnes exécutées à Moscou pendant la Grande Terreur de 1937-‐1938. Ces trois célébrations si différentes reflètent trois visions antagonistes de la Russie contemporaine et de son passé.
A rare and lost preface to Animal farm; novella written by George Orwell. This preface better known as Freedom to Press was written by Orwell himself and It gives equal cult to the topic which Orwell tried to heed on. I just edited it... more
A rare and lost preface to Animal farm; novella written by George Orwell. This preface better known as Freedom to Press was written by Orwell himself and It gives equal cult to the topic which Orwell tried to heed on. I just edited it into readable PDF.
Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss:... more
Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss: Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts, das auf vielen Gebieten enormen technischen Fortschritt gebracht hat, ist erschreckend. Die schlimmsten Verbrecher samt ihren Untaten gegen die Menschlichkeit sind in einer „Schandhalle des Bösen“ versammelt und beschrieben: 168 Männer, bekannte und unbekannte, unter ihnen Diktatoren, Regierungschefs, Massenmörder, Staatsverbrecher, Revoluzzer, Großgangster aus der Mafia. Kein genozidaler Vorgang ist übersehen oder aus irgendwelchen Vorurteilen oder Verschiedenheiten weginterpretiert. Zahlreiche Fotos und Texte aus dem Umfeld der Gegner von Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen dokumentieren den Widerstand gegen Beutegier, Ausrottungsorgien und Terrorismus.
Ist der Mensch fähig, aus der Geschichte zu lernen? Es gibt einen bedeutsamen Anfang, der, wenn auch eher einem Rinnsal als einem mächtigen Strom gleichend, einen Hoffnungsschimmer bereithält. „Es stimmt nicht mehr“, so Heribert Prantl in seinem Geleitwort, „dass Macht, finanzielle und politische Macht, vor Recht geht. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft einem, die bittere und notwendige Lektüre des Buches über die ‚Gesichter des Bösen‘ zu ertragen. Das Buch macht den Leser zu einem glühenden Anhänger der Weltstrafjustiz.“
Dieses Handbuch bietet eine umfassende Darstellung der Staats¬sicherheitsapparate des Sowjetblocks, von KCB und MfS bis zur rumänischen Securitate und polnischen Bezpieka. Vierzehn Experten aus sieben Ländern stellen die Geheimpolizeien... more
Dieses Handbuch bietet eine umfassende Darstellung der Staats¬sicherheitsapparate des Sowjetblocks, von KCB und MfS bis zur rumänischen Securitate und polnischen Bezpieka. Vierzehn Experten aus sieben Ländern stellen die Geheimpolizeien in ihrer historischen Entwicklung vor und präsentieren die großen Fortschritte in der Forschung, die erst nach dem Zusam¬menbruch des Staatssozialismus möglich geworden sind. Die Beiträge porträtieren detailgenau die Organisation, die Struktur, die personelle und die finanzielle Ausstattung, beleuchten die Verflechtung in den politischen Hierarchien und decken die Stoßrichtungen und Methoden der Verfolgung auf. Ergänzt werden Schätzungen über die Opferzahlen sowie biographische Notizen der wichtigsten Funktionäre.
Denník Pravda v seriáli Svedectvá pravdy priblížil povojnové obdobie, najmä päťdesiate roky minulého storočia. Priniesol príbehy ľudí, ktorých jediná vládnuca komunistická strana označila za triednych nepriateľov a tvrdo ich trestala.... more
Denník Pravda v seriáli Svedectvá pravdy priblížil povojnové obdobie, najmä päťdesiate roky minulého storočia. Priniesol príbehy ľudí, ktorých jediná vládnuca komunistická strana označila za triednych nepriateľov a tvrdo ich trestala. Posledný diel prináša pohľad na túto etapu našich dejín, ktorá sa napriek budovaniu a obnove vojnou zničeného štátu stala najkrutejším obdobím komunistického režimu. Do sovietskych gulagov boli odvlečené tisícky slovenských občanov. Autor: ARCHÍV VLADIMÍRA LEHOTAIA " Tri roky som sa každé ráno budil s tým, že možno dnes ma popravia, a počúval, ako viedli ľudí na popravu, " spomínal bývalý politický väzeň Ján Zeman, člen vtedajšej Demokratickej strany. Napokon ho nepopravili. Trest smrti mu po troch rokoch zmenili na doživotie. Viacerí také šťastie nemali. Z politických dôvodov bolo na Slovensku od roku 1948 do roku 1954 popravených 45 ľudí a odsúdených približne 25tisíc. " Boli medzi nimi aj tí, čo spochybňovali alebo otvorene kritizovali myšlienku "socializácie dediny " , ktorej nosným plánom bolo združstevňovanie. Pod jej rúškom režim tvrdo presadzoval výchovu v duchu socializmu. Straníci vedeli, že je to možné najmä cez učiteľov. Prvá veta nového riaditeľa školy v Slovenskej Vsi znela: Táto dedina bude prvou ateistickou obcou! Žiakom dávali písať sloh na tému Prečo môj otec nevstúpil do JRD, v čase, keď na roľníkov tlačili, aby podpísali prihlášku," približuje František Neupauer, riaditeľ sekcie výskumu Ústavu pamäti národa. Niekde sa presvedčovacie metódy obmedzili na nátlak cez deti, ktoré poslali domov zo škôl či zamestnania, kým rodičia nepodpíšu vstup do jednotného roľníckeho družstva. Inde k nim pribudla aj bitka či namierený revolver. " V roku 1953 sa roľníci v prešovskom regióne začali verejne a hromadne búriť. Dokonca predstavitelia vtedajšieho Sovietskeho zväzu žiadali československú vládu, aby "zvoľnila " proces kolektivizácie. Báli sa, aby vzbury nezasiahli aj ZSSR," dodáva Neupauer. Režim si podriadil všetko Odstrániť vykorisťovanie človeka človekom a rovnosť šancí pre každého! To bolo ústredné heslo komunistickej vlády, ktorá sa dostala k moci 25. februára 1948. " Nová politická moc programovo a cieľavedome rozbíjala staré spoločenské a vlastnícke štruktúry, aby na ich troskách založila novú spoločnosť s novými ľuďmi. Na tento účel propagandisticky zneužila najmä mladú, neskúsenú generáciu
Серия «Русский Путь: pro et contra».
The chapter explains the initial reaction by Stalin to the invasion, in terms of a certain relaxation of religious and language restrictions and a call to arms going beyond Communist ideology and practice. Next, the social changes brought... more
The chapter explains the initial reaction by Stalin to the invasion, in terms of a certain relaxation of religious and language restrictions and a call to arms going beyond Communist ideology and practice. Next, the social changes brought to Central Asia by the war are examined, including the evacuation of some industries (and the resulting demographic and economic structural changes), the deportation of peoples from the Caucasus and the presence of German POWs. The chapter also discusses the post-war narrative of the conflict, its place in the concept of "Soviet Man", and its contribution to Central Asian and post-Soviet identities.
In his book, Alexander Jakobidze-Gitman traces the evolution of the attitude toward Stalinism in post-Soviet cinema. Initially, the post-Soviet-era film-makers focused primarily on the "demonic" aspects of Stalin, which were,... more
In his book, Alexander Jakobidze-Gitman traces the evolution of the attitude toward Stalinism in post-Soviet cinema. Initially, the post-Soviet-era film-makers focused primarily on the "demonic" aspects of Stalin, which were, incidentally, first attributed to him even during his lifetime. Later, another cinematic tradition, which established itself by the mid-2000s, pictured the Stalinist era as both tragic and heroic: characters displayed exceptional humanness, not so much despite but rather because of the adverse circumstances. At the same time, some filmmakers sought to represent certain aspects of Stalinism with an ironic distance. Together, these two trends successfully incorporated many vertiges of that era into present-day mass culture. An alternative attitude was taken by art-house cinema: instead of trying to reconstruct history it sought to create specific means of expression to portray the very act of remembering.