U.S. Politics Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025

We examined the political attitudes of college students and the political identities of their parents to better understand the role that both parent-child political socialization and the liberal university environment play in political identity formation. We compared students explicit and implicit political attitudes and examined the relationships of these attitudes to the political identities of their parents. We also explored the uniqueness of two candidates, Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential election. Our results supported the existing notion of parental influences on political identity formation and revealed that the university environment may not play as large of a role in shifting firstand second-year university students away from political identities established at home. However, data revealed greater support for the nontraditional candidate in our left-leaning participants, suggesting that factors other than parent influence could be at play in forming...

2025, Think Tank Journal

This investigative data feature by Saeed Minhas (Saeed Ahmed) critically examines the economic and political ramifications of Donald Trump’s second presidential term, revealing how tariff policies, deregulation, and fiscal manipulation... more

2025

Creative Dissent Memes and the Bernie Sanders Campaign.docx By Elizabeth Higgs ϖισιβιλιτψ 156 Views δεσχριπτιον 55 Pages λινκ1 File ▾ σελλ New social movements This exploratory paper summarizes the findings of an empirical research study on the Bernie Sanders campaign, its relationship to current social movements, how it has used art (visual imagery) to promote social change, and analyzed its use of social media in light of new social movement theory. Cultural theories addressing social movements

2025

Abstract
This essay places its focus on the threat to American social democracy that has been building for decades, but especially since 1970. It offers a summary of the ideas of E. J. Dionne Jr. and Robert Reich. Dionne is an American journalist, political commentator, and long-time op-ed columnist for The Washington Post. He is also a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution, a professor in the Foundations of Democracy and Culture at the McCourt School of Public Policy of Georgetown University. Reich has been the Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley since January 2006.[8] He was formerly a lecturer at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government[9] and a professor of social and economic policy at the Heller School for Social Policy and Management of Brandeis University, and has written numerous books and articles. Both authors attempt to answer two crucial questions: What is the source of this crisis to American social democracy? How can it be remedied?

2025, Frontnieuws

Aleksandr Dugin's recent book on President Donald Trump, 'The Trump Revolution – A New Order of Great Powers' (Arktos, London, 2025) is an important publication insofar as it offers a comprehensive overview of the significance of Donald Trump's re-election as President of the US. What does he mean by A New Order of Great Powers (the book’s subtitle)? This is directly related to the meaning of the title – The Trump Revolution – insofar as the ‘revolution’ in question, according to Dugin, does not merely imply a ‘changing of the guard’ in the existing global order. Rather, the re-election of Donald Trump as US President signals something more fundamental: a change in the global order itself , from one dominated by a so-called ‘rules-based system’ based on the overwhelming power of a hegemon, namely the United States, to a multiplication of ‘powers’, including but not limited to the US. In short, Dugin sees Trump’s motto ‘Make America Great Again’ as an expression of a growing movement, led by Trump, against the globalism of his opponents in the left-wing Democratic Party and of the liberal European ‘elites’ (symbolised by the Davos clique). This paper attempts to highlight these, and other important aspects of the character and implications of Trump's 'revolution', seen from Dugin's perspective.

2025

Populism has emerged as a key notion in understanding modern politics because of its versatility across ideologies and geographical areas. Digital populism represents a paradigm shift in politics, reshaping how politicians engage with and mobilize support. Although it democratizes political speech, it also brings up issues like polarization and a decline in institutional trust. Addressing the effects of digital populism on democratic processes requires a more sophisticated knowledge of the phenomenon. By analyzing its emergence, evolution, and distinction from traditional populism, this article explores the developing idea of digital populism. The object of the research is populism in digital environments, and the subject is its distinguishing traits and identification criteria. Across the research a model of digital populism as a unique phenomenon that can be identified by its characteristics, modes of communication, and reliance on technology has been developed. The methodology consists of desk research, comparative analysis and case studies. The goal of the article is to explore and answer three main questions: What distinguishes digital populism from traditional populism, what characteristics set it apart from the latter, and what indicators point to its existence? The paper adds to the theoretical framework of digital populism by providing markers for recognizing it and implications for addressing the related issues. In order to balance the advantages and risks of digital populism in contemporary democratic debate, it emphasizes the necessity of more research into regulatory measures, digital literacy, and algorithmic transparency.

2025, Oral History Forum d'histoire orale

Many would argue that the most cruciaI year in this half of the 20th century was 1963 -the year when "Camelot" was destroyed by an assassin's bullets. The decline in American morale and morals began with that singular event leading downhill to its current Grand Jury hearing of President Bill Clinton's zipper problems (up? or down?). Fortunately or unfortunately as some may view it, there exist tape recordings of many of the significant

2025, FRONTNIEUWS

The Russian philosopher Aleksandr Dugin recalls that the triumph of liberalism over its ideological opponents in the 20th century has had a strange consequence. After overcoming communism, fascism, traditionalism and socialism, Dugin notes, liberalism went from initially not really emphasizing the political dimension to erasing it altogether, so that what had been “liberal politics” gradually merged with social reality, which seemed to coincide with “common sense”. This amounted to a preparation for the Covid tyranny and what has followed. However, this article claims that we have since seen a resurrection of the previously erased "political" dimension, largely because the (initially) relatively small number of people who resisted the agents of the New World Order have since grown significantly. The distinctiveness of the political, compared to the social is pointed out, and its link with the economic is clarified. It further elaborates on various symptoms of the return of the political, concluding with the decisive actions taken by newly re-elected President Donald Trump and his "team", which appear to announce that the political has made a comeback.

2025

For many years, physicians had been solidly Republican. I argue the majority of physicians increasingly abhor the Republican Party because it's curtails their medical freedom, is against their economic interests, the composition of physicians' members have dramatically changed, and their cultural views has seismically shifted away from it. Lastly, this articles provides iron clad evidence that physicians are indeed leaving the Republican Party.

2025, Pearls & Irritations

Yes, there is an American ruling class, and we've now got the photos to prove it.

2025

Many people, women, and especially Democratic women, believe 2016 and 2024 essentially mean that DEMS should nominate men if we want to win Presidential elections in the future. This article argues that quite the contrary, 2016 and 2024 demonstrate that America is more than ready for a female president. I focus on the popular vote and electoral college, demographic groups and geographic regions, reasons why 2016 and 2024 could have been different, and a fierce rebuttal of the whole foolish notion that something can't happen just because it hasn't happen.

2025, Oxford University Press eBooks

Regarding the economy, in the thirty four months of his unfinished presidency, John Kennedy travelled a cycle, from promise to moderate success and back to promise. Ironically, Kennedy had an inconsistent relationship with corporate America during his short presidency. Initially he wanted to court big business to affirm his good intentions. Accordingly, he selected a larger percentage of his appointments from big Fortune 500 firms than did Eisenhower, by 65% to 56%. But big business distrusted Kennedy as surreptitiously liberal and pro-labor. After several sharp confrontations which Kennedy contested with business magnates, distrust became mutual. Kennedy's economic policy focused clearly on pulling America out of the deep 1960 recession, which continued into early 1961. As Kennedy settled into the White House, right at 7% of the workforce was unemployed. Big cities were in desperate financial straits. Using government, Kennedy intended to grow the economy by creating jobs, retraining workers, controlling inflation, improving America's balance of trade, and reversing a nasty little problem called "balance of payments." Most was done with fiscal and monetary policy through the manipulation of budgets and taxes. He asked business for assistance, but by no means did he plan to make this a public-private partnership. JFK considered all domestic programs except civil rights as economic stimuli. Kennedy initiated a series of bold yet small executive measures to help the economy. In January 1961, he issued Executive Order 10914, distributing food to rural Appalachian poor. Distributing federal money into high unemployment areas to build government facilities came next; followed by pouring money into locations with substantial defense activity; then he released veterans' insurance dividends early. Another key economic factor was housing. New private home starts in 1960 declined eighteen percent from 1959 and one out of six construction workers was unemployed. To remedy this he passed the 1961 Housing Act, which continued, then expanded the Eisenhower-Kennedy housing "boom," building America's suburbs. In late January 1961, JFK met with his White House Staff, Council of Economic Advisors and Bureau of the Budget staff issuing "A Program to Restore Momentum to the American Economy." Kennedy passed the Minimum Wage Act of $1.25 per hour, an Area Redevelopment Act to increase employment in poor rural areas, and the Manpower Redevelopment and Retraining Act to retrain those laid off by plant closings. He also "suggested" the Federal Reserve not raise prime rates and that big businesses "hold the line "on prices. The latter led to confrontation. Roger Blough, Chairman of United States Steel refused Kennedy plea, and raised steel prices 3.5 percent. In April 1962, this dispute burst into a public, very direct and quite angry confrontation. Blough backed down only after Kennedy threatened to purchase defense steel from other companies, but antagonisms remained. Subsequently, Kennedy remarked that all businessmen were "SOBs." Nonetheless, JFK enacted a series of business corporate tax breaks and incentives. Further, he shepherded a general tax cut bill through Congress, stalling in the Senate when he left for Dallas, but subsequently passed under Johnson. He completed the administration's economic plan by passing the 1962 Trade Expansion Act while stabilizing the gold flow drain by not devaluing the dollar. By the end of his presidency, he had new initiatives on trade later called the Kennedy Round of General Agreements on Tariff and Trade (GATT).

2024

[This essay first appeared on the LA Progressive website on 11/22/2024.] With Donald Trump’s second presidential term soon approaching, it’s time to recognize that another hyper-capitalist phase is on our horizon. His whole background, including his opposition to federal government restrictions on capitalists like himself, inclines him toward such unfettered, dog-eat-dog capitalism. His 2024 campaign rhetoric, the 2023 playbook of The Heritage Foundation ( Project 2025’s “Mandate for Leadership”), and the president-elect’s proposed cabinet picks all indicate his likely intentions. Opposing the Trumpian approach is one that has also predominated for periods in our U. S. history, e.g., the Franklin Roosevelt era. Today that progressive approach is perhaps best represented by someone like Sen. Bernie Sanders. It stresses such values as compassion, empathy, and tolerance and places the common good above obsessing about profiteering, either personally or for our nation. Past bounce-backs, like FDR’s in the Depression, from free-reign capitalism are no guarantee that we again will be successful. All we progressives can do is work and persist against Trumpism and the “unfettered capitalism,” the dog-eat-dog world, he champions--as long as it coincides with his own egotistic needs.

2024, Representations

A case study on political memes in a special issue dedicated to "meme aesthetics"

2024

In 2008, President Barack Obama had a vision for America; he expressed it in a speech that made America dream. This speech brought hope to Americans of all backgrounds, regardless of race, religion, or political affiliation. He undoubtedly won the election because everyone, black and white, saw in his speeches unity and hope for themselves, hopes and dreams for an America finally reconciled. In 2024, Obama's comments about black men are identity statements that limit these men to their skin color and do not project a vision for the future. This is driven by support for the candidacy of Kamala Harris, whom a big number of African Americans in Pennsylvania and elsewhere do not support. After accusing them of being misogynistic, President Obama told black men, "Kamala Harris is a woman of color just like you. Someone who has lived the same experiences that you have, someone who went to a black college. You see yourself in her. She is black just like you.…" This speech reduces black men in America to a minimal identity. This speech comes from an Obama from Martha's Vineyard. He is no longer the "Yes We Can" guy who organized the South Side of Chicago and galvanized America with his visionary speeches. Today, his exorbitant wealth has further alienated him from black men.

2024, University of St.Gallen

"Green Bay will have a good team this year!" announced Donald J. Trump during his speech at the Republican Party Convention in Milwaukee. Trump actually prefers the world of wrestling and mixed martial arts to that of American football. This has been known since 2017 at the latest, when he called for a boycott of the National Football League (NFL) because individual players knelt during the national anthem in protest against police violence and systemic racism. Trump's optimistic season forecast for the "Green Bay Packers" was thus not to be understood as a late declaration of love to America's number one national sport, but to the voters of Wisconsin: "The Pack" is the NFL team of the Midwestern state and unites its 5.8 million inhabitants at least as strongly as the love of cheese and beer, for which the "Dairyland" is known thanks to its German heritage. Wisconsin accounts for just ten of the total of 538 electoral votes that will be at stake in the presidential election on November 5. However, these ten votes could make the decisive difference in a tight race, as Wisconsin is one of the so-called "swing states".

2024, International social science review

2024

When asked not long ago whom he would vote for on November 8, 2016, if he were an American, he replied unhesitatingly: »Trump. I am just horrified about him, but Hillary is the true danger.« »He« in this case is not just anybody; he is Slavoj Žižek, the neo-Marxist philosopher of the last decade, and a pop star of the Internet. We can assume that Žižek could only have been horrified by his own bold endorsement the morning after the election. In the meantime the unspeakable has happened: Donald Trump was elected as the 45 th President of the United States. The New York billionaire, serial declarer of bankruptcy, chauvinist, sexist, the man with the baseball cap and the bad manners, a bigmouthed »Me Inc.« is now the most important politician of the (Western) world. Will he change the world in such disastrous ways as his Republican predecessor, George W. Bush, did during his presidency? What lessons can we learn about the state of democracy in America from the campaign, the elections, and Trump's political program? Is Trump a uniquely American phenomenon, or is the United States once again holding up a mirror to the Europeans, showing them what their future

2024

The November 2024 presidential election in the United States is of fundamental historical importance on three related levels: first, for the political development of the country itself, which finds itself at a historical juncture as important as previous key ones such as its civil war of 1861-65, or its participation in the two world wars. Second, for the global future of democracy, as it finds itself in the third historical counter-wave, besieged at home by a growing radical right of which Trump represents the USA version, and abroad by the spread and consolidation of dictatorships and authoritarian regimes of various kinds that represent the most serious challenge to democracy since the 1930s. Third, for the future of the current liberal international order, which is facing challenges from the two current revisionist great powers, China and Russia, seconded by other lesser ones, and which found an attempt to dismantle it from within during Trump's presidency in 2016-2020.

2024, La scomposizione dei poteri dello Stato. Osservazioni sull'ordinamento nordamericano

L'ordinamento nordamericano offre un punto di vista privilegiato dal quale guardare il principio della separazione dei poteri. Il saggio monografico ricostruisce, attraverso la giurisprudenza della Corte Suprema e attraverso le convenzioni e la prassi, le dinamiche interistituzionali che si sviluppano tra i tre tradizionali poteri investiti di altrettante specifiche funzioni, secondo la formula delle vesting clauses. L'analisi fa emergere la capacità della struttura costituzionale e politica nordamericana di realizzare un sistema bilanciato di pesi e contrappesi che è stato capace, nel tempo, di evitare involuzioni autoritarie ma anche il protrarsi di situazioni conflittuali.

2024

Ataques à soberania e distopia política orquestrada: o papel de um ateu sem valores e neo-malthusiano.

2024

Are differences in issue-specific knowledge associated with different candidate preferences, aswould be expected if voters are judging candidates and their policy commitments on the basis of essential contextual knowledge they receive from the media? By utilizing a bias-sensitive method of measuring politically relevant knowledge—on economic, foreign policy, and environmental issues—we were able to identify candidate-selection effects of policy-specific information. The study also offers new evidence on how psychological traits affect political thinking within a partisan group,whereasmost research has focused on psychological asymmetries across ideological and partisan groups. Based on previous research, we expected Sanders supporters and supporters of other “anti-establishment” candidates to have less accurate knowledge on these issues than Biden (and other establishment candidate) supporters, as the demographic groups that differentially supported Sanders tend to have lower levels of political knowledge. Instead, Sanders and anti-establishment candidate supporters were found to be more knowledgeable on these issues. We also found psychological asymmetries among Democrats and Democrat-leaning Independents, which were associated with candidate preference. Overall, issue-specific political knowledge was found to be an important predictor of vote choice.

2024

In recent years, radical right-wing and conservative tendencies have become strong in the intellectual life of the United States. Please describe the path of their empowerment and explain the reasons for their strengthening and their... more

2024

Election Brandon Sanchez "Nobody has more respect for women than I do," assured Donald Trump, then the Republican nominee for president, during his third and final debate with the Democratic nominee, former secretary of state Hillary Rodham Clinton, in late October 2016. "Nobody." Over the scoffs and howls issued by the audience, moderator Chris Wallace tried to keep order-"Please, everybody!" 1 In the weeks after the October 7th release of the "Access Hollywood" tape, on which Trump discussed grabbing women's genitals against their will, a slew of harassment accusations had shaken the Trump campaign. Fighting fire with fire, on October 10th, before the second televised presidential debate, Trump held a press conference with a panel of women that included Paula Jones and Juanita Broaddrick, both of whom had years earlier accused Bill Clinton of sexual misconduct. 2 Trump had invited them to the debate in an effort to reframe public discourse and to spook Hillary Clinton. This battle, waged between the two campaigns throughout the election cycle, was intimately tied to a larger war over not just policy but representation-what would the next occupant of the Oval Office convey about American identity? What did it mean that Donald Trump, an evident chauvinist, had secured the Republican nomination? How would the Democratic Party contend with the Clintons' silencing of such victims as Monica Lewinsky in the nineties? And how would American voters reshape the American presidency? Would they opt for a candidate who 1 Peter Allen Clark, "Not even the audience can take Trump seriously when he says he respects women," Mashable,

2024, The International Journal of Illich Studies

Lakshman Yapa As a foreign student, I arrived in the United States in 1964 on the same PAN AM flight carrying the Beatles from London to JFK. I completed a postgraduate degree in New York on a Fulbright scholarship. My entire higher education was paid for by the United States. Not long after, I fell in love and married a very intelligent, beautiful young woman with whom I raised two healthy bi-racial sons. With a tenured job at a university, a nice suburban home, and a large circle of progressive liberal friends, I was living the American dream, happy but above all feeling secure and safe. But that sunshine began to fade from my life a few days after Donald Trump descended an escalator in the Trump Tower in June of 2015 to formally announce his candidacy for President of the United States. "Sadly," he said, "the American dream is dead." He pointed to immigrants, particularly, Mexicans, as a cause of this great demise. Like background radiation, the "othering" of brown and black skins had always been there, but with Trump's harsh election rhetoric, incivility went public, driving fear into the hearts of brown-skinned immigrants, like myself. A white man walked up to a brown-skinned friend of mine sitting in a restaurant and told her rudely, "Girl, pack your bags and get ready to leave." A few months earlier a man had walked up to me in the local grocery store and inquired if I were Muslim. Knowing that I am registered to vote in a rural precinct in Central Pennsylvania my son, fearing for my safety,

2024

As a foreign student, I arrived in the United States in 1964 on the same PAN AM flight carrying the Beatles from London to JFK. I completed a post-graduate degree in New York on a Fulbright scholarship. My entire higher education was paid for by the United States. Not long after, I fell in love and married a very intelligent, beautiful young woman with whom I raised two healthy bi-racial sons. With a tenured job at a university, a nice suburban home, and a large circle of progressive liberal friends, I was living the American dream, happy but above all feeling secure and safe. But that sunshine began to fade from my life a few days after Donald Trump descended an escalator in the Trump Tower in June of 2015 to formally announce his candidacy for President of the United States. “Sadly,” he said, “the American dream is dead.” He pointed to immigrants, particularly, Mexicans, as a cause of this great demise. Like background radiation, the “othering” of brown and black skins had always ...

2024, Journal of Community Practice

2024, Social Science Research Network

The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in most states making numerous changes to electoral procedures, in an effort to assist those voters wishing to avoid crowded polling places, and the health risks they pose. Illinois, like most others, will permit in-person voting, both on Election Day and in advance, but will also encourage voters to take advantage of mail-in voting. Survey data from recent years reveal that many voters, not without cause, worry slightly more about absentee or mail ballots not being counted, and may believe that fraud is more likely when voting is remote. To boost confidence in the integrity of the 2020 election, accordingly, we recommend that Illinois officials publicize details of the new rules, caution about some likely consequences, including delayed final results, and strive to ensure uniform application of rules. Generally, any important change in voting procedures should be accompanied by some public-service education campaign. With many changes being made, ...

2024, Still the Age of Populism. Re-examining Theories and Concepts,

The concept of populism is often intertwined with other notions, which reflects the complexity of social and political realities associated with this phenomenon. Left-wing and right-wing populism, national populism, authoritarian populism are just some of the combinations related to specific uses of populism. In this chapter, we argue that such specifications underscore the heuristic value of the concept of populism while also highlighting the need for discussions about their epistemological and ontological underpinnings. Addressing radial conceptualization, fuzzy-set theory, family resemblance, and ideal types, this contribution emphasizes the potential of engaging populism as a multi-level, and multi-dimensional concept beyond fixed minimal definitions. Although the conceptual stretching remains a challenge, populism studies scholarship should steer away from the traditional ambition of developing a universal and univocal conceptualization and, instead, drawing a specific-driven approach to the study of populism.

2024

With the primaries (which the major two US political parties hold in different states to nominate their candidate for next presidency) now concluded in more than one third of the states, it is now clear that the Presidential race this November will be between incumbent President Joe Biden and the twice impeached (but never successfully) former President Donald Trump. President Biden is a natural choice for the Democratic Party since he is the current incumbent, and traditionally the incumbent is the party's nominee if he is not in his second term. There was a chance that Joe Biden might not choose to run a second time because of age (he is 81). But he put at rest any thought of an alternative candidate when he declared last year that he would run again. It is, however, Donald Trump who is now looming large as the party's candidate emerging as the most favorite of the majority of Republican party members and ditching the other republican hopefuls.

2024, Politeja

While announcing his participation in 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump promised, if elected, to build a wall along the US-Mexican border to limit the flow of illegal immigrants from Latin America to the United States. During the campaign, he repeatedly stressed the necessity to control the situation at the border, which he indicated as one of the biggest threats for US national security, claiming that Mexico should pay for the construction of the wall. After winning the election, President Trump decided to fulfill his promise and signed an executive order enabling the wall to be erected. During four years of his tenure, the wall was built in almost half of the planned length It had impact not only on the flow of immigrants from Latin America, but also on the debate about U.S. immigration policy, as well as on the bilateral relations with Mexico. The purpose of the article is to analyze political consequences of putting up the wall, both in the US and Mexico, and to assess the impact of Trump's immigration policy on the relations between both countries.

2024

This article analyzes the study of populism in China, highlighting its dynamics and features. Compared with abundant studies of populism in democratic countries, populism in China remains underexplored by non-Chinese scholars, and the contributions of Chinese scholarship are largely unknown outside China. To address this gap, this article reviews the state of the art of Chinese scholarship on populism, bringing it into conversation with the wider body of literature. From its analysis, two distinct types of populism are identified within Chinese research: classical communist populism and bottom-up populism. The former is advanced via official channels, through state promotion of the identity, wisdom, and revolutionary potential of the people. The latter is located in the antagonism between the “pure people” and “corrupt elites,” primarily through an online, bottom-up dynamic. We argue that bottom-up populism can also be conceptualized as “online populism,” as a manifestation of popul...

2024

This paper analysed Hillary Clinton’s historical problems with the media starting from her first appointment at a US First Lady to her being the Democratic nominee for the US presidential elections in 2016. The paper analysed academic literature demonstrating Clinton’s problems with the media bias, and then added own discourse analysis of articles on Clinton and feminism in two main national newspapers that have consistently demonstrated the power of setting the agenda and forming public opinion in the U.S., The Washington Post and The New York Times. Discourse analysis has been used to analyse 20 selected articles that discussed Clinton’s feminist views in a period from September 2015 until September 2016, which was also a campaign period for 2016 U.S. elections. The findings add to the current research on the topic and show that the media undermined liberal feminism and its goals to undermine Hillary Clinton, whereas in the past Hillary was a subject of media criticism because of ...

2024

GIULIA ARAVANTINOU LEONIDI * ALEA IACTA EST? DELLA COMPLICATA VICENDA DELL'ELEZIONE DELLO SPEAKER DELLA CAMERA DEI RAPPRESENTANTI E DI ALTRE STORIE AMERICANE ** SOMMARIO: INTRODUZIONE.-SEZIONI: 1. Partiti ed elezioni.-1.1. L'esclusione di Donald Trump dalle primarie presidenziali nelle decisioni di alcune Corti Supreme statali.-1.2. La General Election del 7 novembre-1.3. La calendarizzazione dei dibattiti presidenziali.-1.4. A proposito delle imminenti primarie repubblicane.-2. Congresso.-2.1. Sfiducia ed elezione dello Speaker della Camera dei Rappresentanti-2.2. La Commissione del Senato sul giudice Thomas.-2.3. La continuing resolution per evitare il Government shutdown-2.4. Il rapporto della Commissione etica della Camera dei Rappresentanti sul Senatore Santos e la sua espulsione.-2.5. Le dimissioni di McCarthy dal Congresso.-2.6. Inchiesta del Congresso sulle università della Ivy League.-2.7. Formalizzazione del procedimento di impeachment a carico di Biden.-2.8. I fondi a favore dell'Ucraina.-2.9. Incriminazione del Senatore Menendez.-3. Presidente e Esecutivo.-3.1. Le azioni presidenziali di questo quadrimestre.-3.2. La scomparsa di Henry Kissinger.-4. Corti.-4.1. I prossimi casi dinanzi alla Corte Suprema.-4.2. L'immunità presidenziale al vaglio della Corte Suprema.-4.3. Armi d'assalto e Secondo emendamento.-4.4. Diritto di voto e mappe elettorali.-4.5. Il codice etico della Corte Suprema.-4.6. Identità di genere e libri.-5. Federalismo.-5.1. Immigrazione.

2024

This essays are selected from a series of 350 commentaries of varying lengths on the Obama phenomenon, covering a period from his first campaign into his second Administration. They were written in real time, and cover domestic and foreign policy. They also address some of his critics, left and right, black and white. They were presented on WBAI, in New York City - a Pacifica Network Affiliate - or Published Online at "Commentaries On The Times." A blog which is no longer available due to a dispute with the host Wordpress. These essays represent a part of the selections being compiled for publication, and should be considered a work in progress rather than the completed text. This is material is protected by copyright, and any references to it should be cited. Cover Photograph by: Lisa DuBois.

2024

“Section 33 is a sleeping giant within the Charter: now mostly quiet and unthreatening but, if awakened by increased and unnoticed or unopposed use, still capable of significantly changing Canada’s constitutional and legislative... more

2024

The presidential election might be determined in just three states where Biden's 2020 margin was less than one percent. Georgia, Wisconsin, and Arizona account for a total of 37 electoral votes (16, 11, and 10). Trump won all of them in 2016 and, if he wins them again, the electoral college will be deadlocked with each candidate gaining 269 electoral votes. If neither candidate has a majority in the electoral college, the final decision will be made in the House of Representatives where each state will have one vote regardless of population size. Republicans control the Congressional delegations of more states than the Democrats-so Trump can win the presidency even if he loses the popular vote and fails to secure a majority of electoral votes.

2024

In this memo, I take a step back from this sorry story of an American election gone ugly and address three questions that, surprisingly enough, have been largely ignored in the ongoing discussions about Trump's victory and Russia's role in it. First, why did the Putin regime intervene in U.S. politics? Second, what did they hope to accomplish? Finally, what do the answers to these questions tell us about Russian promotion of right-wing populism in the United States? Tit-for-Tat Most analysts would readily agree that the Russians intervened in U.S. politics in general and the 2016 Presidential election in particular, because they harbored serious grievances against the United States. Where they would disagree, however, is how they define those grievances. For many specialists in international relations, the key factors are threats to Russian national security as a result of, for example, U.S. recognition of Kosovo as an independent state and U.S. support of the eastward expansion of the European Union and especially NATO. Put simply, therefore, the United States, along with its European allies, took a number of actions in the years following the end of the Cold War that threatened Russian national security. While this explanation has some merit, it has two deficiencies. It ignores Russian domestic politics (which always plays a critical role in Russian foreign policy), and it fails to explain why Russian interventions in the U.S. took the forms that it did. Why did the Russians decide to intervene in the U.S. election and fan divisive social issues? By contrast, I would argue that the Russians were angry with the U.S., because, particularly in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia over the past twenty-five years, the U.S. had aggressively pursued a foreign policy of challenging dictatorships and promoting democratic change. From the Russian perspective, U.S. democracy

2024, Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation

As a regular feature of Religion and American Culture, the editors invite scholars to comment from different perspectives upon an issue or a problem central to the study of religion in its American context. The FORUM format is designed to foster the crossdisciplinary study of religion and American culture and to bring to the readers of the journal the latest thoughts of scholars on timely, substantial topics. Contributors to the FORUM are asked to present brief essays or "thought pieces" instead of carefully documented articles. Studying Religion in the Age of Trump There are many ways to interpret the election of 2016. From appeals to anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim sentiments to attacks on the establishment and political correctness, alongside more traditional topics like abortion, religious freedom, and ethics, enough subterranean shifts occurred to flip some states red and elect a populist president. What role did religion in play in these events? How might this election cause us to rethink some seemingly settled conclusions about religion and politics, religion and race, and religion and gender, among other topics? Finally, what might we learn from the election of 2016 that will alter our questions and further our work over the next several years? In this special FORUM issue, we have asked prominent scholars representing multiple disciplines to consider where we might turn our attention. All of them have published on subjects that have helped us understand different aspects of religion and American culture in ways that shed light on the nature of religion in politics and public life. It is an appropriate moment for us all to look back at how we arrived at previous conclusions, question which interpretations might suitably be shaken up, and consider where our fields might fruitfully go in the coming years.

2023

of-clinton-and-trump-have-diametrically-opposed-preferences-for-how-theunited-states-should-be-governed/ Supporters of Clinton and Trump have diametrically opposed preferences for how the United States should be governed The likely 2016 election candidates, Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump offer voters very distinct visions of how the US should be governed. Using data from the Election Compass USA 2016 voter advice application, André Krouwel, Yordan Kutiyski and Pat Beck II look at the extent to which the candidates' supporters agree with the candidates' policy positions on issues such as law and order, immigration, education, moral values, economy, national security and healthcare. They write that given the policy preferences of their supporters, Donald Trump would govern the US in a diametrically opposed manner to Hillary Clinton, and vice versa.

2023, Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks

2023, Dialectical Anthropology

A few days after the second election of George W. Bush to the US executive office, a bit of discursive flotsam entitled ''Fuck the South'' wound its inevitable way through the drifting currents of cyberspace and landed in my inbox. Penned by an anonymous, self-described northeasterner on an aptly named blog called ''Annotated Rant,'' it comprised a bitter diatribe defending liberal Yankee politics against the hypocrisy of southern conservatives (Anonymous 2004). Arguing that the northeast is in practice a paragon of all the virtues-from self-reliance to patriotism to family values-the latter claim to hold dear, it posited the south as a sanctimonious, freeloading relative who should've been allowed to leave the clan more than a century ago when it threatened to disown its northern cousins over slavery. The piece didn't actually say ''fuck the rednecks,'' but it ticked all the boxes: southern, poor, gun-toting, bigoted, jingoistic, right-wing. It concluded with a pointed swipe at the Republicans, effectively linking the GOP to poor white trash: ''And no, you can't have your fucking convention in New York next time. Fuck off.'' Four years later, the Angry Urban Liberal contingent turned its redneck radar north. The nomination of Sarah Palin, sitting governor of Alaska, to the Republican vice presidential candidacy sent liberal writers from the lofty offices of the New York Times to the humble laptops of bedroom bloggers on a frenetic treasure hunt for redneck aspersions, excavating the American cultural landscape for a timehonored denigrating discourse glossed by the thin veneer of hillbilly appreciation laid down by O Brother! Where Art Thou, the second coming of Johnny Cash, and the folk revival that ushered in the dawn of the new millennium. While America's journalists burned the midnight oil churning out wry headlines, from ''

2023, Sociologia

A comment on Philippe Schmitter's Essay "The Vices and Virtues of ‘Populisms’" ( Sociologica , 13 (1), 2019)

2023, Western Journal of Emergency Medicine

Voters facing illness or disability are disproportionately under-represented in terms of voter turnout. Earlier research has indicated that enfranchisement of these populations may reinforce the implementation of policies improving health outcomes and equity. Due to the confluence of the coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and the 2020 election, we aimed to assess emergency absentee voting processes, which allow voters hospitalized after regular absentee deadlines to still obtain an absentee ballot, and election changes due to COVID-19 in all 50 states. Methods: We performed a cross-sectional study collecting 34 variables pertaining to emergency voting processes and COVID-19-related election changes, including deadlines, methods of submission for applications and ballots, and specialized services for patients. Data were obtained from, in order of priority, state boards of elections websites, poll worker manuals, application forms, and state legislation. We verified all data through direct correspondence with state boards of elections. Results: Emergency absentee voting processes are in place in 39 states, with the remaining states having universal vote-by-mail (n = 5) or extended regular absentee voting deadlines (n = 6). The emergency absentee period most commonly began within 24 hours following the normal absentee application deadline, which was often seven days before an election (n = 11). Unique aspects of emergency voting processes included patients designating an "authorized agent" to deliver their applications and ballots (n = 38), electronic ballot delivery (n = 5), and in-person teams that deliver ballots directly to patients (n = 18). Documented barriers in these processes nationwide include unavailable online information (n = 11), restrictions mandating agents to be family members (n = 7), physician affidavits or signatures (n = 9), and notary or witness signature requirements (n = 15). For the November 2020 presidential election, 12 states expanded absentee eligibility to allow COVID-19 as a reason to request an absentee ballot, and 18 states mailed absentee ballot applications or absentee ballots to all registered voters. Conclusion: While 39 states operate emergency absentee voting processes for hospitalized voters, there are considerable areas for improvement and heterogeneity in guidelines for these protocols. For future election cycles, information on emergency voting and broader election reforms due to COVID-19 may be useful for emergency providers and patients alike to improve the democratic participation of voters experiencing illness. [

2023, Journal of Language and Politics

Despite the increasing influence of populist radical right (PRR) forces at the global level, they have been absent in Chile until very recently. Today, however, the conditions seem to be ripe for the consolidation of the PRR in the country. As we show in this contribution, José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano advance a programmatic agenda that emphasizes authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas. We also demonstrate certain peculiarities of this political project, which differentiates it from its European brethren. In fact, the party has adopted very clear neoliberal positions and puts much more emphasis on outgroup distinctions within rather than outside the nation. Moreover, given that José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano maintain a very fluid relationship with the mainstream right, collaboration between the two seems much simpler and more feasible than in most European cases.