court system – Techdirt (original) (raw)

Legislators Take Another Stab At Eliminating Fees For PACER Access

from the aligning-the-price-tag-with-the-value-of-PACER's-UI dept

An new annual tradition in the halls of Congress is being celebrated with the introduction of legislation targeting PACER fees.

Representative Doug Collins (R-GA) reintroduced the Electronic Court Records Reform Act as HR 1164 Wednesday with cosponsors Mike Quigley (D-IL), David Roe (R-TN), and Henry “Hank” C. Johnson, Jr. (D-GA).

The full title of the bill is “To direct the Director of the Administrative Office of the United States Courts to consolidate the Case Management/Electronic Case Files system, and for other purposes.” The full text of the bill is not currently available, but it is expected to be substantially similar to HR 6714 from the second session of the 115th Congress last year.

Last year’s bill died after being referred to the House Judiciary Committee, most likely trampled underfoot by Congressional hearings and wall-related legislation. Either that or it’s tough to get Congress members excited about eliminating fees they already don’t have to pay.

There have been no successful attempts to curb PACER fees, much less turn it into a free service. We know this because PACER still charges $0.10/page for documents and dockets as if it were an aged librarian keeping close tabs on the Xerox machine.

It has been nearly 20 years since PACER opened its doors to the public. Since its inception, prices have increased, fee collections have steadily ticked upward, and almost none of that money is being spent trying to lower access costs or update the archaic system that punishes the public for expressing an interest in court proceedings.

The only thing PACER has really done over the last twenty years is attract legislation and lawsuits. While it did create an online portal for court documents that can be accessed from anywhere in the world, that’s about all it’s done with the time and money the US court system has had at its disposal. It’s not that this step wasn’t important. It was a huge step forward. Since then, the PACER system has been characterized by its inertia.

Maybe this will be the year Congress finally decides to take this issue seriously. At least one federal court has suggested PACER is misusing fees. Another judge has decided to allow a class action suit against the US Courts system to proceed, stating that these litigants suffer directly from the costs imposed by the government’s walled garden.

At the heart of all this is the First Amendment and the presumption of openness the US court system is supposed to adhere to. Instituting a paywall allows only some people to exercise their right to access public court documents. Whatever arguments might be made about having to offset the (very minimal) costs of maintaining this portal ignore the obvious side effects of limiting access only to those who can afford it.

Filed Under: court system, doug collins, ecrra, electronic court records, fees, pacer

Brief To FISA Court Says The Presumption Of Openness Should Apply There, Too

from the it's-a-court,-not-a-wing-of-the-NSA dept

The court system belongs to the people. That’s what a “presumption of openness” means. It’s a public system, accessed by the public or by representatives of the public. With rare exception, documents filed with the court system should be made available for viewing by the public.

The FISA court, which oversees a multitude of surveillance programs and national security investigations is a closed book. Until very recently, it operated in total darkness, much like the agencies seeking its approval for surveillance. The Snowden leaks changed that, moving it very slightly closer to a presumption of openness.

The Director of National Intelligence — nodding towards transparency in a mostly self-serving way — has begun to declassify orders and rulings from the FISC. But a majority of FISC documents released by the ODNI haven’t come from this hesitant step towards transparency. They’ve been forced out the government’s hands by numerous FOIA lawsuits.

Access to court documents shouldn’t have to be litigated, even in the FISA court. That’s the argument being made by Georgetown professor Laura K. Donohue in her FISA court brief [PDF]. The long, very interesting brief covers a number of issues and government arguments, but it all boils down to public access as a presumption, rather than a grudging concession after a courtroom loss in a FOIA case.

Her brief note the FISA court controls the documents submitted to it and the orders/opinions it issues. When it decides its subservient to surveillance agencies and their national security assertions, the system of checks and balances is thrown out of whack. That’s what’s happened over the 40 years the court has been in operation. Government agencies and a number of administrations have decided it does not have the discretion to handle the release of court documents.

This is obviously wrong. Donohue’s brief sets the stage with a dismantling of the government’s opacity arguments — all designed to override the court’s inherent authority to control the release of court documents. [Paragraph breaks added for readability.]

FISC has inherent supervisory authority over its own records and therefore exercises non-statutory jurisdiction over all common law and First Amendment public rights of access. Each of the… arguments offered by the response brief to the contrary fails.

First, the jurisprudence establishes that no statutory cause of action is required for the court to exercise its inherent powers. The court with original jurisdiction over the case oversees all contemporaneous and future motions for access to records. None of the myriad inherent powers cases at issue rely on a separate, statutory cause of action. The FISC would have to rule against the Supreme Court, every circuit, and four prior decisions of the FISC, to find for the government…

There’s plenty of precedent to be had but the government wants to ignore it. Instead, it would rather funnel access through the FOIA process so it can retain complete control over documents filed in court, claiming the court’s power for itself. But the government also wants it both ways and will “allow” the FISC to control court documents if it seems like a better route for an FOIA denial.

FOIA cannot serve as a substitute for judicial action as it does not (because it cannot) create a cause of action for records held by the judiciary. That statute focuses exclusively on agency records. Regardless of whether the executive branch happens to have judicial records in its files, as the Supreme Court has held, courts retain jurisdiction over their own documents.

The government response brief is further in tension with two arguments that the government has elsewhere raised. In both district court and at the FISC, it has argued that even under FOIA, FISC opinions are still subject to the FISC’s control, suggesting that the court does, in fact still retain jurisdiction. Perhaps more concerning, the government has gone into district court and argued that because the FISC is a specialized court, the district court should not exercise jurisdiction over FISC records-an argument at odds with the argument it advances in its representations to this court, where it suggests that (non-specialized) district courts have jurisdiction over FISC documents.

The presumption of openness and disclosure should include the FISA court. The American public has a right to know what the government’s doing with its money and its tacit approval. If there are national security concerns, they must be explicitly detailed rather than broad-brushed across a stack of documents. The FISC should ensure the government doesn’t cut corners on its redaction paperwork.

And that’s the very reason redacting exists. The government could allow the release of documents as soon as they’re redacted (after making their case in court) to protect national security interests. Opening up the FISA court doesn’t mean exposing a long list of surveillance means and methods. It simply means treating the FISA court like any other federal court where documents and dockets can be viewed by the public to better educate themselves on legal processes, issues, and government activities. Considering the NSA’s long history of abuses, the more eyes on the process the better, especially when its oversight has devolved into a partisan point-scoring exercise.

The never-before-seen release of FISA warrant affidavits should be the tip of the iceberg. There’s a lot the court oversees and it’s doing it with almost no assistance from the outside. This leaves it at the mercy of the agencies seeking its approval. That’s not the way the system should work.

Filed Under: court system, fisa court, fisc, openness, transparency

US Court System Just Another Extension Of The Government's Ongoing Opacity Project

from the nothing-checked,-little-balanced dept

FBI director James Comey and Manhattan DA Cyrus Vance say we’re “going dark.” Others more attuned to the vast amount of data generated by everyday life say the opposite. But US magistrate judge Stephen Wm. Smith, writing for Just Security and speaking from firsthand experience, says there’s a real darkness out there, but it’s government-generated and it’s obscuring the inner workings of one of the few checks against government power.

Over the last 40 years, secrecy in all aspects of the judicial process has risen to literally unprecedented levels.

It’s not just the FISA court — which, in contrast, is probably more transparent than it’s ever been. It’s the regular court system where criminal prosecutions are pursued. Documents which used to be easily accessible by any member of the public are now withheld by the request of the government with alarming — and increasing — frequency.

That traditional aversion to court secrecy has been overcome in the last few decades. To take but one example, the case name In re Sealed Case first appeared in 1981; it is now the most common case name on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals docket.

The same law that gives the government warrantless access to citizens’ electronic communications — the Electronic Communications Privacy Act — also gives the government the privilege of preventing service providers from disclosing any information about these requests to targeted users. This blanket opacity is a problem for several reasons (First and Fourth Amendment concerns), not the least of which is no one — not even Congressional oversight — can provide an accurate accounting of these requests and their accompanying gag orders.

How large is this secret ECPA docket? Extrapolating from a Federal Judicial Center study of 2006 federal case filings, I have estimated that more than 30,000 secret ECPA orders were issued that year alone. Given recent DOJ disclosures, the current annual volume is probably twice that number. And those figures do not include surveillance orders obtained by state and local authorities, who handle more than 15 times the number of felony investigations that the feds do. Based on that ratio, the annual rate of secret surveillance orders by federal and state courts combined could easily exceed half a million. Admittedly this is a guess; no one truly knows, least of all our lawmakers in Congress.

The courts may be acting as checks against government power. Or they may be acting as rubber stamps. Given the number of gag orders and sealed documents, it’s impossible to make that call. The courts are supposed to act as a check against government overreach and the only way to verify they’re actually performing this function is to allow the public to see warrants, orders, motions, responses, and other court documents. But the government has pretty much destroyed this part of the accountability process by abusing a multitude of transparency loopholes — most of those linked to “national security” or protecting law enforcement means and methods.

The government far too routinely — in far too many routine criminal prosecutions — deploys gag orders, sealed documents, ex parte presentations, in camera submissions and other tactics like parallel construction to ensure the judicial playing field is never level. These same tactics also prevent the public from seeing what’s being done in their name and with their tax dollars.

Smith also points to the inevitable consequences of the government leading by example: the desire to treat public forums as somehow private arenas has bled over to civil litigation as well.

The same FJC study found that 576 civil cases filed in 2006 were completely sealed, meaning that the public was denied any information about the case, including the docket sheet. Rationales for the blackout varied from weak (“the parties wanted them sealed,” “to protect physicians reputations,” “to protect a party’s credit rating”) to non-existent (“17 pro se actions,” “30 habeas corpus and prisoner actions,” “33 forfeitures and seizures”).

Many of those listed still have a government nexus, but even cases that have no government intersection other than the use of the court system will still routinely contain sealed documents.

Even the most mundane employment suit will have a docket sheet littered with “Sealed event” entries.

As Smith notes, the numbers provided by the study are far from comprehensive. To fully tally the number of civil cases with sealed documents would take an examination of nearly every suit filed in federal court. Redacted dockets and sealed documents are apparently just as common in the civil arena, a large number of which can also be attributed to direct government intervention.

It’s not one administration or one branch. It’s everyone and it’s been trending towards opacity for over 30 years. The government desires power without responsibility. The worst part is that the courts appear to be allowing it.

Filed Under: court system, dc circuit, ecpa, in re sealed case, laws, opacity, public, sealed cases, transparency

Virginia Supreme Court Says 'No Thanks' To Improving State's Dismal Court System

from the Brady-violations-will-continue-until-morale-improves dept

Criminal defendants face a tilted playing field all over the country. If it isn’t the frequent withholding of exculpatory material by prosecutors, it’s everything leading up to it — beginning with questionable interrogation methods and continuing with the admission of dubious physical evidence.

Virginia’s playing field is more slanted than most.

Although prosecutors in Northern Virginia mostly make their files available to defense lawyers, that’s not true across the Commonwealth, defense lawyers said. “Justice is different in one jurisdiction than the next,” said Norfolk defense lawyer Douglas Ramseur. “You could be charged in Richmond and Norfolk and get a completely different amount of information. That seems to me completely inappropriate and unseemly for our system.” He added that prosecutors who like one defense lawyer may provide more access than to a lawyer they don’t like, giving prosecutors unfair leverage.

There’s no consistency across jurisdictions. Even at its most accommodating, the amount of information available to defense lawyers pales in comparison to what can be uncovered in civil proceedings. Apparently, when it’s only someone’s freedom on the line, Virginia’s judicial oversight feels “barely adequate” is more than enough.

It’s gotten bad enough that the state’s Supreme Court empanelled a Special Committee on Criminal Discovery Rules in 2013. In early 2015, a preliminary report was issued. This was followed by a letter from the state’s ACLU, which highlighted some of the suggested fixes.

The proposed Rule 3A:11[b] would allow the defense to inspect “all relevant police reports,” such as “reports of interviews of witnesses.” The new rule would also allow the inspection of “all relevant statements of any non-expert witness,” including written or signed statements, transcripts, or recordings.

The inclusion of police reports and witness statements in the routine discovery process will greatly improve the adversarial process. Under the proposed rules, defense attorneys will have access to the most basic information about their clients’ cases. No person should have to stand trial without knowing basic information about the government’s case against him. And in a criminal justice system that “is for the most part a system of pleas, not a system of trials,” defendants must have access to this critical information before trial so that they can make an informed decision about whether to take a plea bargain or go to trial.

[…]

Proposed Rule 3A:11(i) would, for the first time, formally enact the rule of Brady v. Maryland into Virginia criminal procedure. More than 50 years ago, the United States Supreme Court held that, as a matter of federal constitutional law, “the suppression by the prosecution of evidence favorable to an accused upon request violates due process where the evidence is material either to guilt or to punishment, irrespective of the good faith or bad faith of the prosecution…

This proposal is consistent with Brady and with adversarial principles. By requiring disclosure of exculpatory evidence upon indictment, waiver of indictment, or before entry of a plea, and by requiring the disclosure of impeachment evidence seven days before trial, the proposed rule provides stronger protection to defendants than offered by current constitutional jurisprudence…

By making clear that prosecutors must make disclosures of Brady evidence before trial, the proposed rule would place appropriate emphasis on the duty of a prosecutor to seek justice, not merely to convict.

The discussion continued throughout 2015. The panel’s suggestions were opened for public comment and the state’s defense attorneys began looking forward to more equitable evidence sharing in the future. Virginia courts, where “trial by ambush” is the norm, would perhaps start moving towards something resembling the balance envisioned by the nation’s founders.

Two years after the process began, the same Supreme Court that brought the committee into existence has rejected all of its suggestions. A single-paragraph announcement by the court states nothing will change.

On December 2,2014 came the Special Committee on Criminal Discovery Rules and submitted its final report, which included proposed revisions to Rules 3A:l1, 3A:12, 7C:5, 8:15, and which also proposed the adoption of Rule 3A:12.1. Having considered the Committee’s report and the public comments submitted in response thereto, the Court declines to adopt the Committee’s recommendations.

Not a single recommendation adopted. A project that lasted two years and gathered more than 300 pages of public comments is nullified by 63 words. The court’s excuse for this? It would have been difficult to implement even one of the recommendations because so much of the state’s judicial system is in dire need of an overhaul.

Virginia Chief Justice Donald W. Lemons said in a statement to The Washington Post that the entire proposal was simply too much all at once. While commending the report, Lemons wrote that “such fundamental and sweeping changes in the system, especially in light of the strong public comments opposing them, seem unwise at this time.”

[…]

“It would be difficult for the court to accept some of the proposals and not all of them as a package because the court cannot be certain about the interdependent nature of these compromises.”

“Difficult” maybe. But not impossible. Rather than engage in a task worth undertaking, the court has opted for stasis, because it’s easier than dealing with the multitude of problems it has failed to address in the past. And it must be noted that the “opposing” comments the Chief Justice refers to in his cop-out were submitted by the beneficiaries of the broken system — and those comments were in the minority.

[T]he Supreme Court asked for public comment and received 318 pages of letters and emails. The overwhelming majority, coming from defense lawyers and some defendants, supported the rules changes. But the Virginia Commonwealth’s Attorney Services Council and Virginia State Police filed long, detailed objections.

When in doubt, defer to the “winning” team — the one that always receives the lion’s share of judicial deference. Better an innocent man do time than a few proposals upset the delicate balance of the skewed system by screwing with their “interdependence.” No matter how the Supreme Court of Virginia spins this, the refusal to move forward is weak, cowardly and will do further harm to criminal defendants. And all the while, the judicial system will continue to pretend a “fair” trial can be had within the state’s courts.

Filed Under: court system, virginia, virginia supreme court