Urban Squatting Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography

Over the past decade, there has been a renewed interest in time within human geography. This temporal 'return' is especially pronounced in areas of migration research, where current scholarship examines the ways that asylum seekers are... more

Over the past decade, there has been a renewed interest in time within human geography. This temporal 'return' is especially pronounced in areas of migration research, where current scholarship examines the ways that asylum seekers are forced into racialized spaces of waiting and uncertainty. There has been less attention to the temporalities of resistance, the multiple ways that migrants and migrant activists disrupt the temporal frameworks of migration governance. In this paper I explore the ways that sanctuary practices achieve these forms of temporal disruption. Sanctuary challenges the flow of modern, progressive time by altering time's rhythm and direction. It does so through four alternative time trajectorieshistorical-memory, legal, collective, and spiritualthat effectively challenge state hegemony over the meaning and control of migrant time. This challenge enables new forms of resistance to normative disciplinary temporalities associated with the control of undocumented migrants and asylum seekers. It also explodes the linearity and stability of the modern present, revealing a constellation of subaltern movements contesting both the violent flows and blockages of racial capitalism. Through recognizing and refracting these global movements in what Allan Pred termed 'a montage of the present', an alternative spatio-temporality of modernity may be glimpsed.

2025, International Journal of Comparative Sociology

Case studies of urban squatting in the United States and The Netherlands, and the fight against sexual violence in Spain and in The Netherlands, form the empirical basis of an analysis of the features and development of autonomous and... more

Case studies of urban squatting in the United States and The Netherlands, and the fight against sexual violence in Spain and in The Netherlands, form the empirical basis of an analysis of the features and development of autonomous and institutionalized social movements, and the interaction between them. Autonomous and institutionalized social movements have different strengths that they derive from characteristics that are not compatible. Nevertheless, a dynamic is possible that combines the strengths of both models. It provides synergy between self-contained autonomous and institutionalized movements, without imposing trade-offs. Political opportunity theory suggests that such a ‘dual movement structure’ is most relevant when the political system is selectively open. Interaction between the movements is conditioned by the mainstreaming potential of the issue or interest that is at stake. Even when relations are tense, movements can create opportunities for each other. Autonomous mo...

2025, CARTOGRAFIA DA AÇÃO: o campo de Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro

O que nos move na organização deste livro é revelar a atualidade do pensamento de Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro. Este é o nosso desígnio: manter viva a sua contribuição lida na construção do campo Cartografia da Ação, uma forma de aplicar o... more

2025, RePub (Erasmus University Rotterdam)

2025, Presses Universitaires de Rennes

2025

Pere IV. Hub of heritage, culture and creativity' project 12 Programa de transformació i gestió d'edificis industrials consolidats Programa de transformación y gestión de edificios industriales consolidados Consolidated industrial... more

Pere IV. Hub of heritage, culture and creativity' project 12 Programa de transformació i gestió d'edificis industrials consolidats Programa de transformación y gestión de edificios industriales consolidados Consolidated industrial buildings' management and transformation programme 52 54 58 62 Índex 15 Guia de criteris d'ordenació urbanístics i arquitectònics al Poblenou

2025, Activitat Parlamentària

La present anàlisi vol, des de la perspectiva jurídica i de la gestió pública, fer un breu estudi de la situació de l'allotjament assequible a Catalunya, especialment pel que es refereix a la població immigrant, amb motiu de la recent... more

La present anàlisi vol, des de la perspectiva jurídica i de la gestió pública, fer un breu estudi de la situació de l'allotjament assequible a Catalunya, especialment pel que es refereix a la població immigrant, amb motiu de la recent aprovació de la Llei 10/2010, de 7 de maig, d'acollida de les persones immigrades i de les retornades a Catalunya. Cal tenir en compte, però, que la Llei 10/2010 no esmenta l'habitatge ni una sola vegada al llarg del seu text. Les referències a l'habitatge només poden ser trobades en el seu preàmbul, en concret dues, una en referència al dret a les ajudes d'habitatge dels estrangers si disposen d'autorització de residència (apartat II) i la segona, a l'apartat IV, quan s'assenyala el següent respecte a l'acollida: "[...]és la primera etapa d'un procés que dura diversos anys i que en molts casos va més enllà de l'obtenció de la nacionalitat o de la segona o tercera generació. Els serveis d'acollida no pretenen abastar totes les necessitats personals i socials dels destinataris, ni les de la primera etapa, les de l'acollida per se, ni les de les etapes posteriors. Els serveis d'acollida han de coexistir amb la resta de possibilitats, com ara serveis socials, habitatge d'inclusió, inserció sociolaboral, educació, assistència sanitària, etcètera. En aquest sentit, la llei no pretén fer la relació dels drets de cada àmbit (educació, salut, ensenyament lingüístic, treball, etcètera), ja que això forma part de les lleis sectorials corresponents i, arribat el cas, d'una futura llei d'integració, també determinada per l'Estatut d'autonomia. Aquesta llei regula el dret sectorial que li és propi, el dret a rebre un servei d'acollida en els termes i amb els continguts que s'hi defineixen". Seria injust, doncs, demanar a la Llei 10/2010 que s'ocupés específicament d'un tema que ella mateixa sembla excloure en el preàmbul. Ara bé, és raonable plantejar un parell de qüestions amb referència a l'allotjament com a element clau en l'acollida. Efectivament, l'allotjament vertebra la integració, ja que permet salvaguardar la dignitat de les persones, l'exercici de drets bàsics vinculats (així, intimitat) i obrir l'accés al gaudi dels serveis públics localitzats en l'espai. 1 Allotjament i drets a Catalunya brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Revistes Catalanes amb Accés Obert

2025, PlaNext special issue

In the context of the ongoing global intertwined financial, environmental, socio-political crises, the intricate relationship between neoliberal urban planning and the challenges these crises present has become increasingly visible.... more

In the context of the ongoing global intertwined financial, environmental, socio-political crises, the intricate relationship between neoliberal urban planning and the challenges these crises present has become increasingly visible. Despite these challenges, neoliberal restructuring justifications remain central to urban agendas and planning culture, often exacerbating social inequality. Its principles and related political decisions frequently intensify social conflicts, sparking protests as their adverse effects on marginalized communities and areas become evident, especially after decades of market-driven policies and the global financial crisis. In many cities around the globe, these popular rebellions, as local and residential activism, started increasingly to target varying regulatory regimes and strategies pursued by supranational, national, or local authorities, often organized as urban social movements. This think piece examines how neoliberal urbanism simultaneously incites resistance and absorbs it, reflecting a paradox where insurgent practices challenge the system but are also co-opted into its framework. By exploring key dynamics in urban governance, participation, and social movements, it seeks to understand how neoliberalism's resilience lies in its ability to incorporate dissent into its operating logic while marginalizing radical alternatives, so to perpetuate its dominance despite widespread opposition. Briefly mentioning some examples of organized groups and forms of resistance around the globe, theoretical debates, and historical perspectives, the discussion unfolds by: analyzing how neoliberal practices shape urban governance and planning; investigating how movements resist neoliberalism and how their ideas are co-opted; addressing the enduring struggle over "to whom the city belongs" and proposing ways to foster meaningful democratic engagement.

2025, Quaderns d’habitatge,

La Llei estatal 12/2023, de 24 de maig per al Dret a l’habitatge ha creat dues mesures tributàries amb la finalitat d’incentivar l’arrendament i modifica l’IRPF (Impost sobre la Renda de Persones Físiques) i l’IBI (Impost sobre Béns... more

La Llei estatal 12/2023, de 24 de maig per al Dret a l’habitatge ha creat dues mesures tributàries amb la finalitat d’incentivar l’arrendament i modifica l’IRPF (Impost sobre la Renda de Persones Físiques) i l’IBI (Impost sobre Béns Immobles).

2025

Diyarbakır Havzası yeryüzündeki ilk ve köklü medeniyetlerin kurulduğu bir coğrafyada bulunmaktadır. Havzanın yerleşmeye sahneye olan eski yerleşme yerleri ise kuzeydoğuda Albat dağlan eteklerinde yer alan Silvan ve vakın çevresindedir.... more

Diyarbakır Havzası yeryüzündeki ilk ve köklü medeniyetlerin kurulduğu bir coğrafyada bulunmaktadır. Havzanın yerleşmeye sahneye olan eski
yerleşme yerleri ise kuzeydoğuda Albat dağlan eteklerinde yer alan Silvan ve vakın çevresindedir. Tarih ve tarih öncesinde insanlar bu çevrede yerleşme açısından optimum koşullan bulmuşlardır. Bu koşullar iklim, jeoloji, jeomorfoloji, litoloji, toprak ve su kaynakları gibi doğal çevre koşullan yanında, ulaşım kolaylığı ve güzergahı, hinterland, tarihsel stratejik koşullar gibi beşeri faktörlerdir.
Cumhuriyet döneminde de Silvan havzanın en hızlı gelişen kentlerindendir. Ancak son yıllarda bu gelişme hızı durmuş, kent coğrafi çevrenin sunduğu avantajlar oranında gelişememiştir. Bu çalışmada Silvan'ın kuruluşu ve gelişmesi üzerinde etkili olan coğrafi faktörler üzerinde durulmuştur.

2025

EDITORIAL par Jean-Michel Thénard L e nombrilisme, dernier avatar du socialisme à la française? Le risque est grand qu'à l'issue du congrès du PS de la mi-novembre les Français demeurent convaincus que le premier parti de la gauche n'est... more

EDITORIAL par Jean-Michel Thénard L e nombrilisme, dernier avatar du socialisme à la française? Le risque est grand qu'à l'issue du congrès du PS de la mi-novembre les Français demeurent convaincus que le premier parti de la gauche n'est «tourné que vers lui-même», ses rivalités de boutique et ses querelles de prétendants à l'investiture présidentielle. Où est ce «projet mobilisateur et susceptible d'être mis en oeuvre» sans lequel la gauche ne peut espérer redevenir une force attractive? Il y a quelques semaines, Lionel Jospin s'inquiétait de ne pas le voir et craignait pour 2007 («nous espérons l'alternance, mais rien n'est moins sûr»). Convenons qu'il n'est pas le seul et que la logique qui voudrait qu'après douze ans de chiraquisme à l'Elysée le socialisme s'y réinstalle n'a aujourd'hui rien d'évident. Le grand vide idéologique règne face à une droite qui, avec Nicolas Sarkozy, tente d'annexer un «parler vrai» qu'elle travestit en «parler peuple» et monopolise le débat pour ravir à l'opposition son rôle d'alternative. Sécurité, immigration, travail, délocalisations, privatisations, réforme fiscale et de l'Etat, sur tous ces sujets, la majorité garde le rythme et oblige la gauche à jouer en défense. Elle prétend à la fois incarner la continuité et la rupture, selon une dialectique habile d'occupation du terrain. Son obsession présidentielle la pousse paradoxalement à davantage incarner ses ambitions de personne dans des idées quand, à l'inverse, à gauche, cela conduit à l'effacement de la réflexion pour ne laisser affleurer que les ambitions. Comme quoi si la présidentielle vampirise bien la vie politique française, il ne faut pas y chercher la cause première de la panne intellectuelle des socialistes. La supprimerait-on que mille idées ne refleuriraient pas sur le champ de ce côté-là. Parce que le monde a changé, la gauche aujourd'hui est en mal de vision pour changer le monde. Parce que la vie de beaucoup s'est précarisée, elle n'arrive plus à convaincre qu'elle peut changer la vie. La mondialisation a tout emporté, les vieilles lunes et quelques plus récentes. Les réformistes sont les plus touchés par la vague parce qu'ils sont soumis à la cohérence entre promesses et actions, à l'inverse de la gauche radicale qui ne se nourrit que de l'échec des premiers. Quel avenir pour la gauche? .

2025

Eighty years after the Liberation, the conference aims to explore the transformations of antifascism over the past 35 years, both in Italy and on an international scale. Originally conceived to oppose historical fascism, antifascism has... more

2025

La teoria de I'elecci6 col•lectiva i la intervenci6 publica Jordi Bacaria i Colom Possiblernent els que no son economistes pensen que les intervencions publiques sempre es deriven de la Teoria Economica. Nomes s'explica que s'atribueixi... more

La teoria de I'elecci6 col•lectiva i la intervenci6 publica Jordi Bacaria i Colom Possiblernent els que no son economistes pensen que les intervencions publiques sempre es deriven de la Teoria Economica. Nomes s'explica que s'atribueixi als economistes tanta incapacitat per resoldre cis problemes, si els que no ho son pensen que la Teoria Economica to capacitat per resoldre'ls. Alguns economistes, d'antuvi s'han esforcat en posar de relleu que no sempre hi ha Iligams entre la Teoria i la praxis de la politica economica. Clair Wilcox (1960) per exemple, mostra que la influencia real de la Teoria Economica sobre la politica publica, es mes aviat escassa. Per si no fos suficient aquesta feble influencia de la Teoria sobre la politica, algunes vegades es parteix de teories poc exactes per justificar la intervencio. La teoria del monopoli natural, que serveix de pretexte per justificar la regulacio dels serveis publics, n'es un cas. Harold Demsetz (1968), ja va advertir al respecte que, "no disposern d'una teoria que, a partir del grau de concentracio observable en un mercat especific ens permeti deduir si el preu i ]a produccio son competitius o no", tot insistint a la vegada en que la teoria economica no ofereix cap justificacio teorica per aquest tipus de regulacio. Aixi doncs, per Dernsetz, ames de les condicions necessaries, es a dir, I'existencia de concentracio, caldrien les condicions suficientd 'absencia de competencia. Amb les primeres sol no n'hi ha prou per determinar 1'existencia de monopoli natural, i en consequencia ]a prescripcio de regulacio no estaria suficientment avalada. Malgrat aixo, els interventors o reguladors, son constants en la recerca de la perfeccio, tot i que molter vegades es millor acceptar la imperfeccio com a tal. L'exemple mes clar d'aquesta vocacio intervencionista, es ]'argument dels fracassos del mercat per proposar i justificar la regulacio, com si aquesta fos automaticament millor. Pero de vegades un mercat imperfecte pot esser millor solucio que una regulacio imperfecta. Charles Wolf Jr. (1979) en una reconeguda aportacio, ens posa en sobreavis que els fracassos del mercat son una condicio necessaria pero no suficient per les intervencions en politica publica. Una seriosa advertencia que hauria d'esperonar I'analisi de les intervencions en un doble sentit, demostrar primer 1'existencia del fracas del mercat i demostrar despres que I'alternativa interventora es millor. Dit d'una altra manera, per justificar les intervencions i regulacions publiques, caldria demostrar que es satisfan tant les condicions necessaries com les suficients. No anar per aquest cami seria, com alguns estudiosos de I'eleccio

2025

The current discourse of the city as image or spectacle is what the municipal authorities, developers and politicians in Berlin are trying to encourage in order to increase the incomes from tourism, office or commercial rents. This kind... more

The current discourse of the city as image or spectacle is what the municipal authorities, developers and politicians in Berlin are trying to encourage in order to increase the incomes from tourism, office or commercial rents. This kind of urban politics are spaces for cultural consumption, megastores, festivals and spectacles of all kinds, all intended to attract new tourism, urban travelers or metropolitan explorers. The issue in this city is how best to decorate the city to attract better international attention: not the city as an opportunity to be filled with life by its inhabitants and visitants but the city as image in the service of power and profit.

2025

Anmerkungen zu Ute Richter´s »Die Wirklichkeit, die zum Gedanken drängt« Gestern Abend war ich bei der Filmvorführung von »Die Wirklichkeit, die zum Gedanken drängt«. Es handelt sich um eine Dokumentation eines, man könnte sagen,... more

Anmerkungen zu Ute Richter´s »Die Wirklichkeit, die zum Gedanken drängt« Gestern Abend war ich bei der Filmvorführung von »Die Wirklichkeit, die zum Gedanken drängt«. Es handelt sich um eine Dokumentation eines, man könnte sagen, lebensreformerischen Hausprojektes, das zwischen 1926 und 1933 in der Leipziger Stieglitzstrasse Gestalt angenommen hatte: Die Sdchule der Arbeit.

2025, Documenti Geografici

Abstract This paper focuses on the assemblage of material and immaterial infrastructures, actors and multilevel policies that enhance (or impair) what we define as “remote habitability” in left-behind, remote areas. Applying the... more

2025, Voz Populi (29/12/2022)

Breve reflexión sobre la identidad y la tradición en España.

2025

Niemeyer Do(o)med: Remembrance of planes past Carlos Eduardo Comas / Marcos Almeida 133 | Niemeyer Do(o)med: Remembrance of planes past Carlos Eduardo Comas / Marcos Almeida 1 Acrópole 16, no. 191 (August 1954): 496. 2 Translated by Comas... more

Niemeyer Do(o)med: Remembrance of planes past Carlos Eduardo Comas / Marcos Almeida 133 | Niemeyer Do(o)med: Remembrance of planes past Carlos Eduardo Comas / Marcos Almeida 1 Acrópole 16, no. 191 (August 1954): 496. 2 Translated by Comas from the original in Portuguese, which follows: "Este surpreendente pavilhão de exposições faz parte do conjunto de quatro edifícios ligados por uma marquise, passeio público, que constituem o 'Parque do Ibirapuera,' projetado e construído, todo o conjunto, em 1953, por Oscar Niemeyer para as comemorações do IV centenário da fundação da cidade de São Paulo. Foi chamado por Niemeyer de 'Palácio das Artes.' Um outro destes 4 edifícios, originalmente o 'Palácio das Indústrias,' desde os anos 60, abriga a 'Fundação Bienal de São Paulo.' Este elegante edifício circular, como uma fi na casca pousada no chão, é um dos mais belos espaços expositivos do mundo, revelando seu interior, por onde se penetra por uma pequena fresta, uma inesperada espacialidade, uma volumetria imprevista, silenciosa e agradável. Este resultado e efeito se devem ao arranjo feliz de três sistemas estruturais nítidos e independentes, uma disposição espacial extremamente inventiva. Há a grande tênue envoltória da casca, apoiada, através de suas nervuras em arcos diametrais, diretamente no solo. Há a surpresa do chão que se suspende no ar, quando se entra, pois surge um vazio produzido pelo rebaixamento total do piso circular inferior, criado com um cilindro de arrimo 5 m abaixo do nível dos jardins de entrada. E há ainda mais dois pisos superiores com estrutura própria de pilares e lajes independentes das outras duas estruturas. No último piso não existe estrutura alguma. Como uma pequena nuvem, a última laje fl utua abaixo da cúpula que foge em todas as direções. É um resultado belíssimo devido à técnica da graça com que são empregados os três sistemas estruturais completamente independentes. É uma das obras mais límpidas e singelamente monumentais de Niemeyer. E já de meio século passado. Fizemos tudo para conservá-la intacta. Como no desenho original do arquiteto." Paulo Mendes da Rocha, accessed July 30, 2021, https://spbr. arq.br/project/restauro-da-oca/.

2025, CIDADES, Comunidades e Territórios Autumn Special Issue

In this visual essay we draw on photographs from several urban locations across Northern and Southern geographies, particularly focused on the research contexts that are explored within the papers in this Special Issue, to explore the... more

In this visual essay we draw on photographs from several urban locations across Northern and Southern geographies, particularly focused on the research contexts that are explored within the papers in this Special Issue, to explore the manifold meanings, divergent practices, and variegated outcomes of urban commoning (Garcia-Lopez et al., 2021; Eidelman and Safransky, 2021; Stavrides 2016). By pursuing a visual comparative method, which included collectively selecting and discussing photographs from our research contexts, we engaged in a careful dialogue through which we made sense of the images (Rose, 2008). We deliberated on what they represent, how they relate to each other, and what aspects of the (un)commoning they illuminate. Through this process, we identified four emerging themes that we believe highlight critical aspects of the commons, while at the same time holding our different contexts in place and together: (1) Precarity, violence, demolition; (2) Defiance, hope & the city as text; (3) Advancing socio-spatial relations; (4) Commoning as Human-non-human relations. Inevitably, there are many ways to interpret and categorise these images, since each photograph has multiple meanings and illustrates various facets of the commoning processes and practice. Nonetheless, through this method, we have been able to establish links between various places and geographies, highlighting the multiplicity and overlaps of common use practices.

2025, Rassegna di Architettura e Urbanisiticz

The article attempts to revisit history empirically in order to rediscover it, as the perception of the world is altered by culture, science or religion. To do so, a paradigmatic tandem of Eileen Gray's work is used, the E.1027: Maison en... more

2024, Anthropological Journal of European Cultures

2024, Cidades, Comunidades e Territórios

In this visual essay we draw on photographs from several urban locations across Northern and Southern geographies, particularly focused on the research contexts that are explored within the papers in this Special Issue, to explore the... more

In this visual essay we draw on photographs from several urban locations across Northern and Southern geographies, particularly focused on the research contexts that are explored within the papers in this Special Issue, to explore the manifold meanings, divergent practices, and variegated outcomes of urban commoning (Garcia-Lopez et al., 2021; Eidelman and Safransky, 2021; Stavrides 2016). By pursuing a visual comparative method, which included collectively selecting and discussing photographs from our research contexts, we engaged in a careful dialogue through which we made sense of the images (Rose, 2008). We deliberated on what they represent, how they relate to each other, and what aspects of the (un)commoning they illuminate. Through this process, we identified four emerging themes that we believe highlight critical aspects of the commons, while at the same time holding our different contexts in place and together: (1) Precarity, violence, demolition; (2) Defiance, hope & the city as text; (3) Advancing socio-spatial relations; (4) Commoning as Human-non-human relations. Inevitably, there are many ways to interpret and categorise these images, since each photograph has multiple meanings and illustrates various facets of the commoning processes and practice. Nonetheless, through this method, we have been able to establish links between various places and geographies, highlighting the multiplicity and overlaps of common use practices.

2024, Cidades, Comunidades e Territórios

This paper explores the occupation movement that took place during the so-called 'Ongoing Revolutionary Process' (PREC), from 1974 to 1976. We focus on the specific case of the 2 de Maio neighbourhood in Lisbon, where 25... more

This paper explores the occupation movement that took place during the so-called 'Ongoing Revolutionary Process' (PREC), from 1974 to 1976. We focus on the specific case of the 2 de Maio neighbourhood in Lisbon, where 25 under-construction housing blocks were occupied in May 1974. We juxtapose these occupations with the occupations of council housing dwellings in Lisbon today, linking their characteristics as well as the socio-political context in which they occur. Methodologically the article draws from the notions of radical memory work and community-based, participatory action research. The analysis reveals that the specific traits of the PREC occupation movement, driven by housing precarity and promoted collectively by the dwellers of lower socioeconomic classes, played a vital role in the way they have endured through time. Yet, in particular, the response of the state actors, influenced by the specific political context of the PREC, as well as the wide support received by other actors, was fundamental to enable their permanence and subsequent regularisation. This paper contributes to the debates on the potential of occupations to promote access to housing, highlighting the roles that state actors and the political environment play in terms of legitimising occupations.

2024

una aplicació de la llei de potència a la valoració de la complexitat de les xarxes de metro (i ferroviàries)

2024, Arxiu d’Etnografia de Catalunya,

La mercantilització i la financerització del sector immobiliari durant els últims cinquanta anys ha agreujat la contradicció entre el valor d’ús i el valor de canvi de l’habitatge, potenciant-ne el caràcter especulatiu. Com a... more

La mercantilització i la financerització del sector immobiliari durant els últims cinquanta anys ha agreujat la contradicció entre el valor d’ús i el valor de canvi de l’habitatge, potenciant-ne el caràcter especulatiu. Com a conseqüència, augmenta l’asimetria d’informació i de poder entre la propietat i les persones llogateres. Aquests canvis han transformat el mercat econòmic i la manera com accedim a l’habitatge. L’anàlisi del procés d’accés a l’habitatge de lloguer mitjançant trajectòries residencials evidencia com els problemes que apareixen durant l’aprovisionament residencial, com el “càsting immobiliari” o la “cursa pel lloguer”, lluny de ser experiències aïllades, són conseqüències d’aquesta contradicció.
En aquest article es posa el focus en el paper dels portals immobiliaris, que emergeixen en els últims anys com un actor clau en el procés d’accés a l’habitatge. Mitjançant el desenvolupament de noves eines tecnològiques, recullen dades del mercat proporcionades per la demanda i les venen al sector immobiliari, donant més poder a la propietat i modificant les pautes de consum i les lògiques de funcionament del mercat. A partir d’aquesta anàlisi, es conclou que les seves lògiques de funcionament contribueixen a perpetuar i reproduir dinàmiques excloents i disminueixen la capacitat de decisió i la sobirania real dels llogaters.

2024

espanolLas dinamicas residenciales metropolitanas exigen que el problema de la vivienda en estos territorios se aborde desde esta misma escala a fin de dar respuesta a los graves problemas de accesibilidad economica a la vivienda... more

espanolLas dinamicas residenciales metropolitanas exigen que el problema de la vivienda en estos territorios se aborde desde esta misma escala a fin de dar respuesta a los graves problemas de accesibilidad economica a la vivienda existentes, asi como para corregir la falta de vivienda asequible y los procesos de segregacion urbana que se generan. Para lograrlo, es necesario disponer de un modelo de gobernabilidad metropolitana que permita articular la accion en este campo de todos los niveles de gobierno implicados. El estudio de la actividad mas reciente de determinados gobiernos metropolitanos de Norteamerica, Europa y Oceania sugiere que en los ultimos anos esta teniendo lugar un creciente reconocimiento de la dimension metropolitana en la planificacion residencial. En este contexto, la planificacion metropolitana de la vivienda en la conurbacion de Barcelona se encuentra todavia en un proceso de consolidacion que podria avanzar proximamente gracias a tres factores: la reciente c...

2024, Anais ENANPUR

A proposta de trabalho em torno do tema "Cultura Urbana e Centralidade Popular em Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro" resulta de reflexões construídas no âmbito do Laboratório da Conjuntura Social: tecnologia e território (LASTRO), coordenado pela... more

A proposta de trabalho em torno do tema "Cultura Urbana e Centralidade Popular em Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro" resulta de reflexões construídas no âmbito do Laboratório da Conjuntura Social: tecnologia e território (LASTRO), coordenado pela própria Professora Ana Clara entre 1996 e 2011, ano de seu falecimento. Nesta atividade proposta em formato de Sessão Livre, durante a XV ENAMPUR, pesquisadores e membros do LASTRO retomam o debate de questões construídas ao longo de anos de pesquisas, orientadas pela Professora, e frutificadas nas reflexões de alguns dos pesquisadores-membros do grupo de pesquisa LASTRO, aqui presentes. São reflexões alicerçadas nos seguintes projetos desenvolvidos pelo Laboratório e de autoria de Ana Clara: "Cartografia da ação e análise de conjuntura: reivindicações e protestos em contextos metropolitanos", "Vinculo social: cartografia da ação em contextos metropolitanos", "Territórios da Juventude: experiências em cartografia da ação (São Gonçalo, RJ)" e "A centralidade popular: cultura e apropriação no centro histórico do Rio de Janeiro". Assim, no que se refere à problemática da centralidade popular na Metrópole do Rio de Janeiro, Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro cria conceitos, organiza informações originais e propõe metodologias e técnicas de pesquisa em direção à defesa de intervenções urbanas que democratizem o acesso à área central da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Dessa forma, esta proposição se direciona à busca de uma episteme humanista concreta que possa enfrentar os processos sociais dominantes, que lidos a partir de Ana Clara, referem-se ao agravamento da crise societária, com a ampliação da violência, da indiferença e do medo; à aceleração do processo de modernização que transforma e rompe o cotidiano coletivo; à tendência a redução de trocas interclassistas e ao acaso de espaços que permitem a negociação de interesses entre diferentes segmentos da população urbana; à redução da eficácia de instrumentos jurídicos e urbanísticos, relacionados ao ideário da reforma urbana, quando desarticulados de projetos abrangentes de integração social; e à multiplicação de diversidade de protestos, conflitos e reivindicações urbanas que permanecem sem resposta do poder público. Esta, episteme, proposta por Ana Clara, dialoga com o campo que intenciona as trocas de saberes, o reconhecimento das formas criativas das iniciativas populares, e o uso sociamente útil do espaço público, viabilizando a possibilidade da produção coletiva. Em sua percepção, é um desafio contemporâneo compreender a relação entre o pensamento das formas e agentes dominantes, hegemônicos, e das formas de resistências das bases populares, que reinventam e reconstroem relações presentificadas no cotidiano do Centro Histórico do Rio de Janeiro, onde se desdobram fenômenos relacionados a transformações ocorridas na estrutura da cidade e à função desempenhada pelo Centro Histórico. Tais fenômenos, indutores de processos de fragmentação espacial, dispersão de política e recursos públicos, aumento das desigualdades e de tensões sociais, como nos aponta Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro, relacionam-se ao esvaziamento relativo do Centro Histórico; à criação de novas centralidades pautadas em grandes investimentos privados; às transformações mais amplas na estrutura social e cultura urbana; à implementação de projetos de revitalização urbana que não estabelecem nexos positivos com a economia popular e usos tradicionais da área central; à ampliação e amplitude dos investimentos historicamente realizados no centro da cidade; e à existência de uma permanente luta pela apropriação popular do centro histórico.

2024

giornale on-line di urbanistica journal of urban design and planning ISSN: 2531-7091 edito da con il supporto di per informazioni

2024, Finisterra

RESUMEN-Las condiciones fundacionales de lo público (de)limitan su ámbito de acción y de interpelación. A lo largo del tiempo, numerosos colectivos han problematizado este marco y han tratado de reformular su inserción en él a través de... more

RESUMEN-Las condiciones fundacionales de lo público (de)limitan su ámbito de acción y de interpelación. A lo largo del tiempo, numerosos colectivos han problematizado este marco y han tratado de reformular su inserción en él a través de acciones colectivas. Para explorar sus inconsistencias, alternativas y puntos de fuga, se toma el vector de género. Tras describir el régimen de lo público, la investigación se mueve al espacio público, que, como extensión territorializada del reino de lo público, presenta en su concepción clásica los mismos limitantes que lo público. En un intento de desbordar ese espacio público institucional, los colectivos y movimientos sociales han creado sus propios espacios, como altavoces y lugares para visibilizarse. El artículo se focaliza en cómo los Centros Sociales, como experimentos espaciales e infraestructurales, reinventan el encuentro público produciendo un espacio público. Para ello, se adentra en la disidencia que practican desde el proyecto feminista La Eskalera Karakola y el desafío que lanzan contra el actual espacio público y la inserción de las mujeres en ese espacio público y, por ende, en el reino público. En suma, el artículo lanza una reflexión que contribuya al debate sobre el espacio público y sus posibles múltiples acepciones.

2024, La Viena Roja. El dret del treballador a la bellesa

La capital austrica puso en marcha en 1919 un ambicioso plan de vivienda pública de alquiler que hoy en día es un referente a imitar

2024, Fundació Caixa Sabadell eBooks

2024

Relatos, poesia e textos sobre a experiência Okupa do autor.

2024, Revista Nous Horitzons, núm. 224

La fi del món i l'empresari de si mateix (o com polititzar el malestar en l'era del doomers). Eudald Espluga | Mobilitat sostenible per millorar la qualitat democràtica. David Lois | El preu de créixer. Quines expectatives de futur pot... more

La fi del món i l'empresari de si mateix (o com polititzar el malestar en l'era del doomers). Eudald Espluga | Mobilitat sostenible per millorar la qualitat democràtica. David Lois | El preu de créixer. Quines expectatives de futur pot tenir la generació desperta? Ariadna Romans LA DEMOCRÀCIA I ELS SEUS ENEMICS PRESENTACIÓ LA DEMOCRÀCIA ÉS LA RESPOSTA 2022 ja és història, però els seus efectes es projecten cap el 2023. La guerra a Ucraïna s'aproxima a l'any, amb totes les seves conseqüències, humanes, socials, polítiques i econòmiques. Una guerra on el clima, l'energia, també afegeix una dimensió que ens recorda que tot està interconnectat. La pandèmia primer i la guerra després han col•locat a qualsevol societat, a qualsevol país en una situació de tensió permanent. La modernitat es va definir fa temps per la seva incertesa, però ara hi hem d'afegir l'articulació de blocs de dreta radical que han aconseguit presentar com a viable i eficaç respondre a aquesta incertesa, i a la por i angoixa que provoca, amb més autoritarisme. La qüestió és que una part de la ciutadania ha escollit democràticament menys democràcia. El problema va més enllà de governs d'extrema dreta, com van ser els de Trump, ho són els d'Hongria o Polònia i més recentment Itàlia. Efectivament són una greu amenaça, però avui allà on governen forces progressistes la dreta radical també té prou força per marcar l'agenda, com ens demostra el cas brasiler. No hi ha treva, ni un dia sense una veritable deslegitimació del sistema entès com una democràcia. Perquè el debat ara no és si la millorem, sinó si evitem que retrocedeixi. Allò que hem d'assumir és que la dreta no discuteix quines polítiques fem, això és la carcassa de l'ofensiva real que és el propi concepte de política: si ha de servir per resoldre conflictes amb mecanismes democràtics per ampliar drets o bé entendre-la com una eina instrumental al servei d'una visió excloent i iliberal de la societat. Avui una dreta que té la legitimitat dels vots els utilitza per erosionar i buidar de contingut la pròpia democràcia. Són veritables paràsits democràtics. El nou número de la Revista Nous Horitzons vol fer una mirada transversal a l'estat de la qüestió. L'eix esquerra-dreta segueix marcant la nostra visió del món. Però el segle XXI ens porta a una nou conflicte dins dels règims democràtics, fins i tot els més consolidats, entre els que veuen la democràcia com una finalitat i els que la utilitzen com un mitjà. Ho fem des de prismes diferents però relacionats, perquè es tracta de trobar en qualsevol àmbit quina és la forma de protegir i enfortir la nostra democràcia. Això no és una qüestió només institucional o hiperpolítica, es troba en tot allò que anomenem espai públic i ens els debats sobre les millors decisions a prendre sigui en el món laboral, econòmic, la mobilitat o la sostenibilitat. Cada dia tenim un munt de decisions a prendre i problemes per resoldre i se'ns ofereixen solucions autoritàries, governs i líders forts, respostes tecnocràtiques disfressades de tècniques i independents. Solucions aparentment fàcils que ens buiden de ciutadania. Però ara més que mai, la resposta sempre està en més democràcia.

2024, GUARDIAN WORKERS WEEKLY

More than 53,000 homes are planned to be added to the state's social housing stock over the next two decades. In the past financial year, the government has built 485 social homes. In February 2024 the state Labor government announced... more

More than 53,000 homes are planned to be added to the state's social housing stock over the next two decades. In the past financial year, the government has built 485 social homes. In February 2024 the state Labor government announced 1.25billiontowardsthesocialhousingplan.StevenMilestoldtheABCnews,"Ourplansetsthetargetof53,500socialhomesby2046,backedbyover1.25 billion towards the social housing plan. Steven Miles told the ABC news, "Our plan sets the target of 53,500 social homes by 2046, backed by over 1.25billiontowardsthesocialhousingplan.StevenMilestoldtheABCnews,"Ourplansetsthetargetof53,500socialhomesby2046,backedbyover1.2 billion of additional funding, which takes the investment to over 7billionsince2015."Thebuildingofsocialhousingwillrequire18,000extratradespeopleeachyear.Beforethe1980stheQldgovernmentprovidedfreeaccommodationforitsregionalworkers,suchasrailwaystationmasters,nurses,healthcareworkers,midwives,teachersandpoliceofficers.State−ownedpropertiesprovidedaveryusefulservicetostateemployeesandruralcommunities.Withtheriseofneoliberalismthesepropertiesweresoldofftoprivateenterpriseatlowprices.Wearenowfacingtheconsequences,notonlyinQldbutacrossallAustralia.Weneedtobringbackstate−ownedhousingforworkersinruralcommunities.Theprivatehousingsectorhasnotsolvedthehomelessnessproblem,butgreatlyaggravatedit.InQldrentincreasesusedtobeallowedeverysixmonths,butthenewlawslimitincreasestoonceina12−monthperiod.Over300disputesover12monthswere"rentincrease"related.Oftheseadozeninvestigationsledtobeingconductedintolandlordshikingtenants′rentstoomanytimes.Themaximumpenaltyforpropertyownersormanagersfailingtocomplywiththerentalfrequencyrulewasafineof7 billion since 2015." The building of social housing will require 18,000 extra tradespeople each year. Before the 1980s the Qld government provided free accommodation for its regional workers, such as railway station masters, nurses, health care workers, midwives, teachers and police officers. State-owned properties provided a very useful service to state employees and rural communities. With the rise of neoliberalism these properties were sold off to private enterprise at low prices. We are now facing the consequences, not only in Qld but across all Australia. We need to bring back state-owned housing for workers in rural communities. The private housing sector has not solved the homelessness problem, but greatly aggravated it. In Qld rent increases used to be allowed every six months, but the new laws limit increases to once in a 12-month period. Over 300 disputes over 12 months were "rent increase" related. Of these a dozen investigations led to being conducted into landlords hiking tenants' rents too many times. The maximum penalty for property owners or managers failing to comply with the rental frequency rule was a fine of 7billionsince2015."Thebuildingofsocialhousingwillrequire18,000extratradespeopleeachyear.Beforethe1980stheQldgovernmentprovidedfreeaccommodationforitsregionalworkers,suchasrailwaystationmasters,nurses,healthcareworkers,midwives,teachersandpoliceofficers.Stateownedpropertiesprovidedaveryusefulservicetostateemployeesandruralcommunities.Withtheriseofneoliberalismthesepropertiesweresoldofftoprivateenterpriseatlowprices.Wearenowfacingtheconsequences,notonlyinQldbutacrossallAustralia.Weneedtobringbackstateownedhousingforworkersinruralcommunities.Theprivatehousingsectorhasnotsolvedthehomelessnessproblem,butgreatlyaggravatedit.InQldrentincreasesusedtobeallowedeverysixmonths,butthenewlawslimitincreasestoonceina12monthperiod.Over300disputesover12monthswere"rentincrease"related.Oftheseadozeninvestigationsledtobeingconductedintolandlordshikingtenantsrentstoomanytimes.Themaximumpenaltyforpropertyownersormanagersfailingtocomplywiththerentalfrequencyrulewasafineof3,096. Rental prices are increasing at over three times the rate of the cost-of-living index (CPI), which is an average of 104perweek.RentrisesmustberestrictedtoonceperannumattherateoftheCPI.OneintwentyrentersinQldhaveadisability,andtheyrequiremodificationssuchaslocksonwindows,railingsinthebathroom,andrampstoensureallpartsofthepropertyareaccessible.ThesearecoveredintheDisabilityAct,buttoooftenitisnotadheredto.Rentingisnowalong−termnecessity,makingpersonalsafetyapriority.Thesearethebasichumanrightsoftherenter.Negativegearinghasnotimprovedthequalityofhomes.Thosewhocomplain,aretoooftengivennoticetoleavebypropertymanagers.InAustraliamorethan122,400peoplearehomeless.Oneinfourarebetween12and24yearsofage.Thishasplacedgreatcompetitiononthehomelesstofindsecureandsafeaccommodation,forcingsometosquatindisusedproperties.Until1970squattingwasnotacriminalact,butbecamesoinresponsetoanincreasingnumberof′sitin′protests.Ownerswhowantedtoevictthesesquattersneededtogothroughcivilcourtprocessesbeforeusingthepolicetoevicttheprotesters.Landlordscouldfaceafineofupto104 per week. Rent rises must be restricted to once per annum at the rate of the CPI. One in twenty renters in Qld have a disability, and they require modifications such as locks on windows, railings in the bathroom, and ramps to ensure all parts of the property are accessible. These are covered in the Disability Act, but too often it is not adhered to. Renting is now a long-term necessity, making personal safety a priority. These are the basic human rights of the renter. Negative gearing has not improved the quality of homes. Those who complain, are too often given notice to leave by property managers. In Australia more than 122,400 people are homeless. One in four are between 12 and 24 years of age. This has placed great competition on the homeless to find secure and safe accommodation, forcing some to squat in disused properties. Until 1970 squatting was not a criminal act, but became so in response to an increasing number of 'sit in' protests. Owners who wanted to evict these squatters needed to go through civil court processes before using the police to evict the protesters. Landlords could face a fine of up to 104perweek.RentrisesmustberestrictedtoonceperannumattherateoftheCPI.OneintwentyrentersinQldhaveadisability,andtheyrequiremodificationssuchaslocksonwindows,railingsinthebathroom,andrampstoensureallpartsofthepropertyareaccessible.ThesearecoveredintheDisabilityAct,buttoooftenitisnotadheredto.Rentingisnowalongtermnecessity,makingpersonalsafetyapriority.Thesearethebasichumanrightsoftherenter.Negativegearinghasnotimprovedthequalityofhomes.Thosewhocomplain,aretoooftengivennoticetoleavebypropertymanagers.InAustraliamorethan122,400peoplearehomeless.Oneinfourarebetween12and24yearsofage.Thishasplacedgreatcompetitiononthehomelesstofindsecureandsafeaccommodation,forcingsometosquatindisusedproperties.Until1970squattingwasnotacriminalact,butbecamesoinresponsetoanincreasingnumberofsitinprotests.Ownerswhowantedtoevictthesesquattersneededtogothroughcivilcourtprocessesbeforeusingthepolicetoevicttheprotesters.Landlordscouldfaceafineofupto22,000 for an unlawful eviction by using force. There are numerous websites dedicated to assisting squatters in Australia.

2024

Desde 1936 existia na Câmara do Porto uma Comissão responsável por elaborar um plano com medidas práticas para o melhoramento das condições de habitação dos pobres. Desse grupo de trabalho, encabeçado pelo próprio Presidente da Comissão... more

Desde 1936 existia na Câmara do Porto uma Comissão responsável por elaborar um plano com medidas práticas para o melhoramento das condições de habitação dos pobres. Desse grupo de trabalho, encabeçado pelo próprio Presidente da Comissão Administrativa do Município, António Mendes Correia, faziam parte, entre outros, o engenheiro-diretor da 3ª Repartição Técnica, Avelino Monteiro de Andrade, o arquiteto municipal, António Correia da Silva, e o médico director da Liga Portuguesa de Profilaxia Social, António Emílio de Magalhães. Usando uma argumentação objectiva fundada em dados sociais e económicos precisos e referências internacionais de sucesso, nomeadamente Viena, o primeiro relatório que Monteiro de Andrade submeteu à comissão apontava, como melhor solução, a construção de blocos coletivos em locais próximos dos aglomerados mais densos e insalubres. A urgência em construir 8.750 fogos, com tipologias de 2 e 3 quartos, precipitará a vontade do município que, para o suporte financeiro do plano, irá socorrer-se do enquadramento legal dado pelo "Regime de Casas Económicas" instaurado por dez anos a partir dos DL 15.066 e 15.085 de 1928. Depois da Repartição de Engenharia ter apresentado em fevereiro de 1937 um projeto para um grande núcleo habitacional de 19 blocos situado junto ao Largo da Póvoa, e prevendo-se alguma morosidade na autorização superior, decidiu-se avançar de imediato com um primeiro edifício que fosse "um modelo e ponto de partida de construções análogas [...] que constituirá a base para os trabalhos de urbanização, demolição e reedificação do vizinho bairro de São Vitor, condenado quase a substituição total". 1 Assim, em abril, aproveitando a presença no Porto do Presidente da República, General Carmona, foi solenemente lançada no ângulo das ruas Barão de S. Cosme e Joaquim António de Aguiar a primeira pedra de um bloco com galeria cujo desenho recuperava a solução de gaveto do anterior plano. A operação seria depois anulada por causa da reduzida dimensão da parcela e, por isso, logo em Junho será expropriado um terreno com 2.500 m 2 situado na rua Duque de Saldanha onde, em definitivo, a Câmara construirá o bloco-modelo. Finalmente, as "Condições para arrematação da empreitada de execução das obras de pedreiro e da de betão armado do núcleo de moradias económicas a construir na rua do Duque de Saldanha" foram homologadas no início de Novembro de 1937 e a empreitada, "excluindo-se aquele que há-de ficar á frente da rua" 2 , adjudicada em 30 de Dezembro a Joaquim Ferreira dos Santos. Apesar dos primeiros desenhos surgirem rubricados por Avelino Monteiro de Andrade na sua qualidade de responsável máximo pela repartição, desconhece-se o papel efectivo de outros técnicos que naquele período compunham a secção de obras, nomeadamente, o possível protagonismo de António Correia da Silva na arquitetura veiculada. Tratava-se de uma solução depurada e diáfana, moderna e internacional. A platibanda escondia os telhados e afirmava uma volumetria monolítica marcada pela horizontalidade dos vãos, das varandas e das galerias de acesso aos fogos. O sistema construtivo usou as tradicionais paredes em perpianho de granito combinando-as com alvenarias de bloco, lajes de betão armado e fundações com estacas "Franki". A combinação destes dispositivos formais, espaciais e técnicos serviu de "ensaio de formas de ruptura de cadastro corrente de pequena parcela e na rutura da dependência edifício-rua através do prolongamento do espaço público ao interior do quarteirão". 3 Esta permeabilidade resultou de um efeito de monumentalização da "ilha" através de uma rígida axialidade que colocava em relação direta o edifício-ferradura, aconchegado no interior, e o edifício-pórtico, que permitia o encerramento e continuidade urbana da rua. O edifício interior, de quatro pisos destinados a 72 famílias, e o segundo bloco, com 43 fogos, ficaram concluídos em dezembro de 1939 procedendo-se a partir daí á gradual ocupação das 115 habitações. Na criação da comissão acima referida estava implícita a dúvida sobre a rigidez e o conservadorismo dos "lares de família" dos bairros do Estado Novo propondo-se, antes, perspetivar o problema da habitação de um modo racional, multidisciplinar e dentro da ordem local. 4 O Bloco Duque de Saldanha foi o único fruto dessa tomada de posição pragmática do município cuja teimosia abalou o equilíbrio institucional com Lisboa. Do ponto de vista da ditadura o bloco representava sobretudo uma oposição à propriedade privada, base para a estabilidade dos valores da família e da pátria.

2024, GUARDIAN WORKERS WEEKLY

More than 53,000 homes are planned to be added to the state's social housing stock over the next two decades. In the past financial year, the government has built 485 social homes. In February 2024 the state Labor government announced... more

More than 53,000 homes are planned to be added to the state's social housing stock over the next two decades. In the past financial year, the government has built 485 social homes. In February 2024 the state Labor government announced 1.25billiontowardsthesocialhousingplan.StevenMilestoldtheABCnews,"Ourplansetsthetargetof53,500socialhomesby2046,backedbyover1.25 billion towards the social housing plan. Steven Miles told the ABC news, "Our plan sets the target of 53,500 social homes by 2046, backed by over 1.25billiontowardsthesocialhousingplan.StevenMilestoldtheABCnews,"Ourplansetsthetargetof53,500socialhomesby2046,backedbyover1.2 billion of additional funding, which takes the investment to over 7billionsince2015."Thebuildingofsocialhousingwillrequire18,000extratradespeopleeachyear.Beforethe1980stheQldgovernmentprovidedfreeaccommodationforitsregionalworkers,suchasrailwaystationmasters,nurses,healthcareworkers,midwives,teachersandpoliceofficers.State−ownedpropertiesprovidedaveryusefulservicetostateemployeesandruralcommunities.Withtheriseofneoliberalismthesepropertiesweresoldofftoprivateenterpriseatlowprices.Wearenowfacingtheconsequences,notonlyinQldbutacrossallAustralia.Weneedtobringbackstate−ownedhousingforworkersinruralcommunities.Theprivatehousingsectorhasnotsolvedthehomelessnessproblem,butgreatlyaggravatedit.InQldrentincreasesusedtobeallowedeverysixmonths,butthenewlawslimitincreasestoonceina12−monthperiod.Over300disputesover12monthswere"rentincrease"related.Oftheseadozeninvestigationsledtobeingconductedintolandlordshikingtenants′rentstoomanytimes.Themaximumpenaltyforpropertyownersormanagersfailingtocomplywiththerentalfrequencyrulewasafineof7 billion since 2015." The building of social housing will require 18,000 extra tradespeople each year. Before the 1980s the Qld government provided free accommodation for its regional workers, such as railway station masters, nurses, health care workers, midwives, teachers and police officers. State-owned properties provided a very useful service to state employees and rural communities. With the rise of neoliberalism these properties were sold off to private enterprise at low prices. We are now facing the consequences, not only in Qld but across all Australia. We need to bring back state-owned housing for workers in rural communities. The private housing sector has not solved the homelessness problem, but greatly aggravated it. In Qld rent increases used to be allowed every six months, but the new laws limit increases to once in a 12-month period. Over 300 disputes over 12 months were "rent increase" related. Of these a dozen investigations led to being conducted into landlords hiking tenants' rents too many times. The maximum penalty for property owners or managers failing to comply with the rental frequency rule was a fine of 7billionsince2015."Thebuildingofsocialhousingwillrequire18,000extratradespeopleeachyear.Beforethe1980stheQldgovernmentprovidedfreeaccommodationforitsregionalworkers,suchasrailwaystationmasters,nurses,healthcareworkers,midwives,teachersandpoliceofficers.Stateownedpropertiesprovidedaveryusefulservicetostateemployeesandruralcommunities.Withtheriseofneoliberalismthesepropertiesweresoldofftoprivateenterpriseatlowprices.Wearenowfacingtheconsequences,notonlyinQldbutacrossallAustralia.Weneedtobringbackstateownedhousingforworkersinruralcommunities.Theprivatehousingsectorhasnotsolvedthehomelessnessproblem,butgreatlyaggravatedit.InQldrentincreasesusedtobeallowedeverysixmonths,butthenewlawslimitincreasestoonceina12monthperiod.Over300disputesover12monthswere"rentincrease"related.Oftheseadozeninvestigationsledtobeingconductedintolandlordshikingtenantsrentstoomanytimes.Themaximumpenaltyforpropertyownersormanagersfailingtocomplywiththerentalfrequencyrulewasafineof3,096. Rental prices are increasing at over three times the rate of the cost-of-living index (CPI), which is an average of 104perweek.RentrisesmustberestrictedtoonceperannumattherateoftheCPI.OneintwentyrentersinQldhaveadisability,andtheyrequiremodificationssuchaslocksonwindows,railingsinthebathroom,andrampstoensureallpartsofthepropertyareaccessible.ThesearecoveredintheDisabilityAct,buttoooftenitisnotadheredto.Rentingisnowalong−termnecessity,makingpersonalsafetyapriority.Thesearethebasichumanrightsoftherenter.Negativegearinghasnotimprovedthequalityofhomes.Thosewhocomplain,aretoooftengivennoticetoleavebypropertymanagers.InAustraliamorethan122,400peoplearehomeless.Oneinfourarebetween12and24yearsofage.Thishasplacedgreatcompetitiononthehomelesstofindsecureandsafeaccommodation,forcingsometosquatindisusedproperties.Until1970squattingwasnotacriminalact,butbecamesoinresponsetoanincreasingnumberof′sitin′protests.Ownerswhowantedtoevictthesesquattersneededtogothroughcivilcourtprocessesbeforeusingthepolicetoevicttheprotesters.Landlordscouldfaceafineofupto104 per week. Rent rises must be restricted to once per annum at the rate of the CPI. One in twenty renters in Qld have a disability, and they require modifications such as locks on windows, railings in the bathroom, and ramps to ensure all parts of the property are accessible. These are covered in the Disability Act, but too often it is not adhered to. Renting is now a long-term necessity, making personal safety a priority. These are the basic human rights of the renter. Negative gearing has not improved the quality of homes. Those who complain, are too often given notice to leave by property managers. In Australia more than 122,400 people are homeless. One in four are between 12 and 24 years of age. This has placed great competition on the homeless to find secure and safe accommodation, forcing some to squat in disused properties. Until 1970 squatting was not a criminal act, but became so in response to an increasing number of 'sit in' protests. Owners who wanted to evict these squatters needed to go through civil court processes before using the police to evict the protesters. Landlords could face a fine of up to 104perweek.RentrisesmustberestrictedtoonceperannumattherateoftheCPI.OneintwentyrentersinQldhaveadisability,andtheyrequiremodificationssuchaslocksonwindows,railingsinthebathroom,andrampstoensureallpartsofthepropertyareaccessible.ThesearecoveredintheDisabilityAct,buttoooftenitisnotadheredto.Rentingisnowalongtermnecessity,makingpersonalsafetyapriority.Thesearethebasichumanrightsoftherenter.Negativegearinghasnotimprovedthequalityofhomes.Thosewhocomplain,aretoooftengivennoticetoleavebypropertymanagers.InAustraliamorethan122,400peoplearehomeless.Oneinfourarebetween12and24yearsofage.Thishasplacedgreatcompetitiononthehomelesstofindsecureandsafeaccommodation,forcingsometosquatindisusedproperties.Until1970squattingwasnotacriminalact,butbecamesoinresponsetoanincreasingnumberofsitinprotests.Ownerswhowantedtoevictthesesquattersneededtogothroughcivilcourtprocessesbeforeusingthepolicetoevicttheprotesters.Landlordscouldfaceafineofupto22,000 for an unlawful eviction by using force. There are numerous websites dedicated to assisting squatters in Australia.

2024, A les vuit al Raval

Llibre editat el 2014 a partir de les experiències del 15M a Terrassa. "A les vuit al Raval [de Terassa] va ser on, durant moltes tardes un grup de persones ens reuníem en assemblea per intentar canviar un sistema que continua sense... more

Llibre editat el 2014 a partir de les experiències del 15M a Terrassa. "A les vuit al Raval [de Terassa] va ser on, durant moltes tardes un grup de persones ens reuníem en assemblea per intentar canviar un sistema que continua sense agradar-nos. Ara reprenem la frase per anomenar aquesta capsa oberta d¡on surten experiències, imatges i reflexions al voltant de l'acampada i el 15M [de 2011] a Terrassa."
Inclou el text "Verí de Puig",que gira al voltant de les imatges i els contextos polítics i policials.

2024

"Al llarg de la seva vida David Graeber va romandre un optimista etern que rebutjava acceptar el món tal i com és, i només hi veia com podria ser. Imaginava una política internacional, de democràcia directa i igualitària." Així comença... more

"Al llarg de la seva vida David Graeber va romandre un optimista etern que rebutjava acceptar el món tal i com és, i només hi veia com podria ser. Imaginava una política internacional, de democràcia directa i igualitària." Així comença aquest article escrit, després de la mort de David Graeber, per part de la cineasta anarquista Marisa Holmes. Traducció amb permís dels editors (Fifth Estate). Original en anglès: https://www.fifthestate.org/archive/408-winter-2021/the-political-vision-of-david-graeber/

2024

Esborrany de traducció al català del clàssic Temporary Autonomous Zone de Hakim Bey . A part d'una correcció lingüística a fons, està pendent afegir-hi les notes explicatives i els comentaris. També falten alguns paràgrafs per traduir... more

Esborrany de traducció al català del clàssic Temporary Autonomous Zone de Hakim Bey . A part d'una correcció lingüística a fons, està pendent afegir-hi les notes explicatives i els comentaris. També falten alguns paràgrafs per traduir als darrers apartats.

2024, HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe)

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or... more

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

2024, Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs

Aim: This article traces recent developments in Danish cannabis policy, by exploring how "cannabis use" is problematised and governed within different co-existing policy areas. Background: Recently, many countries have changed their... more

Aim: This article traces recent developments in Danish cannabis policy, by exploring how "cannabis use" is problematised and governed within different co-existing policy areas. Background: Recently, many countries have changed their cannabis policy by introducing medical cannabis and/or by moving toward legalisation or decriminalisation. Researchers have thus argued that traditional notions of cannabis as a singular and coherent object, are being replaced by perspectives that highlight the multiple ontological character of cannabis. At the same time, there is growing recognition that drug policy is not a unitary phenomenon, but rather composed by multiple "policy areas", each defined by particular notions of what constitutes the relevant policy "problem". Design: We draw on existing research, government reports, policy papers and media accounts of policy and policing developments. Results: We demonstrate how Danish cannabis policy is composed of different co-existing framings of cannabis use; as respectively a social problem, a problem of deviance, an organised crime problem, a health-and risk problem and as a medical problem. Conclusion: While the international trend seems to be that law-and-order approaches are increasingly being replaced by more liberal approaches, Denmark, on an overall

2024, Retreat or Entrenchment? : Drug policies in the Nordic countries at a crossroads

While Canada, Uruguay and several US States have legalised cannabis in recent years, and many European countries have implemented or are considering decriminalisation as an option, Denmark is one of the few Western countries that seems to... more

While Canada, Uruguay and several US States have legalised cannabis in recent years, and many European countries have implemented or are considering decriminalisation as an option, Denmark is one of the few Western countries that seems to be going in the opposite direction, away from a lenient decriminalisation policy and towards a more restrictive approach. In this chapter, we analyse how the emergence of a new discursive and politically potent framing of youth and recreational drug use as customers in a criminal market, and hence as the market basis for organised crime, has in recent years led to intensified police campaigns specifically targeting drug users.

2024, PROF IMRAN SMITH, SAN

This article engages the dynamism of property concept within the parameters of the socio-legal construct of modern societies and against the backdrop of user rights cognisable under domestic and international legal regimes. The social... more

This article engages the dynamism of property concept within the parameters of the socio-legal construct of modern societies and against the backdrop of user rights cognisable under domestic and international legal regimes. The social malaise of homelessness culminating in squatting has resulted generally in forced evictions in many jurisdictions in the developing third world, and in the criminalisation of urban squatting in some others. The aggregate effect of these on the basic rights of persons and the implications for state responsibility in the provision of housing around the world are discussed. How these play out both in the outlook of the various legal responses generated and in the way some jurisdictions managed to turn squatters' settlements around positively in the direction of socioeconomic growth and the general welfare of the people, are critical areas of engagement in this article. In all of these, the article explores the dynamism of the concept of property right in the contemporary world with useful lessons drawn there from.

2024, Επιστήμες Αγωγής

Ε νώ η έννοια δυαδικότητας δίνει έμφαση στην αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ δομικών περιορισμών και δράσης (agency), η ικανότητα του ατόμου ορίζεται ως το βασικό στοιχείο στην άσκηση δημιουργικών ενεργειών, έτσι ώστε η επιρροή της εξουσίας στη... more

Ε νώ η έννοια δυαδικότητας δίνει έμφαση στην αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ δομικών περιορισμών και δράσης (agency), η ικανότητα του ατόμου ορίζεται ως το βασικό στοιχείο στην άσκηση δημιουργικών ενεργειών, έτσι ώστε η επιρροή της εξουσίας στη δυνατότητα δράσης του ατόμου να αγνοείται σε μεγάλο βαθμό. Επιπλέον, η επιρροή των κοινωνιών και των πολιτισμών δε λαμβάνεται υπόψη από την δυαδικότητα. Το κείμενο αυτό υποστηρίζει ότι οι κοινωνικοί πολιτισμοί συγκροτούν ένα θεσμοθετημένο περιβάλλον, ρυθμίζοντας τη σχέση μεταξύ συμπεριφοράς και κοινωνικών ανταμοιβών και, με τη σειρά του, ένας τέτοιος θεσμοθετημένος κανονισμός έρχεται να κατευθύνει τη γνώση και ικανότητα των μελών του. Ως εκ τούτου, η άσκηση της δράσης συνήθως λαμβάνει μέρος στο εύρος που έχει ορισθεί από το θεσμοθετημένο πλαίσιο. Προκειμένου να εξασφαλίσουν προσωπικό κέρδος τα δρώντα άτομα (actors) τείνουν να συμμορφώνονται με τους κανόνες του πλαισίου, όπως είναι προφανές στη χρησιμότητα του κοινωνικού κεφαλαίου, η απόκτηση του οποίου μπορεί να θεωρηθεί ως τέχνη της κοινωνικής αλχημείας στην κινεζική κοινωνία. Λέξεις κλειδιά Δυαδικότητα, κοινωνικό κεφάλαιο, κινεζικός πολιτισμός, διευθυντές σχολείων, θεσμοθετημένο πλαίσιο, κοινωνική αλχημεία. 0. Εισαγωγή Γ ια να επιλύσει τη δυαδικότητα ανάμεσα στον δομισμό και στη δράση του ατόμου, ο A. Giddens υποστηρίζει ότι η αμοιβαία γνώση επιτρέπει στο άτομο που δρα (actor) να ανακαλύψει τους κανόνες και τις ιδιότητες της κοινωνικής δομής. Αυτή η γνώση του επιτρέπει να μετατρέψει τους δομημένους περιορισμούς σε πόρους για την ανάπτυξη δημιουργικών δράσεων, ώστε η εφαρμογή της δράσης να προωθεί