Rivals in Maryland Primary Election (original) (raw)
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- May 20, 1964
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BALTIMORE, May 19—Senator Daniel B. Brewster won an unexpectedly close victory tonight over Gov George C. Wallace of Alabama in the Maryland Democratic Presidential preference primary.
In doing so he bested the segregationist Alabamian in the third round of the latter's cam‐paign to arouse white voters against the civil rights bill. But the vote in the race—which brought a record turnout—was plainly a shock and a disappointment to the state and national Democratic administrations.
With all the ballots counted, Senator Brewster had 53 2 pee cent of the total and Governor Wallace 42.7 per cent.
The unofficial vote was
Brewster ......... 264,613
Wallace ......... 212,068
The Columbia Broadcasting System, in analyzing the returns, said that without the strong surge of support Mr. Brewster won from Baltimore and the middle- and upper‐class suburbs of Washington, the Senator might well have lost to Mr. Wallace Maryland’s 48 delegate votes in the Democratic National Convention.
Rural Areas Back Wallace
Governor Wallace won expected large margins in rural southern Maryland and on the Eastern Shore.
Senator Brewster was a favorite son candidate for the nomination, drafted by his party to oppose Mr. Wallace as a stand‐in for President Johnson.
In a victory statement tonight, the Senator said:
“Maryland's 48 votes will be cast for Lyndon Johnson. It makes no difference about the percentages.”
Although he lost the popular vote, Mr. Wallace claimed victory anyway.
In a statement at his election‐night headquarters in Towson, a Baltimore suburb that is Senator Brewster's home, the Governor said he was “elated.”
“This vote is a good lesson and a good message to both the national parties,” he said. “Such a large vote for the Governor of Alabama, with all the opposi
“The people of this country are concerned about the trends. This is a victory for states’ rights, local government and individual liberty in this country.”
Governor Wallace claimed victory tonight under Maryland's old county unit rule—which is in dispute—but this seemed at best a psychological move.
Under the county unit rule, a candidate winning the popular vote in each county wins, that county's units. The num-, her of units is based on the number of seats a county has in the General Assembly. The candidate winning the most, units wins all of the state's convention delegate votes.
Governor Wallace carried 15 of the 23 counties.
However, under the unit rule the popular vote appeared to have given Mr. Brewster 92 unit votes and Governor Wallace 79.
A three‐judge Federal court ruled last year that the unit system in state‐wide elections was unconstitutional.
The court left open whether its decision applied to the Presidential preference primary. But most legal authorities have said the court's intention was to include all elections. A hearing to clarify the decision is scheduled here for May 25.
Mr. Wallace did considerably better in the border state of Maryland, in his campaign for a “protest vote” against the civil rights bill, than he had in his two earlier campaign sallies, in the Presidential primaries of Wisconsin and Indiana. In these, too, he ran against stand‐ins for President Johnson.
In Wisconsin on April 7 he won 33.7 per cent of the Democratic vote. In Indiana on May 5 he polled 29.9 per cent against Gov. Matthew E. Welsh.
500,000 Cast Ballots
The total Democratic vote was a record for any primary election in Maryland.
Besides the votes for Mr. Brewster and Mr. Wallace, about 20,000 votes were shared by a minor Presidential‐primary candidate, Andrew J. Easter, and by an uninstructed delegation to the Democratic National Convention,
The total Democratic vote of almost 500,000 was well above the record primary vote of 1962 —more than 348,000.
Fair and unseasonably hot weather—and the intense interest stirred by Governor Wallace's frankly segregationist appeal — contributed to the heavy turnout.
In the Republican Presidential primary, John W. Steffey, a supporter of Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, was defeated by a margin of better than 2 to 1 by an uninstructed convention delegation, unpledged to any candidate. A perennial Republican office‐seeker, Robert E. Ennis, ran a poor third.
Democratic voters also gave a crushing upset victory in a significant Senatorial primary contest to Joseph D. Tydings, 36-year‐old son of the late Democratic Senator Millard E. Ty‐dings. Mr. Tydings decisively defeated State Cohtroller Louis L. Goldstein, a heavy favorite at the outset of the primary campaign here, for the Senate nomination.
With 1,343 of 1,392 precincts reporting, the vote was:
Tydings ............... 261,934
Goldstein............... 144,339
The magnitude of Mr. Tydings's victory was seen here as a measure of the voters’ resentment against the state administration of Gov. J. Millard Tawes, with whom Mr. Goldstein has been closely associated for a decade.
Clues to Wallace Vote
The Tydings vote also gave substantial clues to the size of Governor Wallace's vote. Democratic officials acknowledged that the Alabama Governor had profited substantially from the anti - administration sentiment revealed by Mr. Tydings's victory.
Senator Brewster, 40-year‐old junior Senator from Maryland, has also been closely identified with the Tawes administration.
Governor Tawes has Seen blamed for a state income tax rise this year.
Mr. Tydings will be the Democrats’ challenger to Senator J. Glenn Beall, Republican, who is seeking his third term. Senator Beall, who is 70 years old, easily won renomination over a more conservative Republican, James Gleason of Silver Spring. There were also two minor candidates.
With 1,328 polling places reporting, the vote was:
Beall ......... 64,293
Gleason ......... 32,409
In another Democratic primary upset, Royce Hanson, a political science professor at American University in Washington, making his first bid for public office, won nomination for the Sixth Congressional District seat.
Mr. Hanson defeated John P. Moore, a member of the Maryland House of Delegates, who has been identified with the Democratic organization in Maryland. Mr. Moore had been a heavy favorite.
The Democratic Presidential preference voting showed some I surprising results, as analyzed by the C.B.S. Vote Profile Analysis service.
It reported that Roman Catholics had voted far less heavily than expected for Senator Brewster. The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Baltimore had strongly endorsed the Senator and assailed his rival as a “racist.”
The C.B.S. analysis showed that in six representative Catholic precincts only 39 per cent of the voters had supported Senator Brewster, while 56 per cent had voted for Governor Wallace.
The Senator fared better than
The town of Cambridge, where Negroes have staged strong demonstrations recently, is on the Eastern Shore.
The Negro vote In the state, according to C.B.S., was very high. It reported that twice as many voters in predominantly Negro districts had turned out today than had voted for gov‐ernor in the 1962 general election.
The analysis also showed that the predominantly Jewish sections of Baltimore had overwhelmingly supported Senator Brewster.
Senator Brewster, it was learned, had expected Governor Wallace to poll about 33 per cent of the Democratic vote. It was his view that every percentage point over that would constitute “a moral victory” for the Alabamian.
The Senator's aides said that the Negro demonstrations last week in Cambridge had cost Mr. Brewster 10,000 votes.
These asserted defections of voters were attributed to “white backlash”—reaction of white persons who are believed to be uncommitted on the merits of the Negroes’ civil rights struggle or to deplore militancy and violence.
Governor Wallace's campaign in Maryland was described by political observers here as the I most aggressive and costly ever conducted in the state, even for a Presidential candidate.
At a cost reportedly approaching $200,000 in 10 days. he saturated the airwaves and newspapers with taped telecasts and paid advertisements. His television time since May 8 to taled more than 20 hours.
Senator Brewster had unequivocal public support from many church sources from all of the state's important Republican leaders, and from the leadership of organized labor.
There were indications, how‐ ever, that the rank‐and-file I members for whom these lead‐ ers spoke did not respond with enthusiasm.
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