foreign governments – Techdirt (original) (raw)
Content Moderation Case Study: Dealing With Demands From Foreign Governments (January 2016)
from the gets-tricky-quickly dept
Summary: US companies obviously need to obey US laws, but dealing with demands from foreign governments can present challenging dilemmas. The Sarawak Report, a London-based investigative journalism operation that reports on issues and corruption in Malaysia, was banned by the Malaysian government in the summer of 2015. The publication chose to republish its own articles on the US-based Medium.com website (beyond its own website) in an effort to get around the Malaysian ban.
In January of 2016, the Sarawak Report had an article about Najib Razak, then prime minister of Malaysia, entitled: ?Najib Negotiates His Exit BUT He Wants Safe Passage AND All The Money!? related to allegations of corruption that were first published in the Wall Street Journal, regarding money flows from the state owned 1MDB investment firm.
The Malaysian government sent Medium a letter demanding that the article be taken down. The letter claimed that the article contained false information and that it violated Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act, a 1998 law that prohibits the sharing of offensive and menacing content. In response, Medium requested further evidence of what was false in the article.
Rather than responding to Medium?s request for the full ?content assessment? from the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC), the MCMC instructed all Malaysian ISPs to block all of Medium throughout Malaysia.
Decisions to be made by Medium:
- How do you handle demands from foreign governments to take down content?
- Does it matter which government? If so, how do you determine which governments to trust?
- How do you determine the accuracy of claims from a foreign government regarding things like ?false reporting??
- What are the trade-offs of being blocked entirely by a country?
Questions and policy implications to consider:
- Taking down content that turns out to be credible accusations of corruption can serve to support that corruption and censor important reporting. Yet, leaving up information that turns out to be false can lead to political unrest. How should a website weigh those two sides?
- Should it be the responsibility of websites to investigate who is correct in these scenarios?
- What is the wider impact of an entire website for user generated content being blocked in a country like Malaysia?
Resolution: The entire Medium.com domain remained blocked in Malaysia for over two years. In May of 2018, Najib Razak was replaced as Prime Minister by Mahathir Mohamad (who had been Prime Minister from 1981 to 2003). However, in 2018, he was representing the Pakatan Harapan coalition, which was the first opposition party to the Barisan Nasional coalition to win a Malaysian election since Malaysian independence (Mahathir Mohamad had previously ruled as part of the Barisan Nasional). Part of Pakatan Harapan?s platform was to allow for more press freedom.
Later that month, people noticed that Medium.com was no longer blocked in Malaysia. Soon after, the MCMC put out a statement saying that Medium no longer needed to be blocked because an audit of 1MDB had been declassified days earlier, and once that report was out, there no longer was a need to block the website: ?In the case of Sarawak Report and Medium, there is no need to restrict when the 1MDB report has been made public.?
Originally published on the Trust & Safety Foundation website.
Filed Under: blocking, content moderation, foreign governments, malaysia, takedown orders
Companies: medium, sarawak report
Give Me Liberty, Or Give Me Data Protection? A Troubling Implication Of The American Voter UK Data Protection Case
from the frying-pan-to-fire dept
The Guardian had an article this past weekend about what looks like a potentially successful attempt by an American to use UK data protection law to force Cambridge Analytica to divulge what information it had collected about US voters like him. Whether the UK Information Commissioner?s Office (ICO) is truly entitled to compel Cambridge Analytica to do anything, much less on behalf of an American, is an open question. But for purposes here, let’s assume that UK data protection law works this way, that it was intended to work this way, and that it’s good policy for it to work this way.
The problem is, it’s one thing for the ICO to force Cambridge Analytica to share with the American voter himself what personal data it had about him. But it’s another thing entirely for the ICO to force Cambridge Analytica to share the personal data it has about American voters with it. Yet it looks from the article like that’s what ICO may have threatened to force Cambridge Analytica to do.
The troubling passage:
The covering letter from the ICO says that if Cambridge Analytica has difficulties complying, it should hand over passwords for the servers seized during its raid on the company?s office ? something that raises questions also about what it has managed to retrieve from the servers so far.
Insert record scratch noise here. The framing of the article, and a lot of reaction to it, is that ICO is the white knight here, seeking to vindicate the privacy rights of Americans whose data has been scooped by Cambridge Analytica. Maybe so, but to the extent it proposes to do this by itself scooping up Americans’ data (and hopefully future reporting can be more explicit on whether this is what is truly proposed; the Guardian article did not link to the cover letter, nor does the ICO’s press announcement) such a move is extremely concerning.
Because regardless of how problematic it is for a private entity like Cambridge Analytica to have access to lots of data about American voters, for all those same reasons it is even more problematic for a government to. And while it would be bad enough if it were the American government demanding it, it’s even worse if it’s a foreign government that now has access to all this data about American voters.
It’s not a question of how much we trust that foreign government. We might see the problem more easily if it were, say, Russian regulators demanding Cambridge Analytica give it all the data it has, but the fact that it is our UK ally demanding it makes no difference. Irrespective of how well-intentioned or trust-worthy one considers the UK government of today, or its data protection authority, we still fought a war or two to keep it out of American democracy. In fact, so unhappy were we about things the UK government had done to help itself to information about American lives that we even came up with a couple of constitutional amendments to ensure the practice would not be continued.
Thus no matter how we feel about Cambridge Analytica having acquired our data without our permission, it would be a strange thing to encourage governments to return to those old ways and get to acquire our data without our permission too. Especially not governments so politically unaccountable to those whose data they would now collect.
Because while voters like Professor Carroll might not care, the apparently indiscriminate way the ICO has acquired data by copying entire servers would seem to capture the data of many more American voters than just him. Which, to put into the language of EU privacy regulators, would constitute a sort of data acquisition that not all of us affected had consented to.
Filed Under: data protection, foreign governments, ico, information commissioner's office, uk, voter info
Companies: cambridge analytica