Theories of Integration Research Papers (original) (raw)
Ուսումնական ձեռնարկը ներառում է միջազգային տարածաշրջանագիտության՝ որպես միջազգային տարածաշրջանների միջգիտակարգային ուսումնասիրության ոլորտի հասկացութային համակարգին, մեթոդական մոտեցումներին և մեթոդներին վերաբերող թեմաներ, որոնց... more
Ուսումնական ձեռնարկը ներառում է միջազգային տարածաշրջանագիտության՝ որպես միջազգային տարածաշրջանների միջգիտակարգային ուսումնասիրության ոլորտի հասկացութային համակարգին, մեթոդական մոտեցումներին և մեթոդներին վերաբերող թեմաներ, որոնց ուսումնասիրությամբ կհամալրվեն ուսանողների՝ նշված ոլորտին առնչվող տեսական ու մեթոդական գիտելիքները:
Ձեռնարկը կարող է իր համեստ նպաստն ունենալ միջազգային տարածաշրջանների ձևավորման ու կառուցվածքայնացման, այդ տարածաշրջաններում և դրանց միջև փոխազդեցությունների գործընթացների, ինչպես նաև պետությունների արտաքին քաղաքականության վրա ազդող տարածաշրջանային
գործոնների ուսումնասիրության գործընթացում։
Ձեռնարկը նախատեսված է միջազգային հարաբերությունների և պետությունների արտաքին քաղաքականության խնդիրներով մասնագիտացող ուսանողների համար։
This article examines the concept of Europeanization from a Cognitive Constructivist approach beyond New Institutionalisms in Integration theories. The objective is to review the concept of EU integration as a resource for... more
This article examines the concept of Europeanization from a Cognitive Constructivist approach beyond New Institutionalisms in Integration theories. The objective is to review the concept of EU integration as a resource for Europeanization, democratic culture, and institutions rather than a political consequence from the economic spillover. Referring to levels of sociological knowledge, ontology is assumed as the foundation of epistemology, which directs to empirical observations. The empirical grounding is then provided by considering significant interdisciplinary areas of Integration Theories and communication studies by adequately acknowledging existing literature on how Europeanization is conceptualized and by anchoring theoretical framework to events of societal mobilization in three nonmember states with European integration prospects. In the conceptual modeling of the article, cognitive concepts related to Integration Theories are used to help the reader understand and test the subject of Europeanization through the Norbert Elias model of integrating disciplinary perspectives and micro-macro level and theory-method-data. By relating the smallest parts (such as words in an actual discourse) to the largest wholes (such as general theories, social institutions, historical periods, and civilizations), the explanatory logic concludes that in representative democracies with autocratic tendencies, Europeanization is conceptualized as something to struggle and fight for rather than an automatic outcome. The effort to bring historical evidences from the ground through media reports and direct testimony of the events, in a comparative approach, aims to provide a more complete framework on recent events occurred almost contemporarily. The cases of the Albanian “November Movement,” Ukrainian “EuroMaiden,” and Turkish “Gezi Protests” are chosen for their assumed and proven similitude of new political actors such as civil society, protesters, investigative and social media, and human rights international organizations or observers present in domestic environment. The article demonstrates the role played by assumptions, emotions, and instincts in building theoretical perspectives of European integration in both economic and political terms. On the other hand, it recommends that the interchanging of the New Institutionalisms as suggested by Hall and Taylor may be the appropriate approach to understand local events and the influence played by the sociopolitical context in Integration Theory and the concept of Europeanization.
Cette thèse suggère que l’avènement d’un discours proprement européen au milieu du XXe siècle a pour corollaire la genèse d’un espace dénationalisé : la communauté politique européenne. L’Union européenne est donc envisagée comme la... more
Cette thèse suggère que l’avènement d’un discours proprement européen au milieu du XXe siècle a pour corollaire la genèse d’un espace dénationalisé : la communauté politique européenne. L’Union européenne est donc envisagée comme la performance et le produit de l’européanité. Définie comme « les Européens en train de parler Europe », l’européanité est l’acte de langage (Austin, 1970) qui associe le « nous » au territoire communautaire, suscitant ainsi les conditions de possibilité de son existence. Cas tout à fait particulier dans le monde interétatique contemporain, cet espace, fondé de manière intersubjective par les Européens en train de discuter collectivement des modalités du vivre ensemble, n’est pas délimité par la ligne de partage des souverainetés (Raffestin, 1986). À l’image d’une communauté européenne jamais stabilisée et existant toujours dans un devenir politique (Deleuze, 1975), le territoire européen est en constante expansion, systématiquement plus étendu dans le discours que dans ses frontières administratives temporaires.
Depuis la Déclaration Schuman (1950) proclamant la communauté « ouverte à la participation des autres pays d’Europe » jusqu’aux négociations d’adhésion en cours avec les États de l’ex-Yougoslavie, l’européanité déborde littéralement des frontières étatiques. Ce surplus (Derrida 1979) est périodiquement cristallisé, mais jamais endigué, par l’élargissement. L’analyse synchronique du discours (Saussure, 1972) montre que plus l’européanité est partagée, plus elle crée de sens et plus elle s’étend de manière à la fois verticale (approfondissement) et horizontale (élargissement). Cet excédent permet la récursivité de l’élargissement pacifique des frontières de l’européanité, causant une rupture dans le cycle de la nécessité de répondre à la violence par la violence, caractéristique du fondement de l’État (Benjamin, 2012). La construction européenne est fondée dans la performance politique de la communauté européenne. L’ordre européen qui en découle repose sur la construction du premier « nous » politique moderne débarrassé de sa contrainte étatique. Cette recherche se veut une contribution à la réflexion sur l’élaboration d’une théorie fondamentale de l’UE.
Grâce à l’étude approfondie des élargissements de l’espace politique européen entre 1972 et 2012, c’est un cadre pour l’étude de la nature de la construction européenne qui est développé à travers la démonstration que l’analyse du discours n’est pas un simple outil méthodologique, mais qu’elle constitue une véritable théorie de la construction du politique, et, partant, de l’intégration européenne.
Statt wie üblich die Integrationsmodi der zweiten Generation zu untersuchen, nimmt der Artikel eine andere Perspektive ein und fragt, wie sich die zweite Generation gegenüber ethno-nationalen Grenzlinien positioniert und ob sie sich als... more
Statt wie üblich die Integrationsmodi der zweiten Generation zu untersuchen, nimmt der Artikel eine andere Perspektive ein und fragt, wie sich die zweite Generation gegenüber ethno-nationalen Grenzlinien positioniert und ob sie sich als zugehörig betrachtet. Anhand von Interviews mit 16 bis 19-Jährigen unterschiedlicher Herkunft aus den Kantonen Luzern und Neuenburg wird aufgedeckt, welche Positionierungen und Strategien sie angesichts von Grenzziehungen entwickeln. Der Vergleich macht insbesondere deutlich, wie die regionalen Kontexte ihre Positionierungen und Strategien kanalisieren. Unabhängig davon, ob sich die zweite Generation als zugehörig wahrnimmt, sind sie in Luzern durch Integrationsforderungen und in Neuenburg durch einen republikanischen Toleranzdiskurs geprägt.
This paper examines how the relationship between agency and structure is dealt with in Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI), a prevailing theory of regional integration. It is demonstrated that, contrary to the received view that LI is... more
This paper examines how the relationship between agency and structure is dealt with in Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI), a prevailing theory of regional integration. It is demonstrated that, contrary to the received view that LI is agencycentred, it is, in fact, a highly structuralist theory for the issue areas it claims to explain best. Integration in these issue areas is explained ultimately in terms of developments in economic structures, leaving no room for agency or ideas. Moreover, despite the importance that LI ascribes to changes in economic structures, it fails to provide possible causal explanations for those changes.
The author examines South American integration process UNASUR, compares its initial condition and development with the integration in Europe and applies European integration theories. Main aim is to analyze several conditions of... more
The author examines South American integration process UNASUR, compares its initial condition
and development with the integration in Europe and applies European integration theories. Main aim
is to analyze several conditions of integration in Southe American region and to indentify its weak
spots. The author usescomparative method in the form of comparison of particular aspects of
integration in South America with the aspects in European region. The author finds out that the
possibility of application of some of the theories of European integration is currently rather limited,
due to different character and development of the integration process in South America.
In this paper we present convergence theorems for Pettis integral of
functions de ned on a complete probability space and taking values in
a complete locally convex topological vector space.
The energy policy of the European Commission has deepened integration of EU natural gas matters. Energy cooperation at EU level and policy mechanisms for cooperation with third countries are harmonized to a large extent. The author... more
The energy policy of the European Commission has deepened integration of EU natural gas matters. Energy cooperation at EU level and policy mechanisms for cooperation with third countries are harmonized to a large extent. The author concludes that integration strategies of the EU Commission follow the spillover-logic as set out by the theory of Neofunctionalism - a concept first developed by Ernst Bernard Haas to explain the post-war creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) as peace-preserving institutions. According to this theory, integration in one sector creates further integration in related policy sectors out of inherent necessity. The EU Commission has used spillover-strategies in the EU-Russia Energy Dialogue, in the Trilateral Gas Talks, in the Energy Community and in major pipeline projects such as the "Southern Gas Corridor". These platforms offer opportunity structures for supranational action which enable the realization of the "Energy Union". Intergovernmental backlashes ("Spillback-Effect") as observed in the 'gas crises' of 2006 and 2009 as well as the contractual state-to-state reality of Intergovernmental Gas Delivery Agreements present the most significant obstacles for a coherent EU external energy policy in natural gas.
This article examines the concept of Europeanization from a Cognitive Constructivist approach beyond New Institutionalisms in Integration theories. The objective is to review the concept of EU integration as a resource for... more
This article examines the concept of Europeanization from a Cognitive Constructivist approach beyond New Institutionalisms in Integration theories. The objective is to review the concept of EU integration as a resource for Europeanization, democratic culture, and institutions rather than a political consequence from the economic spillover. Referring to levels of sociological knowledge, ontology is assumed as the foundation of epistemology, which directs to empirical observations. The empirical grounding is then provided by considering significant interdisciplinary areas of Integration Theories and communication studies by adequately acknowledging existing literature on how Europeanization is conceptualized and by anchoring theoretical framework to events of societal mobilization in three nonmember states with European integration prospects. In the conceptual modeling of the article, cognitive concepts related to Integration Theories are used to help the reader understand and test the subject of Europeanization through the Norbert Elias model of integrating disciplinary perspectives and micro-macro level and theory-method-data. By relating the smallest parts (such as words in an actual discourse) to the largest wholes (such as general theories, social institutions, historical periods, and civilizations), the explanatory logic concludes that in representative democracies with autocratic tendencies, Europeanization is conceptualized as something to struggle and fight for rather than an automatic outcome. The effort to bring historical evidences from the ground through media reports and direct testimony of the events, in a comparative approach, aims to provide a more complete framework on recent events occurred almost contemporarily. The cases of the Albanian “November Movement,” Ukrainian “EuroMaiden,” and Turkish “Gezi Protests” are chosen for their assumed and proven similitude of new political actors such as civil society, protesters, investigative and social media, and human rights international organizations or observers present in domestic environment. The article demonstrates the role played by assumptions, emotions, and instincts in building theoretical perspectives of European integration in both economic and political terms. On the other hand, it recommends that the interchanging of the New Institutionalisms as suggested by Hall and Taylor may be the appropriate approach to understand local events and the influence played by the sociopolitical context in Integration Theory and the concept of Europeanization.
The European Union (EU) is currently undergoing a process of politicisation that has been intensified by the recent polycrisis. The "permissive consensus" (Lindberg/Scheingold 1970), which had been crumbling since the "post-Maastricht... more
The European Union (EU) is currently undergoing a process of politicisation that has been intensified by the recent polycrisis. The "permissive consensus" (Lindberg/Scheingold 1970), which had been crumbling since the "post-Maastricht blues" (Eichenberg/Dalton 2007), was further called into question by a series of negative referenda on European issues. The disintegration tendencies and centrifugal forces that had long been noticeable culminated in the Brexit referendum of June 2016. Against this background, it can be stated more than ever that the public, the EU citizens play a central role that at least influences and sometimes limits the integration process.
This study poses the question of the extent to which the theories of European integration grasp this important factor of the public sphere, which is increasingly (co-)determining the integration process. On the one hand, this contribution provides a condensed overview of the relevant theoretical approaches that have been and are being used since the 1950s to describe and explain the process and state of European integration. On the other hand, the respective roles of the public are reviewed in the approaches of selected theorists. With this panorama of integration theory under the filter of public opinion, this analysis marks points of reference for theory-driven research that can classify, analyse, explain, understand and, if necessary, critically accompany the politicization process of the EU.
Artykuł prezentuje przegląd i analizę nowych socjologicznych teorii migracji i integracji, rozwiniętych od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku, do których należą: transnarodowość, płynne migracje, migracje niepełne oraz nowe koncepcje... more
Artykuł prezentuje przegląd i analizę nowych socjologicznych teorii migracji i integracji, rozwiniętych od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku, do których należą: transnarodowość, płynne migracje, migracje niepełne oraz nowe koncepcje wielokulturowości, asymilacji, integracji i adaptacji do przestrzeni transnarodowych. Autorka postuluje i uzasadnia potrzebę większej integracji dokonań studiów migracyjnych z badaniami socjologicznymi, zarówno poprzez silniejsze osadzenie badań migracyjnych w bardziej ogólnych teoriach socjologicznych, jak i poprzez szersze wykorzystanie dorobku studiów migracyjnych przez socjologów. Wydaje się to celowe w kontekście zarysowywania się pod wpływem przemian społecznych nowego metaparadygmatu mobilności zamiast osiadłości. W efekcie wzrasta znaczenie migracji jako głównego przedmiotu badań i teorii socjologicznych odnoszących się do wyłaniającego się mobilnego społeczeństwa.
Il Fiscal compact. Un tentativo di costruire un programma politico egemonico di Gennaro Avallone Il trattato definito come Fiscal compact del Marzo 2012 introduce profonde discontinuità nella politica e negli ordinamenti degli stati... more
Il Fiscal compact. Un tentativo di costruire un programma politico egemonico di Gennaro Avallone Il trattato definito come Fiscal compact del Marzo 2012 introduce profonde discontinuità nella politica e negli ordinamenti degli stati europei, agendo su una molteplicità di livelli, che aggrediscono, soprattutto, (1) gli orientamenti e gli obiettivi delle politiche statali, (2) la regolazione dei rapporti sociali e (3) i contenuti del senso comune vigenti nelle società dell'Unione Europea.
This article presents the output of research being held on Comparison of development of Central European States. The attention is paid to applying the integration theories, respectively theory of European Integration, in the countries of... more
This article presents the output of research being held on Comparison of development of Central European States. The attention is paid to applying the integration theories, respectively theory of European Integration, in the countries of Central Europe. The fundamental research question is " what theoretical models could explain the development of Central Europe " , particularly their mutual coincidence ". From the methodological point of view, the authors did not choose an exact theoretical concept but a set of theoretical concepts which are adequate for the research issue. The European integration phenomenon was formed by three basic theoretical directions at the very beginning: federalism, communication theory and functionalism. A different portfolio of paradigms has been chosen for the analysis of central European integration process after the fall of communism. The present situation is different to the situation after the Second World War. Theory of Europeanisation is applied besides traditional theoretical concepts. It seems significant due to central European facts. The contribution clarifies why, regarding the aim of the article, some theoretical directions are not relevant according to the authors. Using examples of real development and cooperation of Central European countries the authors conclude that the best concept to describe the development of Central Europe in the view of functionalism is neo-functionalism and particularly the theory of Europeanisation. Post-functionalism is only to certain extend adequate respectively ad hoc on national levels but not in Central European Cooperation. The theoretical framework explains the position of Central European countries generally and concretely.
Copyright c ○ 2014 Zamir Selko. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is... more
Copyright c ○ 2014 Zamir Selko. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. In this paper we present convergence theorems for Pettis integral of functions defined on a complete probability space and taking values in a complete locally convex topological vector space.
On 23 June 2016, British people decided to leave the European Union by 51.9% at Brexit referendum. With the launch of the 50th article of Lisbon Treaty by Theresa May on 29 March 2017, the negotiations which are called as “Brexit talks”... more
On 23 June 2016, British people decided to leave the European Union by
51.9% at Brexit referendum. With the launch of the 50th article of Lisbon Treaty by
Theresa May on 29 March 2017, the negotiations which are called as “Brexit talks” began.
It is assumed in this paper that either concluded successfully or not, the economic, social,
political, cultural costs of Brexit, would diminish the probability of leaving the EU option
for other sceptic members while dealing their problems with the EU. Any potential
future sceptic EU member, who witnessed the difficulty and complexity of UK leaving the
EU (known as a powerful country and the leading Eurosceptic in the Union), would
hardly consider leaving the EU. The theory of neo-functionalism will be both used as the
argument and the explanatory tool for proving the assumption made above.