The History Book Club - THE FIRST WORLD WAR: 6. THE FIRST WORLD WAR ~ CHAPTER 7 (204 - 256) (03/29/10 - 04/04/10) ~ No spoilers, please Showing 1-50 of 96 (original) (raw)

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THE FIRST WORLD WAR > 6. THE FIRST WORLD WAR ~ CHAPTER 7 (204 - 256) (03/29/10 - 04/04/10) ~ No spoilers, please

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message 1: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (last edited Mar 31, 2010 05:00PM) (new)

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This begins the sixth week's reading in our Spotlighted group discussion of The First World War by John Keegan

The complete table of contents is as follows:

List of Maps ix List of Illustrations xi Acknowledgments xv

ONE: A European Tragedy p.3 TWO: War Plans p.24 THREE: The Crisis of 1914 p.48 FOUR: The Battle of the Frontiers and the Marne p.71 FIVE: Victory and Defeat in the East p.138 SIX: Stalemate p.175 SEVEN: The War Beyond the Western Front p.204 EIGHT: The Year of Battles p. 257 NINE: The Breaking of Armies p. 309 TEN: America and Armageddon p. 372

Notes: p. 429 Bibliography p. 449 Index p. 457

The assignment for this week includes the following segments/pages:

Week Six - March 29th - April 4th -> Chapter SEVEN P. 204 - 256 SEVEN - The War Beyond the Western Front

We look forward to your participation; but remember this is a non spoiler thread.

We will open up threads for each week's reading. Please make sure to post in the particular thread dedicated to those specific chapters and page numbers to avoid spoilers.

This book was kicked off on February 21st. This will be the sixth week's assignment for this book.

We look forward to your participation. Amazon, Barnes and Noble and other noted on line booksellers do have copies of the book and shipment can be expedited. The book can also be obtained easily at your local library.

A special welcome to those who will be newcomers to this discussion and thank you to those who have actively contributed on the previous Spotlighted book selection. We are glad to have you all.

This thread officially begins on Monday, March 29th.

Welcome,

~Bentley

TO ALWAYS SEE ALL WEEKS' THREADS SELECT VIEW ALL

The First World War by John Keegan John Keegan

Note:

I am opening this thread a few days in advance; the reason being that this is a mighty dense chapter and for those who are caught up; I would suggest starting to dig into this segment early. For those of you who are behind, do not worry - we keep the threads open so that you can post. You will always get a response from one of the moderators here at The History Book Club. And this thread is "officially" open on March 29th so not to worry.

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OUTLINE OF CHAPTER SEVEN - THE WAR BEYOND THE WESTERN FRONT - 204 - 256

As in the case with all of the chapters in this book, many of the subsections are not noted in the table of contents.

The outline and discussion set-up for CHAPTER SEVEN - THE WAR BEYOND THE WESTERN FRONT are as follows:

a) Introduction to chapter - 204 - 205 - DISCUSSION INITIATED
b) The War in the German Colonies - 205 - 211 - DISCUSSION INITIATED
c) Cruiser War - 212 - 217 - DISCUSSION INITIATED
d) The War in the South and East - 217 - 234 - DISCUSSION INITIATED
e) Gallipoli - 234 - 249 - DISCUSSION INITIATED
f) PHOTOS - between pages 238 and 239 - 8 insert pages not numbered which include photos of Passchendaele (1 insert page) THREAD ADDED, Serbia and Italy (2 insert pages), Weapons of War (2 insert pages) TECHNOLOGY THREAD ALREADY ADDED, The Western Front - 1918 (2 insert pages THREAD ADDED), and Gallipoli (1 insert page) THREAD ADDED
g) Serbia and Salonika (249 - 256) - DISCUSSION INTIATED AND THREADS ADDED
h) MAPS
There are some maps for what they are worth on page 209 (Germany's African Territories) and on page 220 (The War in the Middle East) and on page 235 (Gallipoli) and on page 252 (The Campaign in Serbia, 1915)
209 - DISCUSSION INITIATED

*You probably have noticed by now that Keegan skips around and his rendition of World War I is not chronological. That can lead to some confusion. That is why we go in order of the chapters' subsections for our discussions and many times there is a link which references another thread for further discussion on the subject. We will try to keep all of the major events, campaigns and battles and their respective discussions on separate threads dedicated to their specific topic. Hopefully, this will avoid "some" confusion.

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Patricrk patrick | 435 comments I see in this chapter, evidence for my belief that the soldiers fought because it was a great adventure not because of some "greater cause". You have all these British colonial troops fighting because of what? It certainly isn't the violation of Belgium neutrality. You have the forces in Africa forcing the conflict on the governor (there may have been some economic reasons the British colonist wanted the Germans out of such a good sounding part of Africa) but as it was the younger element of the population it sounds like adventure to me.

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'Aussie Rick' (aussierick) Hi Patricrk,
I think in the initial stages of the war, many of the men who joined up did so because it offered them a chance to travel, to find adventure and to provide employment, however as the war progressed these things weren't such an inducement.
In the book I'm currently reading "Anzacs: Gallipoli to the Western Front" by Peter Pedersen I came across this section:
"Recruitment had soared in Australia. News of the Landing, the constant lengthy casualty lists and anger at the sinking of the British liner 'Lusitania' by a German submarine in May 1915 all stimulated it. But the momentum chiefly came from the realisation that the war was not going well. Those who responded called themselves the 'Dinkums' because they were enlisting out of conviction rather than through love of adventure like the 'Tourists'. 'There are some things worth more than life' wrote one Dinkum, Second Lieutenant John Raws, who went 'believing that the only hope for the salvation of the world is a speedy victory for the Allies'. "

“Dinkum’ means fair dinkum – “true, genuine”

The Anzacs Gallipoli to the Western Front by Peter Pedersen by Peter Pedersen

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OK we begin.

Keegan starts off the chapter with the following quote: (PAGE 204)

"By the end of 1915, none of the original combatants was fighting the war that had been wanted or expected. Hopes of quick victory had been dashed, new enemies had appeared, new fronts had opened. France had the war that most nearly conformed to its General Staff's peacetime appreciation contingency, a war against Germany on its north-eastern frontier. Both timetable and costs had gone disastrously wrong, however, and it had unexpectantly found itself involved in subsidiary campaigns in the Balkans and eastern Mediterranean, as a result of Turkey's unanticipated intervention in November 1914. Turkey's entry had also upset Russia's calibration that it would have to deal with the Germans and Austrians alone; it was now also fighting a bitter and difficult campaign in the Caucasus. Germany had expected a one-front war fought in two stages: first against France, while a token force held its eastern front, then another victorious campaign against Russia. Instead, it was heavily engaged on both the Western and the Eastern Font, on the latter sustaining substantial forces on Austrian territory to prop up its Habsburg ally. Austria, which had thought the war might be limited to punitive expedition against Serbia, had reaped the whirlwind of its folly, and found itself locked in combat not only with Russia but Italy as well. Serbia had reaped the whirlwind of its intransigence and found extinction as a state. Britain, which had committed itself at the outset only to providing an expeditionary force to widen the French left in Flanders, found itself assuming responsibility for ever longer stretches at the Western Front, while simultaneously finding men to fight the Turks in Gallipoli, in Egypt and in Mesopotamia, to assist the Serbs and to reduce the garrisons of Germany's African colonies; men had also to be found to reinforce the crews of ships denying the North Sea to the German High Seas Fleet, dominating the Mediterranean, chasing the enemy's surface commerce raiders to destruction and defending merchant shipping against U-boat attack. The war that men were already beginning to call the Great War was becoming a world war and its bounds were being set wider with every month that passed."

All I can say is what a mess everyone found themselves in. Everyone had different expectations, everyone found what they did not seek; yet stay the course is what they were still doing by the end of 1915; where chapter seven titled THE WAR BEYOND THE WESTERN FRONT begins.

I have to say that Keegan captures alot in this introduction and sums up what the initial expectations were and how different reality was.

Were there any surprises for the readers?

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Why did the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) enter World War I?

The Ottoman Empire joined the Central Powers to form the Triple Alliance with the signing of the August 1914 Turco-German Alliance. Turkey formally entered World War I on October 28, 1914, with the bombing of Russian Black Sea ports. The Triple Entente, or Allied Powers, declared war on the Ottoman Empire on November 4.

Two major factors led to Ottoman involvement on the side of the Central Powers: German pressure and the opportunism of Turkish minister of war Enver Pasha. Other motives for joining the Central Powers were the German victories early in the War and Turkey's friction with the Triple Entente. Germany's aim was clear: to keep Turkey from joining the enemy (and by gaining Ottoman support, encourage Romania and Bulgaria to enter the Alliance). The German military mission of 1913 to Turkey under Liman von Sanders organized the Turkish army and navy under German leadership and brought forth the Turco-German Alliance. The secret treaty (only five people in Turkey were aware of it, one being Enver Pasha) was signed 2 August 1914.

The Allies had strategic interests in the Turkish Straits but failed to provide a coherent defense of Turkey from Germany. To that extent, Turkey was driven into the Turco-German alliance; but Turkish leadership, fearful of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, was divided on a course of action. Turkish ambassador in Paris Rifat Pasha advised that neither side would hesitate to dismantle the Empire. According to Rifat, Germany was not as strong as Enver Pasha perceived and considered Turkey to be merely a pawn. Nonetheless, Enver Pasha defied Rifat's pleas to avoid alliance with either side and took what he saw as an opportunity to claim a victory in war.

Enver Pasha chose to ally Turkey with the Central Powers, justifying the alliance by citing Germany's early victories in the War. Being on the winning side would provide the opportunity to forge a swift victory over neighboring enemies and avoid the imminent disintegration of the Ottoman Empire.

Alliance with the Central Powers appealed more to Turkey than alliance with the Allied Powers for additional reasons. Friction with the Entente came on two levels: firstly, Turkey and the Allies clashed over Turkey's harboring of German warships and, secondly, over Russia's interest in the Turkish Straits. On top of a long-standing objective to possess that territory, the Balkan Wars caused Russia to fear loss of access to the straits in 1912. Then in 1913, Russia threatened to occupy Ottoman territory if German military under Liman von Sanders was not removed. Russia was an archenemy and relations with the other Allied Powers were weak.

Source: Jewish Virtual Library

http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/j...

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WHO WERE THE CENTRAL POWERS:

The Central Powers was the term used to describe the wartime alliance of Germany and Austria-Hungary against the Allies. Later the term was extended to include Turkey and Bulgaria.

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Source: Spartacus Educational

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/...

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WHO WERE THE TRIPLE ENTENTE OR ALLIED POWERS?

The Triple Entente (from French entente, IPA: /ɑ̃.tɑ̃t/, "agreement") was the name given to the alliance between the United Kingdom, the French Third Republic, and Russia after the signing of the Anglo-Russian Entente in 1907. The Franco-Russian Alliance, along with the Anglo-Russian Entente and the Entente Cordiale, formed the Triple Entente between the British Empire, France and Russia. This was an effective deterrent to the Triple Alliance of the Central Powers and also a plan by the French to encircle Germany.
The alliance of the three powers, supplemented by various agreements with Portugal, Japan, the United States, and Spain, constituted a powerful counterweight to the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, the third having concluded an additional secret agreement with France effectively nullifying their alliance commitments.

Source: Wikipedia

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triple_E...

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WHAT WAS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE AND THE TRIPLE ENTENTE?

One referred to the Central Powers (Alliance) and the other to the Allied Powers (Entente).

In 1882 Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy formed the Triple Alliance. The three countries agreed to support each other if attacked by either France or Russia. France felt threatened by this alliance. Britain was also concerned by the growth in the German Navy and in 1904 the two countries signed the Entente Cordiale (friendly understanding). The objective of the alliance was to encourage co-operation against the perceived threat of Germany.

Three years later, Russia, who feared the growth in the German Army, joined Britain and France to form the Triple Entente. The Russian government was also concerned about the possibility of Austria-Hungary increasing the size of its empire. It therefore made promises to help Serbia if it was attacked by members of the Triple Alliance.

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THIS IS A SORT OF INTERESTING ANCILLARY PIECE FROM HOW STUFF WORKS ON LENIN (SORT OF TRACES THE SEEDS OF LENIN)

This program traces the political rise of Vladimir Lenin, from the persecution of his family under the Tsarist regime to his establishment of the Soviet Union.

Lenin was a revolutionary and exiled before World War I..but World War I provided the seeds of discontent which Lenin capitalized on in Russia.

Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir...

Video: http://videos.howstuffworks.com/hsw/2...

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THE WAR IN THE GERMAN COLONIES

This segment is interesting (pages 205 - 211) because on another thread there was an implication that Germany was not involved with colonization as well (and surprisingly in Africa). And of course she was according to Keegan.

PAGE 205:

Keegan writes: "Germany had had to become an empire itself, the Second Reich, proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles in January 1871, before it could join Europe's great powers in the competition for empire.

Their extensive conquests left the new state few pickings: North Africa was by then French, Central Asia and Siberia Russian, India British.

Heinrich von Trietschke, the ideologist of German nationalism, announced that "colonization was a matter of life and death. Even so, there was little popular enthusiasm for the acquisition of colonies, perhaps because the only areas still available for exploitation were in the less favoured parts of Africa.

It was German traders who supplied the impulse to enter the continent. Between 1884 and 1914, they had established commercial enclaves in Kamerun, Togo, and South-West Africa (Namibia) on the west coast, and what is now Tanzania on the east coast, which the imperial government has then consolidated . Purchase (from Spain) and deliberate imperial effort had meanwhile secured Papua, Samoa and the Caroline, Marshall, Solomon, Mariana and Bismarck Islands in the South and central Pacific. The coastal region of Kiaochow, and its port of Tsingtao, had been seized from China in 1897."

So I guess we could say that the Germans were busy catching up with colonization wherever they could find it. Do you think that Germany's efforts to establish an empire and colonize were in her best interests?

It is odd but I visited Tsingtao a few years back and never realized that this area had ever not been China and/or had been seized from her by German or Japan (although the Japanese are not popular with the Chinese because of other conflicts).

Of course, I knew it as Qingdao and yes I did visit the brewery while there too (smile). I should have surmised German influence from this alone (lol). And the brewery and the beer is called Tsingtao.

Here is a subsection about the occupation of Quindao:

Human settlement in the area dates back 6,000 years. The Dongyi nationality, one of the important origins of the Chinese nation, lived here and created the Dawenkou, Longshan and Dongyeshi cultures. In the Eastern Zhou Dynasty (770BC~256BC), the town of Jimo was established, which was then the second largest one in the Shandong region. The area in which Qingdao is located today was named Jiao'ao (胶澳) when it was administered by the Qing Dynasty on 14 June 1891.

German colonial period and Japanese occupation

Administration/commercial building, harbor area, 1912 In 1891 the Qing government decided to make the area a defense base against naval attack and eventually began to improve Tsingtao’s existing fortifications. This Chinese activity was observed and reported by German naval officials during a formal survey of Kiautschou Bay in May 1897, as a result of which it was seized and occupied by German troops.[4:] After the Kiautschou Bay region was ceded to Germany in 1898, the German authorities soon turned the impoverished fishing village of Tsingtao into a strategically important port administered by the Imperial Department of the Navy (Reichsmarineamt) rather than the Imperial Colonial Office (Reichskolonialamt). The navy based their Far East Squadron here, allowing the ships to conduct operations throughout the Pacific. From January 1898 the marines of III. Seebatallion were based at Tsingtao. The German imperial government planned and built the first streets and early infrastructure of the city (still visible today), introduced electrification throughout, a sewer system and a safe drinking water supply. Commercial interests established the world-famous Tsingtao Brewery. German influence extended to other areas of Shandong Province, including the establishment of diverse commercial enterprises.

Before the outbreak of World War I the ships of the German naval forces under Admiral Count von Spee were located at central Pacific colonies on routine missions. The fleet then rendezvoused in the Marianas to plan a transit to Germany rather than be trapped in the Pacific by Allied fleets.

After a minor British naval attack on the German colony in 1914, Japan occupied the city and the surrounding province during the Siege of Tsingtao after Japan's declaration of war on Germany in accordance with the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. The failure of the Allied powers to restore Chinese rule to Shandong after the war triggered the May Fourth Movement.

(For details on the colonial period, see Jiaozhou Bay concession)

The city reverted to Chinese rule in December, 1922, under control of the Republic of China. The city became a direct-controlled municipality of the ROC Government in 1929. Japan re-occupied Qingdao in 1938 with its plans of territorial expansion onto China's coast.

Source: Wikipedia

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qingdao

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Description: Foundation of the 2nd German Empire in 1871 in the Hall of Mirrors in Versailles.

Author: Painting by Anton von Werner (1843–1915); oil on canvas

Date: painting executed in 1885

Source:Location of the original: Schloss Friedrichsruhe, Germany

After the French defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, with the Siege of Paris dragging on, the palace was the main headquarters of the Prussian army from 5 October 1870 until 13 March 1871. On 18 January 1871, Prussian King Wilhelm I was proclaimed German Emperor in the Hall of Mirrors, and the German Empire was founded.

After the First World War, it hosted the opening of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, also on 18 January. Germany was blamed for causing the First World War in the Treaty of Versailles which had to be signed in the same room on 28 June 1919.

The ravages of war and neglect over the centuries left their mark on the palace and its huge park. Modern French governments of the post-World War II era have sought to repair these damages.

They have on the whole been successful, but some of the more costly items, such as the vast array of fountains, have yet to be put back completely in service. As spectacular as they might seem now, they were even more extensive in the 18th century. The 18th-century waterworks at Marly— the machine de Marly that fed the fountains— was probably the biggest mechanical system of its time. The water came in from afar on monumental stone aqueducts, which have long ago fallen in disrepair or been torn down. Some aqueducts were never completed for want of resources or due to the exigencies of war.

The search for sufficient supplies of water was in fact never fully realised even during the apogee of Versailles' glory as the seat of government, as the fountains could not be operated together satisfactorily for any significant periods of time.

Source: Wikipedia

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palace_o...

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1871 Proclamation of the German Empire

18 JANUARY 1871
In a France defeated and invaded after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870, Chancellor Bismarck proclaimed the German Empire in the Hall of Mirrors. This was Germany’s revenge for the humiliations imposed by Louis XIV and Napoléon I.

On 19 July 1870, France declared war on Prussia. It capitulated at Sedan on 2 September. Prussia then invaded France. On 19 September, it besieged Paris and the first Prussian troops arrived in Versailles. On 5 October, William I and Bismarck moved into the town to prepare the proclamation of the German Empire from the Château.

Since the mid-1860s, Prussia had emerged enlarged and fortified from its campaigns against Austria and Denmark. It now extended from the Rhine to Russia. Bismarck, its Chancellor, attempted to federate the other German states around Prussia in order to create an empire at the expense of the Austrian-Hungarian empire, its rival. He wanted Germany to become the new power of central Europe, between France and Russia. He had managed to constitute the Confederation of Northern Germany which united all the states except those of the south. Hesse and Baden, followed by Bavaria and Wurtemberg finally joined in November 1870. King Louis II of Bavaria, in fact, refused to join the other German princes in Versailles. Was this out of love of the place and Louis XIV? Whatever the reason, his brother Otto negotiated in his place. So the proclamation of German unity could be made.

On 16 December 1870, a delegation from the Parliament of Northern Germany arrived in Versailles. It came to beseech the king of Prussia to accept the title of Emperor of Germany. The Confederation was dissolved on the 20th. The proclamation of the Empire was fixed for 18 January 1871 in the Hall of Mirrors. An altar was set up here for the religious ceremony. A stage was installed along the side next to the Salon of War, facing the spot where the throne of Louis XIV stood. 600 officers and all the German princes were present except Louis II. After the Te Deum, Bismarck, in his cuirassier’s uniform, read out the proclamation. When he had finished, the Grand-Duke of Baden shouted “Long live his Majesty the Emperor William!” The room rocked with the assembly’s “hurrahs!”. The Chancellor had finally made his dream come true under the paintings of Le Brun glorifying the victories of Louis XIV on the Rhine. He had also achieved his revenge for the defeat of Iena in 1806. The Germans soon left Versailles to the elected representatives of defeated France.

I am sure that this humiliation suffered by the French only spurred them on during World War I.

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THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR:

I have added a thread in the Military History folder dealing with The Franco-Prussian War.

If you would like to discuss this conflict in any detail (aside from the references made by Keegan regarding the conflict), please do it on this specific thread dedicated to this interesting subject.

Here is the new link for everybody's convenience:

http://www.goodreads.com/topic/show/3...

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Regarding Heinrich von Treitschke (according to Keegan - the ideologist of German Nationalism) - page 205

On the 100th Anniversary of his death:

http://www.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/ga...

Wikipedia:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heinrich...

National Liberal Leaders (1878)

National Liberal leaders depicted in this woodcut of 1878 are (top row, left to right): Wilhelm Wehrenpfennig, Eduard Lasker, Heinrich von Treitschke, and Johannes Miquel; (bottom row, left to right): Franz von Roggenbach, Dr. Karl Braun, Dr. Rudolf Gneist, and Ludwig Bamberger.

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Page 205:

Keegan states, "On the outbreak of war, the British and French at once took action to reduce the garrisons of Germany's colonies: the Japanese who had entered the war (on 23 August) on a narrow interpretation of their obligations under the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of 1911, but in practice to improve thier strategic position in the Pacific at Germany's expense, likewise moved against Tsingtao and the central Pacific islands. Japan occupied the Marianas, Marshalls and Carolinas during October. Transferred to her by mandate after 1918, they were to form the outer perimeter of her island stronghold in the war against the United States twenty-five years later.

It is pretty remarkable the flimsy excuses countries used to get involved in a war when all they had were ulterior motives. It is almost like World War I was simply the staging area for the ultimate next conflict (World War II).

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Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 30 January 1902

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, which was to run for five years before being renewed, was primarily directed against the potential shared menace posed, it was believed, by France and (most probably) Russia in the Far East. The alliance obligated either power to remain neutral if one or other found itself at war. However, should either power be obliged to fight a war against two or more powers, the other signatory was obliged to provide military aid.

The alliance was renewed in 1905 to take into account Japan's recent successful war against Russia.

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1902 (Main Points)

Article 1

The High Contracting parties, having mutually recognized the independence of China and Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by aggressive tendencies in either country, having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, whilst Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree, politically as well as commercially and industrially in Korea, the High Contracting parties recognize that it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating the intervention of either of the High Contracting parties for the protection of the lives and properties of its subjects.

Article 2

Declaration of neutrality if either signatory becomes involved in war through Article 1.

Article 3

Promise of support if either signatory becomes involved in war with more than one Power.

Article 4

Signatories promise not to enter into separate agreements with other Powers to the prejudice of this alliance.

Article 5

The signatories promise to communicate frankly and fully with each other when any of the interests affected by this treaty are in jeopardy.

Article 6

Treaty to remain in force for five years and then at one years' notice, unless notice was given at the end of the fourth year.

The Renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1905 (Main Points)

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of replacing the Agreement concluded between them on the 30th of January 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the following Articles, which have for their object:

The consolidation and maintenance of general peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and India;

The preservation of the common interests of all Powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations in China;

The maintenance of the territorial rights of the High Contracting Parties [viz., Britain and Japan:] in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India, and the defence of their special interests in the said regions:
Article I

It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, any of the rights and interests referred to in the preamble of this Agreement [i.e., items a, b, c above:] are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly, and consider in common the measures which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.

Article II

If, by reason of an unprovoked attack or aggressive action, whenever arising, on the part of any other Power or Powers, either Contracting Party should be involved in war in defence of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in the preamble of this Agreement, the other Contracting Party will at once come to the assistance of its ally, and will conduct war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.

Article III

Japan possessing paramount political, military and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of Japan to take such measures of guidance, control and protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.

Article IV

Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian possessions.

Article V

The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another Power to the prejudice of the objects described in the preamble of this Agreement.

Article VI

As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless some other Power or Powers should join in hostilities against Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance of Japan and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with Japan.

Article VII

The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded by either Power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in the present Agreement and the means by which such assistance is to be made available, will be arranged by the military and naval authorities of the Contracting Parties who will from time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all questions of mutual interest.

Article VIII

The present Agreement shall, subject to the provisions of Article VI, come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for ten years from that date.

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Treaty of London, 1839

The 1839 Treaty of London derives its significance from Article 7, which bound Britain to guard the neutrality of Belgium in the event of the latter's invasion.

The German Government, intending to do just that so as to reach France (specifically Paris) all the faster in the opening weeks of the First World War, asked the British government in August 1914 to effectively ignore the "scrap of paper" committing Britain to the defence of Belgium. Britain refused, Germany invaded Belgium anyway: and Prime Minister Asquith took Britain into the Great War on 4 August 1914.

Treaty between Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia, on the one part, and The Netherlands, on the other.

Signed at London, 19th April, 1839

Reference to Treaties of 14th October, 1831; and 15th November, 1831

In the Name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity

Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, His Majesty the King of the French, His Majesty the King of Prussia, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, having taken into consideration their Treaty concluded with His Majesty the King of the Belgians, on the 15th of November, 1831; and His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, being disposed to conclude a Definitive Arrangement on the basis of the 24 Articles agreed upon by the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia, on the 14th of October, 1831; their said Majesties have named for their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:

Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Henry John Viscount Palmerston, Baron Temple, a Peer of Ireland, a Member of Her Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, a Member of Parliament, and Her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, etc.;

His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Sieur Frederic Christian Louis, Count de Senfft-Pilsach, Chamberlain and Privy Councillor of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, and his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, etc.;

His Majesty the King of the French, the Sieur Horace Francis Bastien, Count Sebastiani-Porta, a Lieutenant-General in his armies, a Member of the Chamber of Deputies of France, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty, etc.;

His Majesty the King of Prussia, the Sieur Henry William, Baron de Bülow, his Chamberlain, Privy Councillor of Legation, Envoy Extra-ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty, etc.;

His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, the Sieur Charles Andrew, Count Pozzo di Borgo, a General of Infantry in his Armies, his Aide-de-Camp General, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty, etc.;

And His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, the Sieur Solomon Dedel, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty, etc.

Who, after having communicated to each other their Full Powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles.

...

Reciprocal Renunciation of Territories

Article 6

In consideration of the territorial arrangements above stated, each of the two Parties renounces reciprocally and for ever, all pretension to the Territories, Towns, Fortresses, and Places situated within the limits of the possessions of the other Party, such as those limits are described in Articles 1, 2, and 4.

The said limits shall be marked out in conformity with those Articles, by Belgian and Dutch Commissioners of Demarcation, who shall meet as soon as possible in the town of Maastricht.

Belgium to Form an Independent and Neutral State

Article 7

Belgium, within the limits specified in Articles 1, 2, and 4, shall form an Independent and perpetually Neutral State. It shall be bound to observe such Neutrality towards all other States.

Drainage of Waters of the Two Flanders

Article 8

The drainage of the waters of the Two Flanders shall be regulated between Holland and Belgium, according to the stipulations on this subject contained in Article 6 of the Definitive Treaty concluded between His Majesty the Emperor of Germany and the States-General, on the 8th of November, 1785, and in conformity with the said Article, Commissioners, to be named on either side, shall make arrangements for the application of the provisions contained in it.

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Dual Alliance, 7 October 1879

The Dual Alliance treaty, signed by Germany and Austria-Hungary, promised aid to each other in the event of an attack by Russia, or if Russia aided another power at war with either Germany or Austria-Hungary.

Should either nation be attacked by another power, e.g. France, they were to remain - at the very least - benevolently neutral. This alliance, unlike others, endured until war in 1914.

Bismarck, the architect of the treaty, was keen to establish the first of numerous alliances to provide newly united Germany with allies against a future possible attack by France.

Text of the Dual Alliance

Article 1

Should, contrary to their hope, and against the loyal desire of the two High Contracting Parties, one of the two Empires be attacked by Russia the High Contracting Parties are bound to come to the assistance one of the other with the whole war strength of their Empires, and accordingly only to conclude peace together and upon mutual agreement.

Article 2

Should one of the High Contracting Parties be attacked by another Power, the other High Contracting Party binds itself hereby, not only not to support the aggressor against its high Ally, but to observe at least a benevolent neutral attitude towards its fellow Contracting Party.

Should, however, the attacking party in such a case be supported by Russia, either by an active cooperation or by military measures which constitute a menace to the Party attacked, then the obligation stipulated in Article 1 of this Treaty, for reciprocal assistance with the whole fighting force, becomes equally operative, and the conduct of the war by the two High Contracting Parties shall in this case also be in common until the conclusion of a common peace.

Article 3

The duration of this Treaty shall be provisionally fixed at five years from the day of ratification. One year before the expiration of this period the two High Contracting Parties shall consult together concerning the question whether the conditions serving as the basis of the Treaty still prevail, and reach an agreement in regard to the further continuance or possible modification of certain details.

If in the course of the first month of the last year of the Treaty no invitation has been received from either side to open these negotiations, the Treaty shall be considered as renewed for a further period of three years.

Article 4

This Treaty shall, in conformity with its peaceful character, and to avoid any misinterpretation, be kept secret by the two High Contracting Parties, and only communicated to a third Power upon a joint understanding between the two Parties, and according to the terms of a special Agreement.

The two High Contracting Parties venture to hope, after the sentiments expressed by the Emperor Alexander at the meeting at Alexandrovo, that the armaments of Russia will not in reality prove to be menacing to them, and have on that account no reason for making a communication at present; should, however, this hope, contrary to their expectations, prove to be erroneous, the two High Contracting Parties would consider it their loyal obligation to let the Emperor Alexander know, at least confidentially, that they must consider an attack on either of them as directed against both.

Article 5

This Treaty shall derive its validity from the approbation of the two Exalted Sovereigns and shall be ratified within fourteen days after this approbation has been granted by Their Most Exalted Majesties. In witness whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this Treaty with their own hands and affixed their arms.

Done at Vienna, October 7, 1879

(L.S.) ANDRASSY
(L.S.) H. VII v. REUSS

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Three Emperors League, 18 June 1881

Having secured the creation of a united German Empire following the successful outcome of the Franco-Prussian War in 1871, Bismarck was keen to consolidate Germany's position via the construction of alliances with other major powers.

In so doing Bismarck was acknowledging that France would remain a threat, one set upon avenging her humiliating defeat in ceding Alsace and Lorraine to Germany at the conclusion of the 1870-71 war.

Bismarck set about the establishment of numerous alliances with, in 1873, the creation of the Three Emperors League. This agreement tied Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia to each other's aid in time of war. The agreement however only lasted until 1878 with Russia's withdrawal; Bismarck then agreed a new Dual Alliance with Austria-Hungary in 1879.

The Courts of Austria-Hungary, of Germany, and of Russia, animated by an equal desire to consolidate the general peace by an understanding intended to assure the defensive position of their respective States, have come into agreement on certain questions....

With this purpose the three Courts .... have agreed on the following Articles:

Article 1

In case one of the High Contracting Parties should find itself at war with a fourth Great Power, the two others shall maintain towards it a benevolent neutrality and shall devote their efforts to the localization of the conflict.

This stipulation shall apply likewise to a war between one of the three Powers and Turkey, but only in the case where a previous agreement shall have been reached between the three Courts as to the results of this war.

In the special case where one of them shall obtain a more positive support from one of its two Allies, the obligatory value of the present Article shall remain in all its force for the third.

Article 2

Russia, in agreement with Germany, declares her firm resolution to respect the interests arising from the new position assured to Austria-Hungary by the Treaty of Berlin.

The three Courts, desirous of avoiding all discord between them, engage to take account of their respective interests in the Balkan Peninsula. They further promise one another that any new modifications in the territorial status quo of Turkey in Europe can be accomplished only in virtue of a common agreement between them.

In order to facilitate the agreement contemplated by the present Article, an agreement of which it is impossible to foresee all the conditions, the three Courts from the present moment record in the Protocol annexed to this Treaty the points on which an understanding has already been established in principle.

Article 3

The three Courts recognize the European and mutually obligatory character of the principle of the closing of the Straits of the Bosporus and of the Dardanelles, founded on international law, confirmed by treaties, and summed up in the declaration of the second Plenipotentiary of Russia at the session of July 12 of the Congress of Berlin.

They will take care in common that Turkey shall make no exception to this rule in favour of the interests of any Government whatsoever, by lending to warlike operations of a belligerent Power the portion of its Empire constituted by the Straits.

In case of infringement, or to prevent it if such infringement should be in prospect, the three Courts will inform Turkey that they would regard her, in that event, as putting herself in a state of war towards the injured Party, and as having deprived herself thenceforth of the benefits of the security assured to her territorial status quo by the Treaty of Berlin.

Article 4

The present Treaty shall be in force during a period of three years, dating from the day of the exchange of ratifications.

Article 5

The High Contracting Parties mutually promise secrecy as to the contents and the existence of the present Treaty, as well as of the Protocol annexed thereto.

Article 6

The secret Conventions concluded between Austria-Hungary and Russia and between Germany and Russia in 1873 are replaced by the present Treaty...

SZECHENYI v. BISMARCK SABOUROFF

Separate Protocol on the same date to the Convention of Berlin. June 18, 1881

Article 1: Bosnia and Herzegovina

Austria-Hungary reserves the right to annex these provinces at whatever moment she shall deem opportune.

Article 2: Sanjak of Novibazar

The Declaration exchanged between the Austro-Hungarian Plenipotentiaries and the Russian Plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Berlin under the date of July 13/1, 1878, remains in force.

Article 3: Eastern Rumelia

The three Powers agree in regarding the eventuality of an occupation either of Eastern Rumelia or of the Balkans as full of perils for the general peace. In case this should occur, they will employ their efforts to dissuade the Porte from such an enterprise, it being well understood that Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia on their part are to abstain from provoking the Porte by attacks emanating from their territories against the other provinces of the Ottoman Empire.

Article 4: Bulgaria

The three Powers will not oppose the eventual reunion of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia within the territorial limits assigned to them by the Treaty of Berlin, if this question should come up by the force of circumstances. They agree to dissuade the Bulgarians from all aggression against the neighbouring provinces, particularly Macedonia; and to inform them that in such a case they will be acting at their own risk and peril.

Article 5

In order to avoid collisions of interests in the local questions which may arise, the three Courts will furnish their representatives and agents in the Orient with a general instruction, directing them to endeavour to smooth out their divergences by friendly explanations between themselves in each special case; and, in the cases where they do not succeed in doing so, to refer the matters to their Governments.

Article 6

The present Protocol forms an integral part of the secret Treaty signed on this day at Berlin and shall have the same force and validity...

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Triple Alliance, 20 May 1882

Negotiated and signed in May 1881, the Triple Alliance brought Italy into the alliance previously agreed between Germany and Austria-Hungary (in 1879) as a counterweight to France and Russia.

Under the provisions of this treaty, Germany and Austria-Hungary promised to assist Italy if she were attacked by France, and vice versa: Italy was bound to lend aid to Germany or Austria-Hungary if France declared war against either.

Additionally, should any signatory find itself at war with two powers (or more), the other two were to provide military assistance.

One of the chief aims of the Triple Alliance was to prevent Italy from declaring war against Austria-Hungary, towards whom the Italians were in constant dispute over territorial matters.

Although regularly renewed up until the outbreak of war in 1915, the Triple Alliance was essentially ineffective with regard to Italy's participation, for in 1902 (just five months after the latest renewal of the Alliance) Italy reached an understanding with France that each would remain neutral in the event of an attack upon the other.

Abridged Text of the Triple Alliance

Article 1

The High Contracting Parties mutually promise peace and friendship, and will enter into no alliance or engagement directed against any one of their States.

They engage to proceed to an exchange of ideas on political and economic questions of a general nature which may arise, and they further promise one another mutual support within the limits of their own interests.

Article 2

In case Italy, without direct provocation on her part, should be attacked by France for any reason whatsoever, the two other Contracting Parties shall be bound to lend help and assistance with all their forces to the Party attacked.

This same obligation shall devolve upon Italy in case of any aggression without direct provocation by France against Germany.

Article 3

If one, or two, of the High Contracting Parties, without direct provocation on their part, should chance to be attacked and to be engaged in a war with two or more Great Powers non-signatory to the present Treaty, the casus foederis will arise simultaneously for all the High Contracting Parties.

Article 4

In case a Great Power non-signatory to the present Treaty should threaten the security of the states of one of the High Contracting Parties, and the threatened Party should find itself forced on that account to make war against it, the two others bind themselves to observe towards their Ally a benevolent neutrality. Each of them reserves to itself, in this case, the right to take part in the war, if it should see fit, to make common cause with its Ally.

Article 5

If the peace of any of the High Contracting Parties should chance to be threatened under the circumstances foreseen by the preceding Articles, the High Contracting Parties shall take counsel together in ample time as to the military measures to be taken with a view to eventual cooperation.

They engage henceforward, in all cases of common participation in a war, to conclude neither armistice, nor peace, nor treaty, except by common agreement among themselves.

Article 6

The High Contracting Parties mutually promise secrecy as to the contents and existence of the present Treaty.

Article 7

The present Treaty shall remain in force during the space of five years, dating from the day of the exchange of ratifications.

Article 8

The ratifications of the present Treaty shall be exchanged at Vienna within three weeks, or sooner if may be.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty and have annexed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Vienna, the twentieth day of the month of May of the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-two.

(L.S.) KALNOKY
(L.S.) H. VII v. REUSS
(L.S.) C. ROBILANT

Ministerial Declaration

The Royal Italian Government declares that the provisions of the secret Treaty concluded May 20, 1882, between Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany, cannot, as has been previously agreed, in any case be regarded as being directed against England.

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Reinsurance Treaty, 18 June 1887

Bismarck, having achieved the creation of a united German empire in 1871, remained keen to protect against its possible break-up by a combined two-front attack from French and Russia. Thus his alliance with Russia in 1887, the so-called Reinsurance Treaty, was intended at avoiding that possibility, although under the terms of the agreement Russia was not bound to come to Germany's aid if the latter attacked France (or if Russia declared war with Austria-Hungary, Germany's close ally).

Germany essentially paid for Russia's benevolence by recognising Russia's sphere of influence in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia (now part of southern Bulgaria), and by agreeing to support any Russian action to retain control of the Black Sea.

The treaty itself ran for three years, after which it was allowed to lapse. Subsequently Russia allied herself with Britain and France in the Triple Entente.

Text of the Reinsurance Treaty

The Imperial Courts of Germany and of Russia, animated by an equal desire to strengthen the general peace by an understanding destined to assure the defensive position of their respective States, have resolved to confirm the agreement established between them by a special arrangement, in view of the expiration on June 15/27, 1887, of the validity of the secret Treaty and Protocol, signed in 1881 and renewed in 1884 by the three courts of Germany Russia, and Austria-Hungary.

To this end the two Courts have named as Plenipotentiaries:

His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, King of Prussia, the Sieur Herbert Count Bismarck-Schoenhausen, His Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs;

His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russians, the Sieur Paul Count Schouvaloff, His Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, King of Prussia, who, being furnished with full powers, which have been found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:

Article 1

In case one of the High Contracting Parties should find itself at war with a third Great Power, the other would maintain a benevolent neutrality towards it, and would devote its efforts to the localization of the conflict. This provision would not apply to a war against Austria or France in case this war should result from an attack directed against one of these two latter Powers by one of the High Contracting Parties.

Article 2

Germany recognizes the rights historically acquired by Russia in the Balkan Peninsula, and particularly the legitimacy of her preponderant and decisive influence in Bulgaria and in Eastern Rumelia. The two Courts engage to admit no modification of the territorial status quo of the said peninsula without a previous agreement between them, and to oppose, as occasion arises, every attempt to disturb this status quo or to modify it without their consent.

Article 3

The two Courts recognize the European and mutually obligatory character of the principle of the closing of the Straits of the Bosporus and of the Dardanelles, founded on international law, confirmed by treaties and summed up in the declaration of the second Plenipotentiary of Russia at the session of July 12 of the Congress of Berlin (Protocol 19).

They will take care in common that Turkey shall make no exception to this rule in favour of the interests of any Government whatsoever, by lending to warlike operations of a belligerent power the portion of its Empire constituted by the Straits. In case of infringement, or to prevent it if such infringement should be in prospect, the two Courts will inform Turkey that they would regard her, in that event, as putting herself in a state of war towards the injured Party, and as depriving herself thence forth of the benefits of the security assured to her territorial status quo by the Treaty of Berlin.

Article 4

The present Treaty shall remain in force for the space of three years, dating from the day of the exchange of ratifications.

Article 5

The High Contracting Parties mutually promise secrecy as to the contents and the existence of the present Treaty and of the Protocol annexed thereto.

Article 6

The present Treaty shall be ratified and ratifications shall be exchanged at Berlin within a period of a fortnight, or sooner it may be.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Berlin, the eighteenth day of the month of June, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven.

(L.S.) Count Bismarck

Additional Protocol: Berlin, June 18, 1887

In order to complete the stipulations of Articles 2 and 3 of the secret Treaty concluded on this same date, the two Courts have come to an agreement upon the following points:

1. Germany, as in the past, will lend her assistance to Russia in order to re-establish a regular and legal government in Bulgaria. She promises in no case to give her consent to the restoration of the Prince of Battenberg.

2. In case His Majesty the Emperor of Russia should find himself under the necessity of assuming the task of defending the entrance of the Black Sea in order to safeguard the interests of Russia, Germany engages to accord her benevolent neutrality and her moral and diplomatic support to the measures which His Majesty may deem it necessary to take to guard the key of His Empire.

3. The present Protocol forms an integral part of the secret Treaty signed on this day at Berlin, and shall have the same force and validity.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Berlin, the eighteenth day of the month of June, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven.

Count Bismarck
Count Paul Schouvaloff

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Franco-Russian Military Convention, 18 August 1892

Not published until 1918, the Franco-Russian Military Convention of 18 august 1892 drew France and Russia closer together, and together with Britain, ultimately formed the Triple Entente.

The Franco-Russian Military Convention was signed two years after the German-Russian Reinsurance Treaty had been allowed by Russia to lapse. Increasingly Russia's future alliance lay with France and Britain, in opposition to Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy (who ultimately formed the Central Powers).

In short, should France or Russia be attacked by one of the Triple Alliance signatories - or even should a Triple Alliance power mobilise against either, the other power would provide military assistance.

Text of the Franco-Russian Military Convention

Preamble

France and Russia, being animated by a common desire to preserve peace, and having no other object than to meet the necessities of a defensive war, provoked by an attack of the forces of the Triple Alliance against either of them, have agreed upon the following provisions:

Article 1

If France is attacked by Germany, or by Italy supported by Germany, Russia shall employ all her available forces to attack Germany.

If Russia is attacked by Germany, or by Austria supported by Germany, France shall employ all her available forces to attack Germany.

Article 2

In case the forces of the Triple Alliance, or of any one of the Powers belonging to it, should be mobilized, France and Russia, at the first news of this event and without previous agreement being necessary, shall mobilize immediately and simultaneously the whole of their forces, and shall transport them as far as possible to their frontiers.

Article 3

The available forces to be employed against Germany shall be, on the part of France, 1,300,000 men, on the part of Russia, 700,000 or 800,000 men.

These forces shall engage to the full with such speed that Germany will have to fight simultaneously on the East and on the West.

Article 4

The General Staffs of the Armies of the two countries shall cooperate with each other at all times in the preparation and facilitation of the execution of the measures mentioned above.

They shall communicate with each other, while there is still peace, all information relative to the armies of the Triple Alliance which is already in their possession or shall come into their possession.

Ways and means of corresponding in time of war shall be studied and worked out in advance.

Article 5

France and Russia shall not conclude peace separately.

Article 6

The present Convention shall have the same duration as the Triple Alliance.

Article 7

All the clauses enumerated above shall be kept absolutely secret.

Signature of the Minister:
General Aide-de-Camp:
General of Division:
Chief of the General Staff:
Councillor of State:

Signed: OBRUCHEFF
(Sub-Chief of the General Staff of the Army)

Signed: BOISDEFFRE

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Entente Cordiale, 8 April 1904

The Entente Cordiale, an agreement between Britain and France, resolved a number of longstanding colonial disputes, and established a diplomatic understanding between the two countries, which however stopped short of binding either to any military undertaking in support of the other.

France, keen to build a buffer against possible German aggression, signed the agreement in a bid to encourage an Anglo alliance with France. Similarly Britain was willing to encourage co-operation between the two countries with an eye on Germany's decision to expand her naval strength in competition with Britain.

Germany, concerned over the signing of the entente agreement, determined to test its practical strength by provoking a crisis in Morocco in 1905, leading to the Algeciras Conference (1906).

The entente was extended in 1907 to include Russia, culminating in the alliance that formally took on the Central Powers during World War One.

The Franco-British Declaration, 1904

Formally titled, the 'Declaration between the United Kingdom and France Respecting Egypt and Morocco, Together with the Secret Articles Signed at the Same Time.'

Article 1

His Britannic Majesty's Government declare that they have no intention of altering the political status of Egypt.

The Government of the French Republic, for their part, declare that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in that country.

It is agreed that the post of Director-General of Antiquities in Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be entrusted to a French savant.

The French schools in Egypt shall continue to enjoy the same liberty as in the past.

Article 2

The Government of the French Republic declare that they have no intention of altering the political status of Morocco.

His Britannic Majesty's Government, for their part, recognise that it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic, financial, and military reforms which it may require.

They declare that they will not obstruct the action taken by France for this purpose, provided that such action shall leave intact the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of treaties, conventions, and usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, enjoyed by British vessels since 1901.

Article 3

His Britannic Majesty's Government for their part, will respect the rights which France, in virtue of treaties, conventions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including the right of coasting trade between Egyptian ports accorded to French vessels.

Article 4

The two Governments, being equally attached to the principle of commercial liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that they will not, in those countries, countenance any inequality either in the imposition of customs duties or other taxes, or of railway transport charges. The trade of both nations with Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same treatment in transit through the French and British possessions in Africa. An agreement between the two Governments shall settle the conditions of such transit and shall determine the points of entry.

This mutual engagement shall be binding for a period of thirty years. Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced at least one year in advance, the period shall be extended for five years at a time.

Nevertheless the Government of the French Republic reserve to themselves in Morocco, and His Britannic Majesty's Government reserve to themselves in Egypt, the right to see that the concessions for roads, railways, ports, etc., are only granted on such conditions as will maintain intact the authority of the State over these great undertakings of public interest.

Article 5

His Britannic Majesty's Government declare that they will use their influence in order that the French officials now in the Egyptian service may not be placed under conditions less advantageous than those applying to the British officials in the service.

The Government of the French Republic, for their part, would make no objection to the application of analogous conditions to British officials now in the Moorish service.

Article 6

In order to ensure the free passage of the Suez Canal, His Britannic Majesty's Government declare that they adhere to the treaty of the 29th October, 1888, and that they agree to their being put in force. The free passage of the Canal being thus guaranteed, the execution of the last sentence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 2 of Article of that treaty will remain in abeyance.

Article 7

In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of Gibraltar, the two Governments agree not to permit the erection of any fortifications or strategic works on that portion of the coast of Morocco comprised between, but not including, Melilla and the heights which command the right bank of the River Sebou.

This condition does not, however, apply to the places at present in the occupation of Spain on the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean.

Article 8

The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the interests which that country derives from her geographical position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the French Government will come to an understanding with the Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His Britannic Majesty's Government.

Article 9

The two Governments agree to afford to one another their diplomatic support, in order to obtain the execution of the clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and Morocco.

In witness whereof his Excellency the Ambassador of the French Republic at the Court of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, duly authorised for that purpose, have signed the present Declaration and have affixed thereto their seals.

Done at London, in duplicate, the 8th day of April, 1904.

(L.S.) LANSDOWNE
(L.S.) PAUL CAMBON

Secret Articles

Article 1

In the event of either Government finding themselves constrained, by the force of circumstances, to modify their policy in respect to Egypt or Morocco, the engagements which they have undertaken towards each other by Articles 4, 6, and 7 of the Declaration of today's date would remain intact.

Article 2

His Britannic Majesty's Government have no present intention of proposing to the Powers any changes in the system of the Capitulations, or in the judicial organisation of Egypt.

In the event of their considering it desirable to introduce in Egypt reforms tending to assimilate the Egyptian legislative system to that in force in other civilised Countries, the Government of the French Republic will not refuse to entertain any such proposals, on the understanding that His Britannic Majesty's Government will agree to entertain the suggestions that the Government of the French Republic may have to make to them with a view of introducing similar reforms in Morocco.

Article 3

The two Governments agree that a certain extent of Moorish territory adjacent to Melilla, Ceuta, and other presides should, whenever the Sultan ceases to exercise authority over it, come within the sphere of influence of Spain, and that the administration of the coast from Melilla as far as, but not including, the heights on the right bank of the Sebou shall be entrusted to Spain.

Nevertheless, Spain would previously have to give her formal assent to the provisions of Articles 4 and 7 of the Declaration of today's date, and undertake to carry them out.

She would also have to undertake not to alienate the whole, or a part, of the territories placed under her authority or in her sphere of influence.

Article 4

If Spain, when invited to assent to the provisions of the preceding article, should think proper to decline, the arrangement between France and Great Britain, as embodied in the Declaration of today's date, would be none the less at once applicable.

Article 5

Should the consent of the other Powers to the draft Decree mentioned in Article I of the Declaration of today's date not be obtained, the Government of the French Republic will not oppose the repayment at par of the Guaranteed, Privileged, and Unified Debts after the 15th July, 1910.

Done at London, in duplicate, the 8th day of April, 1904.

(L.S.) LANSDOWNE
(L.S.) PAUL CAMBON

Source: Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, London, 1911, Vol. CIII, Cmd. 5969.

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Anglo-Russian Entente, 1907

With the Anglo-Russian Entente of 1907, following the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale of 1904, the so-called Triple Entente of Britain, France and Russia was established.

The Triple Entente stood in opposition to the Triple Alliance (otherwise referred to as the Central Powers) of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.

Agreement Concerning Persia

The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia, and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout that country and its peaceful development, as well as the permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and industry of all other nations;

Considering that each of them has, for geographical and economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or in the neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand, and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict between their respective interests in the above-mentioned provinces of Persia;

Have agreed on the following terms:

Article I

Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or commercial nature/emdash such as Concessions for railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, etc. - beyond a line starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd, Kakhk, and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian Government.

It is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not to seek the Concessions referred to.

Article II

Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself and not to support, in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or commercial nature - such as Concessions for railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, etc. - beyond a line going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand, Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in this region which are supported by the British Government.

It is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions referred to.

Article III

Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and II.

Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same regions of Persia.

All Concessions existing at present in the regions indicated in Articles I and II and maintained.

Article IV

It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah with the "Banque d'escompte et des Prits de Perse" up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement, shall be devoted to the same purpose as in the past.

It is equally understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of the Posts and telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement.

Article V

In the event of irregularities occurring in the amortization or payment of interest of the Persian loans concluded with the "Banque d'escompte et des Prits de Perse" and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement, and in the event of the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the region mentioned in Article II of the present Agreement, or for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the region mentioned in Article I of the present Agreement, the British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in agreement with each other, the measures of control in question and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity with the principles governing the present Agreement.

Source: Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, London, 1908, Vol CXXV, Cmd. 3750.

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Proclamation of the Young Turks, 1908

Reproduced below is the proclamation issued by the Young Turks in 1908 with their coming to power in Turkey.

With the coming of war in Europe in August 1914 the Young Turk administration proved far more receptive to German friendship than to approaches from the Allies, and eventually ended a stance of neutrality at the end of August 1914 by declaring an alliance with Germany (secretly agreed as early as 2 August 1914).

Proclamation for the Ottoman Empire

1. The basis for the Constitution will be respect for the predominance of the national will. One of the consequences of this principle will be to require without delay the responsibility of the minister before the Chamber, and, consequently, to consider the minister as having resigned, when he does not have a majority of the votes of the Chamber.

2. Provided that the number of senators does not exceed one-third the number of deputies, the Senate will be named as follows: one-third by the Sultan and two-thirds by the nation, and the term of senators will be of limited duration.

3. It will be demanded that all Ottoman subjects having completed their twentieth year, regardless of whether they possess property or fortune, shall have the right to vote. Those who have lost their civil rights will naturally be deprived of this right.

4. It will be demanded that the right freely to constitute political groups be inserted in a precise fashion in the constitutional charter, in order that article 1 of the Constitution of 1293 A.H. [=Anno Hegira:] be respected.

7. The Turkish tongue will remain the official state language. Official correspondence and discussion will take place in Turkish.

9. Every citizen will enjoy complete liberty and equality, regardless of nationality or religion, and be submitted to the same obligations. All Ottomans, being equal before the law as regards rights and duties relative to the State, are eligible for government posts, according to their individual capacity and their education. Non-Muslims will be equally liable to the military law.

10. The free exercise of the religious privileges which have been accorded to different nationalities will remain intact.

11. The reorganization and distribution of the State forces, on land as well as on sea, will be undertaken in accordance with the political and geographical situation of the country, taking into account the integrity of the other European powers.

14. Provided that the property rights of landholders are not infringed upon (for such rights must be respected and must remain intact, according to law), it will be proposed that peasants be permitted to acquire land, and they will be accorded means to borrow money at a moderate rate.

16. Education will be free. Every Ottoman citizen, within the limits of the prescriptions of the Constitution, may operate a private school in accordance with the special laws.

17. All schools will operate under the surveillance of the state. In order to obtain for Ottoman citizens an education of a homogenous and uniform character, the officials schools will be open, their instruction will be free, and all nationalities will be admitted. Instruction in Turkish will be obligatory in public schools. In official schools, public instruction will be free. Secondary and higher education will be given in the public and official schools indicated above; it will use the Turkish tongue. Schools of commerce, agriculture, and industry will be opened with the goal of developing the resources of the country.

18. Steps shall also be taken for the formation of roads and railways and canals to increase the facilities of communication and increase the sources of the wealth of the country. Everything that can impede commerce or agriculture shall be abolished.

Source: The Young Turks, trans. A. Sarrou, in Civilization since Waterloo, Rondo Cameron, ed. (Paris, 1912), pp. 40-42. Text modernised by Prof. Arkenberg. (not in goodreads)

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And then onto the world scene comes President Woodrow Wilson:President Woodrow Wilson's Inauguration Address, 4 March 1913

Reproduced below is the inauguration address of incoming President Woodrow Wilson, who won the Presidential election of November 1912. Wilson was subsequently re-elected as the President who kept America out of the First World War in November 1916. The U.S. was obliged however to enter the war five months later in the wake of Germany's new (and provocative) policy of unrestricted submarine warfare.

First Inaugural Address of
President Woodrow Wilson
4 March 1913

There has been a change of government. It began two years ago, when the House of Representatives became Democratic by a decisive majority. It has now been completed. The Senate about to assemble will also be Democratic.

The offices of President and Vice-President have been put into the hands of Democrats. What does the change mean? That is the question that is uppermost in our minds to-day. That is the question I am going to try to answer, in order, if I may, to interpret the occasion.

It means much more than the mere success of a party. The success of a party means little except when the Nation is using that party for a large and definite purpose. No one can mistake the purpose for which the Nation now seeks to use the Democratic Party. It seeks to use it to interpret a change in its own plans and point of view.

Some old things with which we had grown familiar, and which had begun to creep into the very habit of our thought and of our lives, have altered their aspect as we have latterly looked critically upon them, with fresh, awakened eyes; have dropped their disguises and shown themselves alien and sinister.

Some new things, as we look frankly upon them, willing to comprehend their real character, have come to assume the aspect of things long believed in and familiar, stuff of our own convictions. We have been refreshed by a new insight into our own life.

We see that in many things that life is very great. It is incomparably great in its material aspects, in its body of wealth, in the diversity and sweep of its energy, in the industries which have been conceived and built up by the genius of individual men and the limitless enterprise of groups of men.

It is great, also, very great, in its moral force. Nowhere else in the world have noble men and women exhibited in more striking forms the beauty and the energy of sympathy and helpfulness and counsel in their efforts to rectify wrong, alleviate suffering, and set the weak in the way of strength and hope.

We have built up, moreover, a great system of government, which has stood through a long age as in many respects a model for those who seek to set liberty upon foundations that will endure against fortuitous change, against storm and accident. Our life contains every great thing, and contains it in rich abundance.

But the evil has come with the good, and much fine gold has been corroded. With riches has come inexcusable waste. We have squandered a great part of what we might have used, and have not stopped to conserve the exceeding bounty of nature, without which our genius for enterprise would have been worthless and impotent, scorning to be careful, shamefully prodigal as well as admirably efficient.

We have been proud of our industrial achievements, but we have not hitherto stopped thoughtfully enough to count the human cost, the cost of lives snuffed out, of energies overtaxed and broken, the fearful physical and spiritual cost to the men and women and children upon whom the dead weight and burden of it all has fallen pitilessly the years through.

The groans and agony of it all had not yet reached our ears, the solemn, moving undertone of our life, coming up out of the mines and factories, and out of every home where the struggle had its intimate and familiar seat. With the great Government went many deep secret things which we too long delayed to look into and scrutinize with candid, fearless eyes.

The great Government we loved has too often been made use of for private and selfish purposes, and those who used it had forgotten the people.

At last a vision has been vouchsafed us of our life as a whole. We see the bad with the good, the debased and decadent with the sound and vital. With this vision we approach new affairs. Our duty is to cleanse, to reconsider, to restore, to correct the evil without impairing the good, to purify and humanize every process of our common life without weakening or sentimentalizing it.

There has been something crude and heartless and unfeeling in our haste to succeed and be great. Our thought has been "Let every man look out for himself, let every generation look out for itself," while we reared giant machinery which made it impossible that any but those who stood at the levers of control should have a chance to look out for themselves.

We had not forgotten our morals. We remembered well enough that we had set up a policy which was meant to serve the humblest as well as the most powerful, with an eye single to the standards of justice and fair play, and remembered it with pride. But we were very heedless and in a hurry to be great.

We have come now to the sober second thought. The scales of heedlessness have fallen from our eyes. We have made up our minds to square every process of our national life again with the standards we so proudly set up at the beginning and have always carried at our hearts. Our work is a work of restoration.

We have itemized with some degree of particularity the things that ought to be altered and here are some of the chief items: A tariff which cuts us off from our proper part in the commerce of the world, violates the just principles of taxation, and makes the Government a facile instrument in the hand of private interests; a banking and currency system based upon the necessity of the Government to sell its bonds fifty years ago and perfectly adapted to concentrating cash and restricting credits; an industrial system which, take it on all its sides, financial as well as administrative, holds capital in leading strings, restricts the liberties and limits the opportunities of labour, and exploits without renewing or conserving the natural resources of the country; a body of agricultural activities never yet given the efficiency of great business undertakings or served as it should be through the instrumentality of science taken directly to the farm, or afforded the facilities of credit best suited to its practical needs; watercourses undeveloped, waste places unreclaimed, forests untended, fast disappearing without plan or prospect of renewal, unregarded waste heaps at every mine.

We have studied as perhaps no other nation has the most effective means of production, but we have not studied cost or economy as we should either as organizers of industry, as statesmen, or as individuals.

Nor have we studied and perfected the means by which government may be put at the service of humanity, in safeguarding the health of the Nation, the health of its men and its women and its children, as well as their rights in the struggle for existence.

This is no sentimental duty. The firm basis of government is justice, not pity. These are matters of justice. There can be no equality or opportunity, the first essential of justice in the body politic, if men and women and children be not shielded in their lives, their very vitality, from the consequences of great industrial and social processes which they can not alter, control, or singly cope with.

Society must see to it that it does not itself crush or weaken or damage its own constituent parts. The first duty of law is to keep sound the society it serves. Sanitary laws, pure food laws, and laws determining conditions of labour which individuals are powerless to determine for themselves are intimate parts of the very business of justice and legal efficiency.

These are some of the things we ought to do, and not leave the others undone, the old-fashioned, never-to-be-neglected, fundamental safeguarding of property and of individual right. This is the high enterprise of the new day: To lift everything that concerns our life as a Nation to the light that shines from the hearthfire of every man's conscience and vision of the right.

It is inconceivable that we should do this as partisans; it is inconceivable we should do it in ignorance of the facts as they are or in blind haste. We shall restore, not destroy. We shall deal with our economic system as it is and as it may be modified, not as it might be if we had a clean sheet of paper to write upon; and step by step we shall make it what it should be, in the spirit of those who question their own wisdom and seek counsel and knowledge, not shallow self-satisfaction or the excitement of excursions whither they can not tell. Justice, and only justice, shall always be our motto.

And yet it will be no cool process of mere science. The Nation has been deeply stirred, stirred by a solemn passion, stirred by the knowledge of wrong, of ideals lost, of government too often debauched and made an instrument of evil.

The feelings with which we face this new age of right and opportunity sweep across our heartstrings like some air out of God's own presence, where justice and mercy are reconciled and the judge and the brother are one. We know our task to be no mere task of politics but a task which shall search us through and through, whether we be able to understand our time and the need of our people, whether we be indeed their spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have the pure heart to comprehend and the rectified will to choose our high course of action.

This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster, not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts wait upon us; men's lives hang in the balance; men's hopes call upon us to say what we will do.

Who shall live up to the great trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all patriotic, all forward-looking men, to my side. God helping me, I will not fail them, if they will but counsel and sustain me!

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Crown Prince Wilhelm on the Prospect of War, 1913

Reproduced below is an excerpt from Crown Prince Wilhelm's book Germany in Arms, published in 1913. (not able to find it in goodreads at all)

In the extract Wilhelm - the son of Kaiser Wilhelm II and heir to the throne - enthused about the prospect of war in Europe, arguing that peace was un-advantageous to Germany.

Crown Prince Wilhelm on the Prospect of War

Today, indeed, we live in a time which points with special satisfaction to the proud height of its culture, which is only too willing to boast of its international cosmopolitanism, and flatters itself with visionary dreams of the possibility of an everlasting peace throughout the world.

This view of life is un-German and does not suit us. The German who loves his people, who believes in the greatness and the future of our homeland, and who is unwilling to see its position diminished, dare not close his eyes in the indulgence of dreams such as these, he dare not allow himself to be lulled into indolent sleep by the lullabies of peace sung by the Utopians.

Germany has behind her since the last great war a period of economic prosperity, which has in it something almost disconcerting. Comfort has so increased in all circles of our people that luxury and claims to a certain style of life have undergone a rank development.

Now certainly we must not thanklessly deny that a wave of economic prosperity brings with it much that is good. But the shady side of this too rapid development often manifests itself in a painful and threatening manner. Already the appreciation of wealth has gained in our country an importance which we can only observe with anxiety.

The old ideals, even the position and the honour of the nation, may be sympathetically affected; for peace, peace at any price, is necessary for the undisturbed acquisition of money.

But the study of history teaches us that all those States which in the decisive hour have been guided by purely commercial considerations have miserably come to grief. The sympathies of civilized nations are today, as in the battles of antiquity, still with the sturdy and the bold fighting armies; they are with the brave combatants who, in the words which Lessing puts in the mouth of Tellheim, are soldiers for their country, and fight out of the love which they bear to the cause.

Certainly diplomatic dexterity can, and should, postpone the conflict for a time, and at times disentangle the difficulties. Certainly all those in authority must and will be fully conscious of their enormous responsibility in the grave hour of decision. They must make it clear to their own minds that the gigantic conflagration, once enkindled, cannot be so easily or so quickly extinguished.

As, however, lightning is an adjustment of the tension between two differently charged strata of the atmosphere, so the sword will always be and remain until the end of the world the decisive factor.

Therefore every one, to whom his country is dear, and who believes in a great future for our nation, must joyfully do his part in the task of seeing that the old military spirit of our fathers is not lost, and that it is not sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought. For the sword alone is not decisive, but the arm steeled in exercise which bears the sword.

Each of us must keep himself fit for arms and also prepared in his mind for the great solemn hour when the Emperor calls us to the standard - the hour when we no longer belong to ourselves, but to the Fatherland with all the forces of our mind and our body; for all these faculties must be brought to the highest exertion, to that "will to victory" which has never been without success in history.

[Later comes this passage:] Our country is obliged more than any other country to place all its confidence in its good weapons. Set in the centre of Europe, it is badly protected by its unfavourable geographic frontiers, and is regarded by many nations without affection.

Upon the German Empire, therefore, is imposed more emphatically than upon any other peoples of the earth the sacred duty of watching carefully that its army and its navy be always prepared to, meet any attack from the outside. It is only by reliance upon our brave sword that we shall be able to maintain that place in the sun which belongs to us, and which the world does not seem very willing to accord us.

[The author then describes a regimental manoeuvre of the guards on the field at Doeberitz:] The steel helmets glitter in the sunshine; in the galloping exercises every individual horseman endeavours to keep on to the man in front, and to keep the right direction - no easy matter when there is dust, and the ground is rough.

Many a one stumbles, and away past him gallops the company of riders. What does it matter! When you plane wood, shavings must fall. And there the call resounds over the field, clear and quivering amid the uproar of the galloping mass, "Front!"

The reins whirl round, and as if by a stroke of magic, the line is formed again, with a front of five impetuous squadrons of the guards, and then comes the signal, "Charge!"

Then the last ounce is taken out of the horses, and with bodies strained forward and with lances in rest with a "hurrah" we ride to the attack. For any one who has taken part in such attacks, there is nothing fairer in the world!

And yet to the true horseman there is one thing which appears more beautiful: if all that were the same, but if only at the end of the rapid charge the enemy were to ride out against us, and the struggle for which we have been drilled and trained, the struggle for life and death, were to begin.

How often during such attacks have I heard the yearning call of a comrade riding behind: "Donnewetter" if that were only the real thing!" O horseman's spirit! All who are true soldiers must know and feel: "Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." [Glad and glorious [or sweet and fitting:] it is to die for one's country].

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. I, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923

Source Records of the Great War How the Great War Arose v. 1 by Charles F. Horne Charles F. Horne

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German Reaction to the Japanese Capture of Tsingtao, 8 November 1914

Reproduced below is a commentary which appeared in a German newspaper on 8 November 1914, the day after the German-held territory of Tsingtao fell into Japanese control. The author of the article was Rear-Admiral Schlieper, who had served in Tsingtao some years earlier, and who had rejoiced in the territory's superior management by Germany.

In his article Schlieper mourned the loss of Tsingtao in passionate terms, and heaped scorn upon its joint conquerors, Japan and Britain.

German Reaction to the Fall of Tsingtao - A Newspaper Commentary by Rear-Admiral Schlieper, 8 November 1914

"We guarantee performance of our duty - to the last!"

A solemn heritage have these words become, these words which the governor, naval Captain Meyer-Waldeck, just managed to have transmitted by telegraph to his Commander-in-Chief, from far-away Kiau-chau as a characteristic German pledge.

Each one of us here in the Fatherland, clearly realizing that the message voiced much bitter tragedy, was grateful in his inmost soul to the brave man. Those of us, however, who had been permitted to witness that which out yonder had been undertaken and developed with enthusiasm and flaming love of country, will to-day, on the morning of November 8th, have felt especially sorrowful when they read these words: "Tsing-tau has fallen!"

The flags were yet waving in celebration of the German naval victory along the coast of Chile off Coronel - and already there comes in the quick succession of events the solemn tidings of the end of an heroic struggle, which was maintained on a rocky height against gigantic odds.

We saw it coming - and yet our thoughts rebelled against the accomplished fact, our whole being revolted against so much baseness and deceit which a dual alliance, consisting of our white cousins and of wily yellow Asiatics, had instigated against German possessions.

A sudden pang may flash through us when we view so much German blood spilled, but at the same moment our hearts should beat in fervent gratitude for our heroes of Tsing-tau.

For seventeen years the German flag waved above yonder rocky post. When in the nineties the awakening of the Asiatic East steadily progressed, when a slit-eyed island folk became always more desirous of mastering everything considered European, the time had come for Germany to get a foothold in order to be able to maintain her "place in the sun."

The commanders of our naval military forces had long had their orders for this reason to look around; and when the murder of two German missionaries in Shantung demanded energetic action, Admiral von Diedrichs, with the landing troops of the ships under his command, occupied the Chinese barracks on the northern cape of the bay of Kiau-chau.

On the same day he raised the German flag in spite of the vehement protests of the Chinese general who was stationed there. On March 6, 1898, China agreed to a lease which should run for ninety-nine years, by which the bay of Kiau-chau, and a territory, in accordance with her wishes, was ceded to Germany.

Thereupon, by sending a division, consisting of ships and marines and detachments of sailor-artillery, care was taken that the new possession received augmented protection. After the barracks and dwellings had been first of all thoroughly cleansed for weeks - as a brother-officer wrote to me at the time - German Kultur could placidly make its entrance in Tsing-tau and the surrounding country. And this came to pass.

With what love and care, with what pride and desire to create, the work was carried on in our far distant Kiau-chau, this pen is not capable of describing. But one could easily follow it up in the monographs and plans published annually by the Imperial naval office.

It has been my privilege to visit many of our colonies and for a long time, but nowhere did I meet such a beneficent joy in creating as in Tsing-tau. Every one wished to accomplish great things, and to emulate the other workers. Everything was permeated with German thought and German soundness. There it was demonstrated to foreigners, to those who have now stolen it from us. The German can colonize, even if he has pursued it only in recent years.

Seventeen years under the German flag! How everything developed during that time! German hydraulic architecture and energy called into existence an extensive harbour. Lighthouses, casting their beams far and wide, were erected on points and steep ridges. One villa after another arose, not pretentious and obtrusive, no, rather tasteful and snug.

Soon whistled the locomotive; the powerful step of our splendid marine artillery resounded on the well-cared-for new roads. Where once upon a time bleak rocks stood out prominently against the sky, the green of German afforesting soon covered the bare surfaces. Everything was furthered - even the annual stream of guests, who, coming especially from Shanghai, disported themselves on the beach of Tsing-tau.

The governors, Truppel and Jaeschke, shaped a territory which a Meyer-Waldeck with his faithful followers was to defend to the knife in the past months.

Yes, everything flourished in Kiau-chau; but for this very reason, desire, greed, always came nearer and wished to taste, no, not to taste, to possess the whole of it. The opportunity for highway robbery could not have been more favourable.

The World War had been enkindled - so quickly help yourself, for Germania has her hands full at home. Therefore act quickly; for we'll never gain our object more easily, and our white colleague there under the Union Jack, who always acts as if he were so superior but who really fears us yellow folks out here, he is fighting on our side, wants to crush his cousin with us. So quickly send an ultimatum to Germany, an insolent one to be sure, what does that matter. "Near is my shirt, but nearer is my skin"; and our colleague, John Bull, he would so much like it.

A disdainful rejection was the answer of Germania and then Meyer-Waldeck drew his sword! "War! War!" was re-echoed in the region of Tsing-tau, "war against a fine pair of brothers! So let it be: we shall fight to the last drop of blood."

And how they did fight! Nothing came of the desire to present the fall of Tsing-tau as a birthday present to the Mikado on October 31st, as the Japanese had planned. There was bitter fighting. The enemy often sustained bloody repulses.

The warships, including the Kaiserin Elizabeth, of the Austro-Hungarian navy, valiantly assisted. The Kaiserin Elizabeth wanted at all events to fight with us, to conquer, or to sink. Then on September 28th, Tsing-tau was completely cut off by land; the situation steadily became more serious. From far and near the compatriots had hastened there - they would not desert their dear Tsing-tau at such a critical time.

On September 27th combined Japanese and English forces had advanced to the Litsun River. In the ensuing engagements they left one hundred and fifty dead and wounded on the place of combat.

On October 14th two German forts fell after a heavy bombardment on the part of the hostile warships. But the German guns answered smartly. A 20-centimetre projectile strikes the deck of the English man-of-war Triumph and causes heavy damage.

In the meantime the German torpedo-boat S-90 has destroyed the Japanese cruiser Takashiho in a bold attack. What does it matter that it had later on to sacrifice itself, as it would otherwise have fallen the prey of a large hostile superior force! It was able to save its crew.

The odds steadily increase, the glances toward the German eagle become more covetous, as the latter, bleeding from many wounds, stakes his all to keep what he has acquired, but which under his protection only too readily has stirred up the envy of others, even as this despicable trait of our opponents is the real reason for the World War.

A dreary, melancholy, grey November day without! Gone is the decoration of flags and the rejoicing of the day of Coronel! Everything in its time! To-day the throb of our hearts belongs to you heroes out yonder, our whole mood, our whole sentiment; for you have fought as German heroes have never been better able to do.

But we here at home, we will continually repeat it to our children: Do not forget November 7, 1914: do not forget to pay back those yellow Asiatics, who had learned so much from us, for the great wrong they have done to us, stirred up though they were by the petty English mercenary spirit!

My pen refuses to go on! But one thing more I should like to attest to: Of a truth, ye heroes - ye dead, ye mortally wounded ones and ye survivors - ye did your duty to the last!

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. III, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923

Source Records of the Great War V3 (there is no bookcover in goodreads for volume 3) - by Charles Horne

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This is even more interesting - China had leased Tsingdao to the GermansThe Siege of Tsingtao, 1914

Although actually in China Tsingtao (Qingdao today) was leased to Germany as a colony by the Chinese government in the wake of the murder of two German missionaries in the late 19th century. In order to appease the German government following the two deaths China granted Germany a 99-year lease on the colony in 1898.

Germany subsequently built a port and naval base at Tsingtao, establishing it as the main German installation in the Far East. Tsingtao was consequently garrisoned by some 4,000 troops.

However on 16 August 1914, a full week prior to the formal Japanese declaration of war with Germany, General Mitsuomi Kamio was instructed by the Japanese government to make advanced preparations for the siege of the German-controlled port.

The day prior the Japanese Prime Minister addressed an ultimatum to the German government, ordering the latter to remove German men-o'-war from Japanese and Chinese waters, and to hand over Tsingtao to Japanese control. (Click here to read Minister for Foreign Affairs Baron Kato's rationale for war with Germany.)

Thus on 2 September 1914, shortly after war was declared by the Japanese, Kamio's 18th Division of 23,000 men backed by 142 guns began a bombardment of the port. Britain, wary of Japanese intentions in the region, decided to send 1,500 troops to assist the Japanese (and to keep a watchful eye upon proceedings).

The Germany garrison, despite being outnumbered by some six to one, held out for over two months before finally surrendering on 7 November and handing over the port three days later. Kamio's siege tactics were much admired for their effectiveness; he advocated night raids and eschewed frontal attacks of the type shortly witnessed along the battlefields of France and Flanders. With the port's capture British forces were withdrawn and reallocated elsewhere.

Following Chinese acceptance of Japan's Twenty-one Demands of January 1915 (agreed four months later) - issued upon pain of war - Tsingtao returned nominally into Chinese hands but did not in fact revert to Chinese control until 1922.

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The Twenty-One Demands

On 18 January 1915 the Japanese government secretly presented to its Chinese counterpart a list of twenty-one grievances of which it required immediate resolution, such resolution to be specified by the Japanese government upon pain of war.

In practical terms Japan was taking advantage of its wartime status as an Allied power to seek to extend its influence in the Pacific, chiefly at China's expense. It relied upon its status as an ally of Britain to reduce the likelihood of intervention from that quarter. Already by the time the Twenty-One Demands were published Japan had successfully invaded the German base at Tsingtao.

Among other grievances the Twenty-One Demands required that China immediately cease its practice of leasing out territory to foreign powers. Japan also demanded that it be given ascendancy over Manchuria and Shantung and that China accept so-called 'advisors' to assist with many aspects of government policy.

Having prevaricated, and in the wake of a revised set of demands published on 26 April 1915, China finally capitulated to a Japanese ultimatum of 7 May 1915 which threatened war in the absence of Chinese agreement. Thus on 8 May 1915 China reluctantly acquiesced to Japan, although Britain and the U.S. succeeded in removing the requirement for China to accept government advisors. The Chinese legislature did not however ratify the treaties signed between the two countries.

Japanese hegemony over China was merely temporary however. Although the Treaty of Versailles granted Japanese control over former German territories in Shantung the Washington Conference of 1921-22 resulted in Japanese agreement to withdraw its forces from Shantung and full restoration of sovereignty to China.

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More Regarding The Twenty-One Demands:

'21 Demands' Made by Japan to China, 18 January 1915

Seizing the opportunity effected by the onset of war in 1914, and by its status as an Allied power, Japan presented China with a secret ultimatum in January 1915 designed to give Japan regional ascendancy over China.

The ultimatum was backed up by the threat of war (click here for an overview of the demands).

The 'Twenty-One Demands' - comprising five groupings - required that China immediately cease its leasing of territory to foreign powers and to ascent to Japanese control over Manchuria and Shandong (Shantung) among other demands.

The Japanese government, following revision of the demands on 26 April 1915, sent a final demand requiring agreement of the demands on 7 May 1915; the following day the Chinese government, aware of its inability to wage war against Japan, reluctantly agreed to Japan's demands, although the intervention of both Britain (an ally) and the U.S. annulled demands by Japan that China accept government policy 'advisors'. The U.S. in particular was wary of Japanese intentions in the Pacific.

The effects of the 'Twenty-One Demands' were subsequently annulled by the Washington Conference of 1921-22 when Japan agreed to withdraw its troops from Shandong and to restore sovereignty to China.

GROUP I

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, being desirous to maintain the general peace in the Far East and to strengthen the relations of amity and good neighbourhood existing between the two countries, agree to the following articles:

Article 1

The Chinese Government engage to give full assent to all matters that the Japanese Government may hereafter agree with the German Government respecting the disposition of all the rights, interests and concessions, which, in virtue of treaties or otherwise, Germany possesses vis-à-vis China in relation to the province of Shantung.

Article 2

The Chinese Government engage that, within the province of Shantung or along its coast, no territory or island will be ceded or leased to any other Power, under any pretext whatever.

Article 3

The Chinese Government agree to Japan's building a railway connecting Chefoo or Lungkow with the Kiaochou Tsinanfu Railway.

Article 4

The Chinese Government engage to open of their own accord, as soon as possible, certain important cities and towns in the Province of Shantung for the residence and commerce of foreigners. The places to be so opened shall be decided upon in a separate agreement.

GROUP II

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, in view of the fact that the Chinese Government has always recognized the predominant position of Japan in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, agree to the following articles:

Article 1

The two contracting Parties mutually agree that the term of the lease of Port Arthur and Dairen and the term respecting the South Manchuria Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway shall be extended to a further period of 99 years respectively.

Article 2

The Japanese subjects shall be permitted in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia to lease or own land required either for erecting buildings for various commercial and industrial uses or for farming.

Article 3

The Japanese subjects shall have liberty to enter, reside, and travel in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, and to carry on business of various kinds commercial, industrial, and otherwise.

Article 4

The Chinese Government grant to the Japanese subjects the right of mining in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia. As regards the mines to be worked, they shall be decided upon in a separate agreement.

Article 5

The Chinese Government agree that the consent of the Japanese Government shall be obtained in advance:

(1) whenever it is proposed to grant to other nationals the right of constructing a railway or to obtain from other nationals the supply of funds for constructing a railway in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, and (2) whenever a loan is to be made with any other Power, under security of the taxes of South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia.

Article 6

The Chinese Government engage that whenever the Chinese Government need the service of political, financial, or military advisers or instructors in South Manchuria or in Eastern Inner Mongolia, Japan shall first be consulted.

Article 7

The Chinese Government agree that the control and management of the Kirin-Chungchun Railway shall be hand- ed over to Japan for a term of 99 years dating from the signing of this treaty.

GROUP III

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, having regard to the close relations existing between Japanese capitalists and the Han-Yeh-Ping Company and desiring to promote the common interests of the two nations, agree to the following articles:

Article 1

The two Contracting Parties mutually agree that when the opportune moment arrives the Han-Yeh-Ping Company shall be made a joint concern of the two nations, and that, without the consent of the Japanese Government, the Chinese Government shall not dispose or permit the Company to dispose of any right or property of the Company.

Article 2

The Chinese Government engage that, as a necessary measure for protection of the invested interests of Japanese capitalists, no mines in the neighbourhood of those owned by the Han-Yeh-Ping Company shall be permitted, without the consent of the said Company, to be worked by anyone other than the Said Company; and further that whenever it is proposed to take any other measure which may likely affect the interests of the said Company directly or indirectly, the consent of the said Company shall first be obtained.

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Twenty-One Demands Continued (Japan was quite something in 1915 - very demanding)

GROUP IV

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, with the object of effectively preserving the territorial integrity of China, agree to the following article: The Chinese Government engage not to cede or lease to any other Power any harbour or bay on or any island along the coast of China.

GROUP V

Article 1

The Chinese Central Government to engage influential Japanese as political, financial, and military advisers;

Article 2

The Chinese Government to grant the Japanese hospitals, temples, and schools in the interior of China the right to own land;

Article 3

In the face of many police disputes which have hitherto arisen between Japan and China, causing no little annoyance the police in localities (in China), where such arrangement: are necessary, to be placed under joint Japanese and Chinese administration, or Japanese to be employed in police office in such localities, so as to help at the same time the improvement of the Chinese Police Service;

Article 4

China to obtain from Japan supply of a certain quantity of arms, or to establish an arsenal in China under joint Japanese and Chinese management and to be supplied with experts and materials from Japan;

Article 5

In order to help the development of the Nanchang-Kiukiang Railway, with which Japanese capitalists are so closely identified, and with due regard to the negotiations which have been pending between Japan and China in relation to the railway question in South China, China to agree to give to Japan the right of constructing a railway to connect Wuchang with the Kiukiang-Nanchang and Hangchou and between Nanchang and Chaochou;

Article 6

In view of the relations between the Province of Fukien and Formosa and of the agreement respecting the non-alienation of that province, Japan to be consulted first when- ever foreign capital is needed in connection with the railways, mines, and harbour works (including dockyards) in the Province of Fukien;

Article 7

China to grant to Japanese subjects the right of preaching in China.

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And finally

Japanese Ultimatum to China, 7 May 1915

The reason why the Imperial Government opened the present negotiations with the Chinese Government is first to endeavour to dispose of the complications arising out of the war between Japan and China, and secondly to attempt to solve those various questions which are detrimental to the intimate relations of China and Japan with a view to solidifying the foundation of cordial friendship subsisting between the two countries to the end that the peace of the Far East may be effectually and permanently preserved.

With this object in view, definite proposals were presented to the Chinese Government in January of this year, and up to today as many as twenty-five conferences have been held with the Chinese Government in perfect sincerity and frankness.

In the course of negotiations the Imperial Government have consistently explained the aims and objects of the proposals in a conciliatory spirit, while on the other hand the proposals of the Chinese Government, whether important or unimportant, have been attended to without any reserve.

It may be stated with confidence that no effort has been spared to arrive at a satisfactory and amicable settlement of those questions.

The discussion of the entire corpus of the proposals was practically at an end at the twenty-fourth conference; that is on the 17th of the last month.

The Imperial Government, taking a broad view of the negotiation and in consideration of the points raised by the Chinese Government, modified the original proposals with considerable concessions and presented to the Chinese Government on the 26th of the same month the revised proposals for agreement, and at the same time it was offered that, on the acceptance of the revised proposals, the Imperial Government would, at a suitable opportunity, restore, with fair and proper conditions, to the Chinese Government the Kiaochow territory, in the acquisition of which the Imperial Government had made a great sacrifice.

On the first of May, the Chinese Government delivered the reply to the revised proposals of the Japanese Government, which is contrary to the expectations of the Imperial Government. The Chinese Government not only did not give a careful consideration to the revised proposals but even with regard to the offer of the Japanese Government to restore Kiaochow to the Chinese Government the latter did not manifest the least appreciation for Japan's good will and difficulties.

From the commercial and military point of view Kiaochow is an important place, in the acquisition of which the Japanese Empire sacrificed much blood and money, and, after the acquisition the Empire incurs no obligation to restore it to China.

But with the object of increasing the future friendly relations of the two countries, they went to the extent of proposing its restoration, yet to her great regret, the Chinese Government did not take into consideration the good intention of Japan and manifest appreciation of her difficulties.

Furthermore, the Chinese Government not only ignored the friendly feelings of the Imperial Government in offering the restoration of Kiaochow Bay, but also in replying to the revised proposals they even demanded its unconditional restoration; and again China demanded that Japan should bear the responsibility of paying indemnity for all the unavoidable losses and damages resulting from Japan's military operations at Kiaochow; and still further in connection with the territory of Kiaochow China advanced other demands and declared that she has the right of participation at the future peace conference to be held between Japan and Germany.

Although China is fully aware that the unconditional restoration of Kiaochow and Japan's responsibility of indemnification for the unavoidable losses and damages can never be tolerated by Japan, yet she purposely advanced these demands and declared that this reply was final and decisive.

Since Japan could not tolerate such demands the settlement of the other questions, however compromising it may be, would not be to her interest. The consequence is that the present reply of the Chinese Government is, on the whole, vague and meaningless.

Furthermore, in the reply of the Chinese Government to the other proposals in the revised list of the Imperial Government, such as South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, where Japan particularly has geographical, commercial, industrial and strategic relations, as recognized by all nations, and made more remarkable in consequence of the two wars in which Japan was engaged, the Chinese Government overlooks these facts and does not respect Japan's position in that place.

The Chinese Government even freely altered those articles which the Imperial Government, in a compromising spirit, have formulated in accordance with the statement of the Chinese Representatives, thereby making the statements of the Representatives an empty talk; and on seeing them conceding with the one hand and withholding with the other it is very difficult to attribute faithfulness and sincerity to the Chinese authorities.

As regards the articles relating to the employment of advisers, the establishment of schools and hospitals, the supply of arms and ammunition and the establishment of arsenals and railway concessions in South China in the revised proposals, they were either proposed with the proviso that the consent of the Power concerned must be obtained, or they are merely to be recorded in the minutes in accordance with the statements of the Chinese delegates, and thus they are not in the least in conflict either with Chinese sovereignty or her treaties with the Foreign Powers, yet the Chinese Government in their reply to the proposals, alleging that these proposals are incompatible with their sovereign rights and treaties with Foreign Powers, defeat the expectations of the Imperial Government.

However, in spite of such attitude of the Chinese Government, the Imperial Government, though regretting to see that there is no room for further negotiations, yet warmly attached to the preservation of the peace of the Far East, is still hoping for a satisfactory settlement in order to avoid the disturbance of the relations.

So in spite of the circumstances which admitted no patience, they have reconsidered the feelings of the Government of their neighbouring country and, with the exception of the article relating to Fukien which is to be the subject of an exchange of notes as has already been agreed upon by the Representatives of both nations, will undertake to detach the Group V from the present negotiations and discuss it separately in the future.

Therefore, the Chinese Government should appreciate the friendly feelings of the Imperial Government by immediately accepting without any alteration all the articles of Groups I, II, III, and IV and the exchange of notes in connection with Fukien province in Group V as contained in the revised proposals presented on the 26th of April.

The Imperial Government hereby again offer their advice and hope that the Chinese Government, upon this advice, will give a satisfactory reply by 6 o'clock P.M. on the 9th day of May. It is hereby declared that if no satisfactory reply is received before or at the specified time, the Imperial Government will take steps they may deem necessary.

Explanatory Note

Accompanying Ultimatum delivered to the Minister of Foreign Affairs by the Japanese Minister, May 7th, 1915.

1. With the exception of the question of Fukien to be arranged by an exchange of notes, the five articles postponed for later negotiation refer to (a) the employment of advisers, (b) the establishment of schools and hospitals, (c) the railway concessions in South China, (d) the supply of arms and ammunition and the establishment of arsenals and (e) right of missionary propaganda.

2. The acceptance by the Chinese Government of the article relating to Fukien may be either in the form as proposed by the Japanese Minister on the 26th of April or in that contained in the Reply of the Chinese Government of May 1st. Although the Ultimatum calls for the immediate acceptance by China of the modified proposals presented on April 26th, without alteration, but it should be noted that it merely states the principle and does not apply to this article and articles 4 and 5 of this note.

3. If the Chinese Government accept all the articles as demanded in the Ultimatum the offer of the Japanese Government to restore Kiaochow to China, made on the 26th of April, will still hold good.

4. Article 2 of Group II relating to the lease or purchase of land, the terms "lease" and "purchase" may be replaced by the terms "temporary lease" and "perpetual lease" or "lease on consultation," which means a long-term lease with its unconditional renewal.

Article IV of Group II relating to the approval of police laws and ordinances and local taxes by the Japanese Council may form the subject of a secret agreement.

5. The phrase "to consult with the Japanese Government" in connection with questions of pledging the local taxes for raising loans and the loans for the construction of railways, in Eastern Inner Mongolia, which is similar to the agreement in Manchuria relating to the matters of the same kind, may be replaced by the phrase "to consult with the Japanese capitalists."

The article relating to the opening of trade marts in Eastern Inner Mongolia in respect to location and regulations, may, following their precedent set in Shantung, be the subject of an exchange of notes.

6. From the phrase "those interested in the Company" in Group III of the revised list of demands, the words "those interested in" may be deleted.

7. The Japanese version of the Formal Agreement and its annexes shall be the official text or both the Chinese and Japanese shall be the official texts.

Chinese Reply to Japanese Ultimatum, 8 May 1915

On the 7th of this month, at three o'clock P.M., the Chinese Government received an Ultimatum from the Japanese Government together with an Explanatory Note of seven articles.

The Ultimatum concluded with the hope that the Chinese Government by six o'clock P.M. on the 9th of May will give a satisfactory reply, and it is hereby declared that if no satisfactory reply is received before or at the specified time, the Japanese Government will take steps she may deem necessary.

The Chinese Government with a view to preserving the peace of the Far East hereby accepts, with the exception of those five articles of Group V postponed for later negotiations, all the articles of Groups I, II, III, and IV and the exchange of notes in connection with Fukien Province in Group V as contained in the revised proposals presented on the 26th of April, and in accordance with the Explanatory Note of seven articles accompanying the Ultimatum of the Japanese Government with the hope that thereby all the outstanding questions are settled, so that the cordial relationship between the two countries may be further consolidated.

The Japanese Minister is hereby requested to appoint a day to call at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make the literary improvement of the text and sign the Agreement as soon as possible.

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Count Okuma on the Japanese Capture of Tsingtao, 15 August 1914

Reproduced below is the text of the ultimatum issued by the Japanese government to Germany on 15 August 1914. Written by Japanese Prime Minister Count Okuma the ultimatum demanded that Germany give up control of the disputed territory of Tsingtao into Japanese control.

In the event - given Germany's inevitable rejection of the Japanese ultimatum - Japan declared war on Germany and seized control of Tsingtao in short order in early November 1914.

Japanese Prime Minister Count Okuma's Ultimatum to Germany, 15 August 1914

We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbance of peace in the Far East, and to safeguard general interests as contemplated in the Agreement of Alliance between Japan and Great Britain.

In order to secure firm and enduring peace in Eastern Asia, the establishment of which is the aim of the said Agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believes it to be its duty to give advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:

(1) Withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters the German men-o'-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which cannot be withdrawn.

(2) To deliver on a date not later than September 15th, to the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiao-chau, with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China.

The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that in the event of its not receiving, by noon on August 23rd, an answer from the Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will be compelled to take such action as it may deem necessary to meet the situation.

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. III, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923

Source Records of the Great War V3 (no bookcover available from goodreads) - by Charles Horne

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Treaty of London, 26 April 1915

The primary Allied powers - Britain, France and Russia - were, by 1915, keen to bring neutral Italy into World War One on their side.

Italy however drove a hard bargain, demanding extensive territorial concessions once the war had been won, including Trent, Southern Tyrol, Istria, Gorizia and Dalmatia.

Despite the Allies' eventual agreement the terms of the secret treaty were to cause problems at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919.

Since the Italian territorial demands included the Yugo-Slavic lands under Austria-Hungary, Italy needed to negotiate future borders with two of her wartime allies, Serbia and Montenegro; she did however refuse to negotiate with any delegate to Versailles who had served within an enemy government (including Austro-Hungarian deputies); she finally agreed to such negotiations however, under pressure from U.S. President Woodrow Wilson.

Ultimately Italy was granted Trentino, Trieste, (the German-speaking) South Tyrol, and Istria. But Dalmatia was excluded, as was Fiume; so, too, were any colonial territories in Africa or Asia and any claim on Albania. Nationalists consequently argued that Italy had been robbed of its rightful gains.

Extracts from the Treaty of London, 26 April 1915

Article 1

A military convention shall be immediately concluded between the General Staffs of France, Great Britain, Italy, and Russia. This convention shall settle the minimum number of military forces to be employed by Russia against Austria-Hungary in order to prevent that Power from concentrating all its strength against Italy, in the event of Russia deciding to direct her principal effort against Germany...

Article 2

On her part, Italy undertakes to use her entire resources for the purpose of waging war jointly with France, Great Britain, and Russia against all their enemies.

Article 3

The French and British fleets shall render active and permanent assistance to Italy...

Article 4

Under the Treaty of Peace, Italy shall obtain the Trentino, Cisalpine Tyrol with its geographical and natural frontier, as well as Trieste, the counties of Gorizia and Gradisca, all Istria as far as the Quarnero and including Volosca and the Istrian islands of Cherso and Lussin, as well as the small islands of Plavnik, Unie, Canidole, Palazzuoli, San Pietro di Nembi, Asinello, Gruica, and the neighbouring islets...

Article 5

Italy shall also be given the province of Dalmatia within its present administrative boundaries...

Article 6

Italy shall receive full sovereignty over Valona, the island of Saseno and surrounding territory...

Article 7

Should Italy obtain the Trentino and Istria in accordance with the provisions of Article 4, together with Dalmatia and the Adriatic islands within the limits specified in Article 5, and the Bay of Valona (Article 6), and if the central portion of Albania is reserved for the establishment of a small autonomous neutralised State, Italy shall not oppose the division of Northern and Southern Albania between Montenegro, Serbia, and Greece...

Article 8

Italy shall receive entire sovereignty over the Dodecanese Islands which she is at present occupying.

Article 9

Generally speaking, France, Great Britain, and Russia recognise that,... in the event of total or partial partition of Turkey in Asia, she ought to obtain a just share of the Mediterranean region adjacent to the province of Adalia...

Article 11

Italy shall receive a share of any eventual war indemnity corresponding to their efforts and her sacrifices.

Article 13

In the event of France and Great Britain increasing their colonial territories in Africa at the expense of Germany, those two Powers agree in principle that Italy may claim some equitable compensation...

Article 14

Great Britain undertakes to facilitate the immediate conclusion, under equitable conditions, of a loan of at least 50,000,000 pounds...

Article 16

The present arrangement shall be held secret.

Source: Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, London, 1920, LI Cmd. 671, Miscellaneous No. 7, 2-7.

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There are many many great primary documents on the First World War.com site.

It is a fabulous site; I have only posted those documents relevant to Keegan's material; but by all means sift through the vast resources:

http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/1...

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Page 206 -

In Africa, the tiny territory of Toga, sandwiched between the British Gold Coast (now Ghana) and French Dahomey (now Benin), was quickly overrun (27 August) by troops of the West African Rifles and Tirailleurs senegalais. Kamerun (now Cameroon), a much larger territory, equal in size to Germany and France combined, proved much difficult to conquer."

Keegan mentioned that the Allied force included troops of the Nigeria, Gold Coast and Sierra Leone Regiments under British command, French African infantry and a Belgian contingent brought up from the Congo. What a mess; World War I had now expanded beyond the Western and Eastern theaters and had moved to wherever each country had interests colonies or territories.

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message 47: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

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Page 208 -

What did the rest of you think to find out that at the beginning of the conflict in Africa that Britain found itself engaged in not only fighting its German enemy but also unbelievably found itself fighting a rehash of the Boer rebellion?

Talk about opening up a can of worms.

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It is odd that Windhock remains still a distinctly German city in the southern hemisphere. It is obvious that the German settler reservists were allowed to return to their farms and there they obviously stayed.

The map on 209 is interesting in terms of the wireless stations that Germany had situated in Africa (6 to be exact) with the principal one in Togoland.

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Page 210: What did everybody take from the statement by Keegan in reference to Baroness Karen Blixen in terms of her encounter with Colonel Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck?

How could a person present an impression of what Imperial Germany was and stood for?

Isak Dinesen - Baroness Karen Blixen

Out of Africa (Modern Library) by Isak Dinesen Isak Dinesen Isak Dinesen

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