Jovana Mihajlović Trbovc | Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts (original) (raw)
Peer-Reviewed Articles by Jovana Mihajlović Trbovc
Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society, 2023
The use of history textbooks in order to instill particular images of the nation and national ide... more The use of history textbooks in order to instill particular images of the nation and national identity has been widely recognized, with a proliferation of studies focused on the problematic content in textbooks. Yet, history textbooks rely on a range of other media like maps, graphs, illustrated timelines, and photographs, which also play an important role in visually signposting the nation. While some of these images serve primarily as a form of representation aligned with the text itself, other aspects of visual content distinctly and autonomously construct national identity. In this piece, relying on qualitative visual analysis, we point to the function played by images in symbolically constructing the nation in contemporary primary school textbooks in five post-Yugoslav republics, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia.
Družboslovne razprave / Social Science Forum, 2022
Based on a study of gender equality issues in a research organisation in an Eastern European post... more Based on a study of gender equality issues in a research organisation in an Eastern European post-socialist country, the paper argues that the increasing precariousness of academic employment and project-based work lead to workplace dynamics that must be considered in a specific setting. The results of a survey of employees at ZRC SAZU show how one's position within the academic hierarchy and structure, as well as the nature of the work regime, shape employees' opinions. The largest differences in opinion exist between junior female researchers and senior male ones, but there are also relevant differences in the views of women working as research and as administrative staff. The results indicate that an analysis that takes into account the forces of the neoliberal academic market has the potential to illuminate regimes of inequality that are gendered through the relationship between work and social reproduction rather than through identity categories as such.
Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women’s and Gender Studies, 2020
This essay seeks to deepen our understanding of women's agency in socialist societies. Focusing o... more This essay seeks to deepen our understanding of women's agency in socialist societies. Focusing on socialist and post-socialist Slovenia, it explores the ways agency reveals itself in interviews with and biographical portraits of the socio-politically active women-or "political workers" (politične delavke), as they were called during Yugoslav socialism-Mara Rupena Osolnik and Aleksandra Kornhauser Frazer. In these texts, agency unfolds as a mosaic of multiple, naturally intertwined activities and engagements aimed at the common good and at improving the position of women and other socially mar-ginalized groups. This kind of agency-understood as the ability to act and the meaningfulness of acting on several fronts-vanished in the wake of the loss of the state socialist project, together with the term politična delavka that designated it. Furthermore, in the post-socialist refashioning of biographies of these women, the socialist state has increasingly been depicted as restricting rather than encouraging their activities in multiple fields. In addition, their biographies became fragmented by stressing only certain parts of their agency during socialism while omitting, marginalizing, or questioning others. This narrowing down of what counts as meaningful political work, the essay argues, contributes to delegitimizing, forgetting, and disabling modes of political and social engagement that were possible in the context of state socialism.
International Journal of Transitional Justice, 2019
When created, international criminal tribunals (ICTs) were not only expected to do justice but al... more When created, international criminal tribunals (ICTs) were not only expected to do justice but also to provide stabilization to postconflict regions, contribute to reconciliation and curb the potential denial of atrocities. Based on media content analysis, this article examines whether controversial ICT decisions triggered changes in narratives or frames about the conflicts which formed the background of the respective ICT decisions. There is no evidence for dramatic changes in the preexisting narratives about these conflicts, but we found some cases in which tribunal decisions caused changes in media frames and in elements of such frames, mostly by emphasizing outgroup victim-hood and individual responsibility of ingroup perpetrators, as well as triggering effects of collective guilt externalization. Although frame changes were often observed in both democratic and nondemocratic countries, only in democratic countries with pluralist and competitive media systems could they be attributed to tribunal decisions.
International Criminal Justice Review, 2018
Based on the analysis of media reporting on the release and return of the ICTY defendants after t... more Based on the analysis of media reporting on the release and return of the ICTY defendants after the end of their trials or imprisonment, the paper focuses on the homecoming celebrations organised for politically prominent defendants. While large celebratory homecomings were vastly covered and discussed by local media, most of the defendants actually returned with no public welcome. The paper demonstrates that the homecomings of politically significant returnees became part of a normalised political folklore, in which the convicted individuals are welcomed in the same manner as those acquitted. Nevertheless, the paper suggests that these events are not necessarily (or not only) an expression of popular support to wartime 'heroes'. Instead it argues that political actors seek to utilise the occasions of the return of those ICTY defendants who possess symbolic capital as wartime political or military leaders in order to gain political profit. As these homecomings have become an expected political and media spectacle, they are treated by media professionals as such. The local media coverage of the homecoming spectacles reveals that while they are politically potent events, they are also contested: on the one hand by the proponents of competing ethno-national historical narratives, and on the other by more critical media outlets that refuse to take them at face value.
Treatises and Documents, Journal for Ethnic Studies, 2014
Although war crime courts have compiled ample evidence about the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs or... more Although war crime courts have compiled ample evidence about the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs organised by Serbian forces in the municipality of Prijedor at the beginning of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the criminal events are still remembered in thoroughly different ways by the victims' and perpetrators' communities. This paper reconstructs the trajectory of war memorialisation through commemorations organised by both victims' groups and local Serb officials. While the victims generally agree with the narrative of the ICTY, the Serb officials deny the systematic persecution of non-Serbs. Though both historical narratives have altered slightly over time, this resulted from the interaction between the two memory cultures, rather than the court judgements.
The paper presents a summary of one among the four applied case studies analysed in the doctoral ... more The paper presents a summary of one among the four applied case studies analysed in the doctoral dissertation. The paper first describes the facts about the events which constitute points of friction between different historical interpretations, taking for the basis the judgements of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Then, the paper reconstructs parallel commemorative practices in the town of Prijedor (the place of the gravest ethnic cleansing), since the end of the war until today, basing it on the research of the local newspaper archives. Through discursive analysis of the statements made by key stakeholders during public debates, the paper discloses the interaction between two mutually conflicting memory cultures.
Book Chapters by Jovana Mihajlović Trbovc
A Community of Practice Approach to Improving Gender Equality in Research, 2022
This chapter describes Community of Practice (CoP) for alternative infrastructure for gender equa... more This chapter describes Community of Practice (CoP) for alternative infrastructure for gender equality in academic institutions (Alt+G) that gathers researchers from Slovenia. Building on a history of efforts to achieve gender equality in Slovene academia, the CoP gathers scholars (and some non-academic staff) dedicated to promoting women in science, improving gender equality in their institutions and the sector as a whole. The chapter demonstrates how the focus of transformative efforts shifted from the level of national regulations to the academic institutions, due to systemic conditions. Furthermore, it shows that the CoP approach is particularly beneficial for spreading and multiplying structural change within the institutions of higher education and research organisations, and that it can help overcome certain systemic fallacies. The CoP structure and sense of community is able to provide a framework that turns unforeseen challenges into windows of opportunity for institutional change and creates space for mutual learning. Since the CoP approach operates on the fuel of personal motivation and depends on individual rather than institutional commitment, its ability and reach in enhancing concrete institutional change is contingent on favourable structural context.
Framing Regional Identities: The Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans, 2020
The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars ... more The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars of the 1990s in the Western Balkans has been extensively documented by the literature. In this chapter, we examine the main trends and changes to history textbooks in the post-Yugoslav countries over the past several decades. Despite the fact that the overt nationalist propaganda of the 1990s has been mostly removed from textbooks across the region, they are still wrought with messages specifying who belongs to "us" and who is the Other, heavily employ victimisation narratives, and interpret events exclusively through the prism of each nation's preferred narrative. We examine the strategies history textbooks use to define identities: selective representations of the past, presenting the nation as the ultimate victim, and shifting responsibility for wrongdoings. We discuss the common elements in textbook identity politics throughout the region, and point to the ways in which they differ, both within and across countries.
Legacies of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 2020
This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledgement of t... more This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledgement of these in the public domain of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), where three ethnically defined and mutually contesting interpretations dominate the public forum. Examining how this problem unfolds, this chapter follows the development of the public memory about the war. It intersects with the relevant International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) jurisprudence, aiming to detect potential changes in the dominant narrative. It analyses public debates whether the war was a product of Serbian aggression or a civil war within Bosnia; whether ‘ethnic cleansing’ was pre-planned by the Serbian side or an inevitable consequence of the war (examined through the Prijedor case); whether genocide was the overall aim of the Serbian side or whether it took place only in Srebrenica; and whether the Croatian side was a defender of, or aggressor in BiH (examined through the Ahmići case).
The Media of Memory: Media as Mementos, 2020
The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugosla... more The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia from the register of permanent residents after Slovenian independence in 1991. Due to legislation and administrative acts of the newly independent Republic of Slovenia, more than 25,000 people originating from other Yugoslav republics, lost their legal status in Slovenia overnight with no prior notification. Consequently, these ‘erased persons’ (izbrisani) lost other social and economic rights, which led to gross violations of their human rights, and in some cases even statelessness and deportation. Eventually, the policy of the erasure was adjudicated as unlawful and discriminatory by the Slovenian Constitutional Court and European Court of Human Rights. While some media outlets contributed to investigation and acknowledgement of the erasure, other indulged in discourse that justified the erasure and denied its consequences. This paper examines how exactly Slovenian media narrated the story of the erasure over time, particularly in which frame the story was given, how the erased persons were portrayed and to whom the responsibility for the erasure was ascribed. Finally, the paper evaluates to what extent a public memory of the erasure has emerged in recent years, and to what extent it is slowly forgotten by not being included into a memory frame.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Media Coverage Vol. 1, 2019
The ICTY judgement relating to the attack on Dubrovnik by the JNA and Montenegrin forces in the a... more The ICTY judgement relating to the attack on Dubrovnik by the JNA and Montenegrin forces in the autumn of 1991 made no significant impact on the way local media and political leaders presented this historical event. The main media outlets firmly stuck to their pre-existing narratives, which were shaped by the political and general ideological orientation of the newspaper, and its attitude towards the Montenegrin government as well as partly also towards the Yugoslav and Serb governments in Belgrade. However, there is a trace of a more indirect impact of the ICTY on the way, the Dubrovnik operation was dealt with in the media and the public. Though there is no way to prove causality, the sequence of events may suggest that the ICTY Prosecution’s investigation acted as an ‘invisible hand’ that gave impetus to Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović to issue apology to the citizens of Dubrovnik in June 2000.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Media Coverage Vol. 1, 2019
This chapter deals with the impact of the ICTY decisions on the representation of the Bosnian war... more This chapter deals with the impact of the ICTY decisions on the representation of the Bosnian war (1992–1995) in the media outlets of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina– one of the two entities that comprise post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. This chapter is divided into two large sections, each devoted to one trial before the ICTY. The trial of Tihomir Blaškić is chosen as a case study in order to examine the interpretations of the Croat-Bosniak conflict in the Croat and Bosniak media and the character of the war-time Croatian statelet of Herceg-Bosna. The other analyzed trial is the of Naser Orić, who as a military leader of the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica, was symbolically the most significant defendant. This is the reason why this trial was chosen as the most relevant for evaluating potential changes in the Bosniak narrative of the war. Each of the two sections of the paper first presents historical facts necessary for understanding each case, as well as the main contestations among dominant interpretations of the events. Further, it presents a short description of each media outlet whose reporting is analysed. The paper presents how each media outlet presented (framed) the armed conflict before and after the key legal milestones of each trial (indictment, trial judgment, and appeals judgment). In this way, I am detecting changes in frames, and reconstruct whether a change resulted from a particular ICTY decision.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Institutional Reform Vol. 1, 2018
Content of the chapter: 1. Early Relations Between the ICTY and Serbia 2. Change in Legislation R... more Content of the chapter: 1. Early Relations Between the ICTY and Serbia 2. Change in Legislation Related to the ICTY 2.1. The Law on Cooperation with the Tribunal 2.2. The Role of EU Conditionality 2.3. New Legislation Relevant for War Crimes Prosecution 3. Change in Institutions Related to the ICTY 3.1. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission 3.2. Institutions in Charge of Cooperation with the ICTY 3.3. Specialised Institutions for War Crimes Prosecution 3.4. Procedural Novelties 3.5. Problems in the Conduct of the Trials 4. The Impact of the Scorpions Video 5. Domestic Change in Serbia
In: Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges si... more In: Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges since 1990, edited by Sabrina P. Ramet, Christine M. Hassenstab, and Ola Listhaug, 135-162. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017.
(contact author for the full paper)
Sabrina Ramet (ed.), Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges since 1990, Cambridge University Press, 2017
The Use and Abuse of Memory: Interpreting World War II in Contemporary European Politics, 2013
The historical disputes relating to the World War II are still vigorous among the memory-makers o... more The historical disputes relating to the World War II are still vigorous among the memory-makers of Yugoslav successor states. This chapter deconstructs how the main political groups and military formations, active in Yugoslavia during WWII, are presented in the contemporary history textbooks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. While the analysis confirms great differences between the narratives of the four countries, it reveals a common trait, which is to evaluate historical stakeholders by the yardstick of the imagined national interest. The deconstruction of each historical narrative reveals the need to reconcile the positive connotation of anti-Fascism with a positive image of one's own nation, sometimes leading to dubious historical interpretations. Further, these textbooks conflate the contemporary understanding of antiFascism (as being against all discriminatory ideologies) with a particular understanding (imported from the context of WWII) in which an anti-Fascists opposed the occupation or the quisling regime. This conceptual confusion allows tailoring the image of the military and political groups active during WWII according to their presumed national belonging, not in regard of their genuine ideological background.
Znanost (brez) mladih. Zgodnje stopnje znanstvene kariere skozi perspektivo spola
When we talk about academic mobility, we usually talk about those who are leaving the domestic ac... more When we talk about academic mobility, we usually talk about those who are leaving the domestic academic community, and much less about those who are coming into it from abroad, or about academic mobility as a form of international scientific exchange. Public and media discourses on academic mobility in Slovenia are dominated by the conception of »brain drain«, particularly since the outburst of economic crisis. Framed as a tragic fact, this phrase overshadows an entire range of other issues that academic mobility raises in the careers and lives of academics, especially in early stages of their careers.
On the basis of an analysis of dominant discourses and ongoing public debates, as well as the comparative analysis conducted within the GARCIA project, this chapter offers reflections on structural factors that condition advantages and disadvantages of mobility for academics in early stages of their careers. In this context, the chapter especially examines the construct of »national science« and structural self-reproduction of the academic community (so called »academic inbreeding«) in Slovenia. Within the construct of »national science«, Slovenian academia is perceived as supposed to be serving the development of Slovene language and building national identity. Hence, language serves not only as a mechanism of communication, but also as a mechanism of selection and »gatekeeping« in hiring academic staff. What further makes Slovenian academia a closed system is the mechanism of recruitment, which is based on informal personal connections and record of previous cooperation between the candidate and the hiring institution. In such a system, foreign academics and foreign-educated academics of Slovenian origin are discriminated against and/or prevented from entering the Slovenian academic community.
Since the GARCIA project partners gathered qualitative and quantitative data related to structural settings in 12 academic institutions (one STEM and one SSH) from 6 countries (Belgium, Iceland, Italy, the Netherlands, Slovenia and Switzerland), we were able to draw some comparisons. The primary research results gathered in Slovenia (interviews, focus groups, and analysis of primary documents) were analysed through an intersectional approach – combining dimensions of gender, nationality, age and economic status – focusing on issues related to academic mobility and lack thereof. What emerged as a specificity of Slovene institutions is exclusive monolinguality as a criteria in hiring for University posts, almost exclusive selection of »already known« candidates for all academic posts, and a lack of demand for international mobility in the analysed institution in the field of humanities.
In the analysed countries, international mobility is construed as part of academic excellence, and a formal or implied criteria for career progress. Increasingly, it is also understood so in Slovenia, though it is yet not considered necessary. Comparative analysis shows that mobility is a greater challenge for women in the early stages of their careers, due to greater burdens in the private/family sphere and gender stereotypes. Thus, women are less prone to achieve or be perceived as achieving what is nowadays concerned to be »academic excellence«. However, mobility is not the main reason for the phenomenon of the leaky pipeline In Slovenia. Instead, the gradual »drain« of women in the progress to higher academic positions is due to the persisting precariousness of junior academics and the gendered hierarchical organisation of Slovenian academia.
Znanost (brez) mladih. Zgodnje stopnje znanstvene kariere skozi perspektivo spola
Ko se govori o akademski mobilnosti v javnem in medijskem prostoru Slovenije, se govori predvsem ... more Ko se govori o akademski mobilnosti v javnem in medijskem prostoru Slovenije, se govori predvsem o odhajanju iz domače akademske skupnosti, veliko manj pa o prihajanju v skupnost iz tujine ali začasni mobilnosti kot mednarodni znanstveni izmenjavi. Zdi se, da fraza »beg možganov« dominira na področju diskurza o akademski mobilnosti, posebej od začetka ekonomske krize. Uokvirjena je kot tragično dejstvo in zasenčuje celo paleto drugih razsežnosti, ki jih mobilnost predstavlja za znanstvenice_ke, posebej na začetku kariere.
Na podlagi pregleda prevladujočih diskurzov, aktualnih javnih debat ter rezultatov primerjalne analize, opravljene v projektu GARCIA, v tem poglavju ponujamo premislek o strukturnih dejavnikih, ki pogojujejo prednosti in slabosti mobilnosti za mlade znanstvenice_ke. V tem kontekstu posebej postavljamo pod vprašaj konstrukt nacionalne znanosti in strukturalno samoreprodukcijo akademske skupnosti v Sloveniji. V tem procesu premišljevanja se dimenzija nacionalnosti izkaže kot pomembna, in jo poskušamo upoštevati skupaj s perspektivo spola, starosti in razreda – torej poskušamo intersekcionalno razumeti razsežnosti (ne)mobilnosti. Namesto sklepov poglavje ponuja seznam odprtih vprašanj, za katere potrebujemo nove izvirne raziskave.
Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society, 2023
The use of history textbooks in order to instill particular images of the nation and national ide... more The use of history textbooks in order to instill particular images of the nation and national identity has been widely recognized, with a proliferation of studies focused on the problematic content in textbooks. Yet, history textbooks rely on a range of other media like maps, graphs, illustrated timelines, and photographs, which also play an important role in visually signposting the nation. While some of these images serve primarily as a form of representation aligned with the text itself, other aspects of visual content distinctly and autonomously construct national identity. In this piece, relying on qualitative visual analysis, we point to the function played by images in symbolically constructing the nation in contemporary primary school textbooks in five post-Yugoslav republics, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia.
Družboslovne razprave / Social Science Forum, 2022
Based on a study of gender equality issues in a research organisation in an Eastern European post... more Based on a study of gender equality issues in a research organisation in an Eastern European post-socialist country, the paper argues that the increasing precariousness of academic employment and project-based work lead to workplace dynamics that must be considered in a specific setting. The results of a survey of employees at ZRC SAZU show how one's position within the academic hierarchy and structure, as well as the nature of the work regime, shape employees' opinions. The largest differences in opinion exist between junior female researchers and senior male ones, but there are also relevant differences in the views of women working as research and as administrative staff. The results indicate that an analysis that takes into account the forces of the neoliberal academic market has the potential to illuminate regimes of inequality that are gendered through the relationship between work and social reproduction rather than through identity categories as such.
Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women’s and Gender Studies, 2020
This essay seeks to deepen our understanding of women's agency in socialist societies. Focusing o... more This essay seeks to deepen our understanding of women's agency in socialist societies. Focusing on socialist and post-socialist Slovenia, it explores the ways agency reveals itself in interviews with and biographical portraits of the socio-politically active women-or "political workers" (politične delavke), as they were called during Yugoslav socialism-Mara Rupena Osolnik and Aleksandra Kornhauser Frazer. In these texts, agency unfolds as a mosaic of multiple, naturally intertwined activities and engagements aimed at the common good and at improving the position of women and other socially mar-ginalized groups. This kind of agency-understood as the ability to act and the meaningfulness of acting on several fronts-vanished in the wake of the loss of the state socialist project, together with the term politična delavka that designated it. Furthermore, in the post-socialist refashioning of biographies of these women, the socialist state has increasingly been depicted as restricting rather than encouraging their activities in multiple fields. In addition, their biographies became fragmented by stressing only certain parts of their agency during socialism while omitting, marginalizing, or questioning others. This narrowing down of what counts as meaningful political work, the essay argues, contributes to delegitimizing, forgetting, and disabling modes of political and social engagement that were possible in the context of state socialism.
International Journal of Transitional Justice, 2019
When created, international criminal tribunals (ICTs) were not only expected to do justice but al... more When created, international criminal tribunals (ICTs) were not only expected to do justice but also to provide stabilization to postconflict regions, contribute to reconciliation and curb the potential denial of atrocities. Based on media content analysis, this article examines whether controversial ICT decisions triggered changes in narratives or frames about the conflicts which formed the background of the respective ICT decisions. There is no evidence for dramatic changes in the preexisting narratives about these conflicts, but we found some cases in which tribunal decisions caused changes in media frames and in elements of such frames, mostly by emphasizing outgroup victim-hood and individual responsibility of ingroup perpetrators, as well as triggering effects of collective guilt externalization. Although frame changes were often observed in both democratic and nondemocratic countries, only in democratic countries with pluralist and competitive media systems could they be attributed to tribunal decisions.
International Criminal Justice Review, 2018
Based on the analysis of media reporting on the release and return of the ICTY defendants after t... more Based on the analysis of media reporting on the release and return of the ICTY defendants after the end of their trials or imprisonment, the paper focuses on the homecoming celebrations organised for politically prominent defendants. While large celebratory homecomings were vastly covered and discussed by local media, most of the defendants actually returned with no public welcome. The paper demonstrates that the homecomings of politically significant returnees became part of a normalised political folklore, in which the convicted individuals are welcomed in the same manner as those acquitted. Nevertheless, the paper suggests that these events are not necessarily (or not only) an expression of popular support to wartime 'heroes'. Instead it argues that political actors seek to utilise the occasions of the return of those ICTY defendants who possess symbolic capital as wartime political or military leaders in order to gain political profit. As these homecomings have become an expected political and media spectacle, they are treated by media professionals as such. The local media coverage of the homecoming spectacles reveals that while they are politically potent events, they are also contested: on the one hand by the proponents of competing ethno-national historical narratives, and on the other by more critical media outlets that refuse to take them at face value.
Treatises and Documents, Journal for Ethnic Studies, 2014
Although war crime courts have compiled ample evidence about the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs or... more Although war crime courts have compiled ample evidence about the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs organised by Serbian forces in the municipality of Prijedor at the beginning of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the criminal events are still remembered in thoroughly different ways by the victims' and perpetrators' communities. This paper reconstructs the trajectory of war memorialisation through commemorations organised by both victims' groups and local Serb officials. While the victims generally agree with the narrative of the ICTY, the Serb officials deny the systematic persecution of non-Serbs. Though both historical narratives have altered slightly over time, this resulted from the interaction between the two memory cultures, rather than the court judgements.
The paper presents a summary of one among the four applied case studies analysed in the doctoral ... more The paper presents a summary of one among the four applied case studies analysed in the doctoral dissertation. The paper first describes the facts about the events which constitute points of friction between different historical interpretations, taking for the basis the judgements of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Then, the paper reconstructs parallel commemorative practices in the town of Prijedor (the place of the gravest ethnic cleansing), since the end of the war until today, basing it on the research of the local newspaper archives. Through discursive analysis of the statements made by key stakeholders during public debates, the paper discloses the interaction between two mutually conflicting memory cultures.
A Community of Practice Approach to Improving Gender Equality in Research, 2022
This chapter describes Community of Practice (CoP) for alternative infrastructure for gender equa... more This chapter describes Community of Practice (CoP) for alternative infrastructure for gender equality in academic institutions (Alt+G) that gathers researchers from Slovenia. Building on a history of efforts to achieve gender equality in Slovene academia, the CoP gathers scholars (and some non-academic staff) dedicated to promoting women in science, improving gender equality in their institutions and the sector as a whole. The chapter demonstrates how the focus of transformative efforts shifted from the level of national regulations to the academic institutions, due to systemic conditions. Furthermore, it shows that the CoP approach is particularly beneficial for spreading and multiplying structural change within the institutions of higher education and research organisations, and that it can help overcome certain systemic fallacies. The CoP structure and sense of community is able to provide a framework that turns unforeseen challenges into windows of opportunity for institutional change and creates space for mutual learning. Since the CoP approach operates on the fuel of personal motivation and depends on individual rather than institutional commitment, its ability and reach in enhancing concrete institutional change is contingent on favourable structural context.
Framing Regional Identities: The Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans, 2020
The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars ... more The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars of the 1990s in the Western Balkans has been extensively documented by the literature. In this chapter, we examine the main trends and changes to history textbooks in the post-Yugoslav countries over the past several decades. Despite the fact that the overt nationalist propaganda of the 1990s has been mostly removed from textbooks across the region, they are still wrought with messages specifying who belongs to "us" and who is the Other, heavily employ victimisation narratives, and interpret events exclusively through the prism of each nation's preferred narrative. We examine the strategies history textbooks use to define identities: selective representations of the past, presenting the nation as the ultimate victim, and shifting responsibility for wrongdoings. We discuss the common elements in textbook identity politics throughout the region, and point to the ways in which they differ, both within and across countries.
Legacies of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 2020
This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledgement of t... more This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledgement of these in the public domain of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), where three ethnically defined and mutually contesting interpretations dominate the public forum. Examining how this problem unfolds, this chapter follows the development of the public memory about the war. It intersects with the relevant International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) jurisprudence, aiming to detect potential changes in the dominant narrative. It analyses public debates whether the war was a product of Serbian aggression or a civil war within Bosnia; whether ‘ethnic cleansing’ was pre-planned by the Serbian side or an inevitable consequence of the war (examined through the Prijedor case); whether genocide was the overall aim of the Serbian side or whether it took place only in Srebrenica; and whether the Croatian side was a defender of, or aggressor in BiH (examined through the Ahmići case).
The Media of Memory: Media as Mementos, 2020
The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugosla... more The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia from the register of permanent residents after Slovenian independence in 1991. Due to legislation and administrative acts of the newly independent Republic of Slovenia, more than 25,000 people originating from other Yugoslav republics, lost their legal status in Slovenia overnight with no prior notification. Consequently, these ‘erased persons’ (izbrisani) lost other social and economic rights, which led to gross violations of their human rights, and in some cases even statelessness and deportation. Eventually, the policy of the erasure was adjudicated as unlawful and discriminatory by the Slovenian Constitutional Court and European Court of Human Rights. While some media outlets contributed to investigation and acknowledgement of the erasure, other indulged in discourse that justified the erasure and denied its consequences. This paper examines how exactly Slovenian media narrated the story of the erasure over time, particularly in which frame the story was given, how the erased persons were portrayed and to whom the responsibility for the erasure was ascribed. Finally, the paper evaluates to what extent a public memory of the erasure has emerged in recent years, and to what extent it is slowly forgotten by not being included into a memory frame.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Media Coverage Vol. 1, 2019
The ICTY judgement relating to the attack on Dubrovnik by the JNA and Montenegrin forces in the a... more The ICTY judgement relating to the attack on Dubrovnik by the JNA and Montenegrin forces in the autumn of 1991 made no significant impact on the way local media and political leaders presented this historical event. The main media outlets firmly stuck to their pre-existing narratives, which were shaped by the political and general ideological orientation of the newspaper, and its attitude towards the Montenegrin government as well as partly also towards the Yugoslav and Serb governments in Belgrade. However, there is a trace of a more indirect impact of the ICTY on the way, the Dubrovnik operation was dealt with in the media and the public. Though there is no way to prove causality, the sequence of events may suggest that the ICTY Prosecution’s investigation acted as an ‘invisible hand’ that gave impetus to Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović to issue apology to the citizens of Dubrovnik in June 2000.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Media Coverage Vol. 1, 2019
This chapter deals with the impact of the ICTY decisions on the representation of the Bosnian war... more This chapter deals with the impact of the ICTY decisions on the representation of the Bosnian war (1992–1995) in the media outlets of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina– one of the two entities that comprise post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. This chapter is divided into two large sections, each devoted to one trial before the ICTY. The trial of Tihomir Blaškić is chosen as a case study in order to examine the interpretations of the Croat-Bosniak conflict in the Croat and Bosniak media and the character of the war-time Croatian statelet of Herceg-Bosna. The other analyzed trial is the of Naser Orić, who as a military leader of the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica, was symbolically the most significant defendant. This is the reason why this trial was chosen as the most relevant for evaluating potential changes in the Bosniak narrative of the war. Each of the two sections of the paper first presents historical facts necessary for understanding each case, as well as the main contestations among dominant interpretations of the events. Further, it presents a short description of each media outlet whose reporting is analysed. The paper presents how each media outlet presented (framed) the armed conflict before and after the key legal milestones of each trial (indictment, trial judgment, and appeals judgment). In this way, I am detecting changes in frames, and reconstruct whether a change resulted from a particular ICTY decision.
International Criminal Tribunals as Actors of Domestic Change: The Impact on Institutional Reform Vol. 1, 2018
Content of the chapter: 1. Early Relations Between the ICTY and Serbia 2. Change in Legislation R... more Content of the chapter: 1. Early Relations Between the ICTY and Serbia 2. Change in Legislation Related to the ICTY 2.1. The Law on Cooperation with the Tribunal 2.2. The Role of EU Conditionality 2.3. New Legislation Relevant for War Crimes Prosecution 3. Change in Institutions Related to the ICTY 3.1. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission 3.2. Institutions in Charge of Cooperation with the ICTY 3.3. Specialised Institutions for War Crimes Prosecution 3.4. Procedural Novelties 3.5. Problems in the Conduct of the Trials 4. The Impact of the Scorpions Video 5. Domestic Change in Serbia
In: Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges si... more In: Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges since 1990, edited by Sabrina P. Ramet, Christine M. Hassenstab, and Ola Listhaug, 135-162. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017.
(contact author for the full paper)
Sabrina Ramet (ed.), Building Democracy in the Yugoslav Successor States: Accomplishments, Setbacks, Challenges since 1990, Cambridge University Press, 2017
The Use and Abuse of Memory: Interpreting World War II in Contemporary European Politics, 2013
The historical disputes relating to the World War II are still vigorous among the memory-makers o... more The historical disputes relating to the World War II are still vigorous among the memory-makers of Yugoslav successor states. This chapter deconstructs how the main political groups and military formations, active in Yugoslavia during WWII, are presented in the contemporary history textbooks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. While the analysis confirms great differences between the narratives of the four countries, it reveals a common trait, which is to evaluate historical stakeholders by the yardstick of the imagined national interest. The deconstruction of each historical narrative reveals the need to reconcile the positive connotation of anti-Fascism with a positive image of one's own nation, sometimes leading to dubious historical interpretations. Further, these textbooks conflate the contemporary understanding of antiFascism (as being against all discriminatory ideologies) with a particular understanding (imported from the context of WWII) in which an anti-Fascists opposed the occupation or the quisling regime. This conceptual confusion allows tailoring the image of the military and political groups active during WWII according to their presumed national belonging, not in regard of their genuine ideological background.
Znanost (brez) mladih. Zgodnje stopnje znanstvene kariere skozi perspektivo spola
When we talk about academic mobility, we usually talk about those who are leaving the domestic ac... more When we talk about academic mobility, we usually talk about those who are leaving the domestic academic community, and much less about those who are coming into it from abroad, or about academic mobility as a form of international scientific exchange. Public and media discourses on academic mobility in Slovenia are dominated by the conception of »brain drain«, particularly since the outburst of economic crisis. Framed as a tragic fact, this phrase overshadows an entire range of other issues that academic mobility raises in the careers and lives of academics, especially in early stages of their careers.
On the basis of an analysis of dominant discourses and ongoing public debates, as well as the comparative analysis conducted within the GARCIA project, this chapter offers reflections on structural factors that condition advantages and disadvantages of mobility for academics in early stages of their careers. In this context, the chapter especially examines the construct of »national science« and structural self-reproduction of the academic community (so called »academic inbreeding«) in Slovenia. Within the construct of »national science«, Slovenian academia is perceived as supposed to be serving the development of Slovene language and building national identity. Hence, language serves not only as a mechanism of communication, but also as a mechanism of selection and »gatekeeping« in hiring academic staff. What further makes Slovenian academia a closed system is the mechanism of recruitment, which is based on informal personal connections and record of previous cooperation between the candidate and the hiring institution. In such a system, foreign academics and foreign-educated academics of Slovenian origin are discriminated against and/or prevented from entering the Slovenian academic community.
Since the GARCIA project partners gathered qualitative and quantitative data related to structural settings in 12 academic institutions (one STEM and one SSH) from 6 countries (Belgium, Iceland, Italy, the Netherlands, Slovenia and Switzerland), we were able to draw some comparisons. The primary research results gathered in Slovenia (interviews, focus groups, and analysis of primary documents) were analysed through an intersectional approach – combining dimensions of gender, nationality, age and economic status – focusing on issues related to academic mobility and lack thereof. What emerged as a specificity of Slovene institutions is exclusive monolinguality as a criteria in hiring for University posts, almost exclusive selection of »already known« candidates for all academic posts, and a lack of demand for international mobility in the analysed institution in the field of humanities.
In the analysed countries, international mobility is construed as part of academic excellence, and a formal or implied criteria for career progress. Increasingly, it is also understood so in Slovenia, though it is yet not considered necessary. Comparative analysis shows that mobility is a greater challenge for women in the early stages of their careers, due to greater burdens in the private/family sphere and gender stereotypes. Thus, women are less prone to achieve or be perceived as achieving what is nowadays concerned to be »academic excellence«. However, mobility is not the main reason for the phenomenon of the leaky pipeline In Slovenia. Instead, the gradual »drain« of women in the progress to higher academic positions is due to the persisting precariousness of junior academics and the gendered hierarchical organisation of Slovenian academia.
Znanost (brez) mladih. Zgodnje stopnje znanstvene kariere skozi perspektivo spola
Ko se govori o akademski mobilnosti v javnem in medijskem prostoru Slovenije, se govori predvsem ... more Ko se govori o akademski mobilnosti v javnem in medijskem prostoru Slovenije, se govori predvsem o odhajanju iz domače akademske skupnosti, veliko manj pa o prihajanju v skupnost iz tujine ali začasni mobilnosti kot mednarodni znanstveni izmenjavi. Zdi se, da fraza »beg možganov« dominira na področju diskurza o akademski mobilnosti, posebej od začetka ekonomske krize. Uokvirjena je kot tragično dejstvo in zasenčuje celo paleto drugih razsežnosti, ki jih mobilnost predstavlja za znanstvenice_ke, posebej na začetku kariere.
Na podlagi pregleda prevladujočih diskurzov, aktualnih javnih debat ter rezultatov primerjalne analize, opravljene v projektu GARCIA, v tem poglavju ponujamo premislek o strukturnih dejavnikih, ki pogojujejo prednosti in slabosti mobilnosti za mlade znanstvenice_ke. V tem kontekstu posebej postavljamo pod vprašaj konstrukt nacionalne znanosti in strukturalno samoreprodukcijo akademske skupnosti v Sloveniji. V tem procesu premišljevanja se dimenzija nacionalnosti izkaže kot pomembna, in jo poskušamo upoštevati skupaj s perspektivo spola, starosti in razreda – torej poskušamo intersekcionalno razumeti razsežnosti (ne)mobilnosti. Namesto sklepov poglavje ponuja seznam odprtih vprašanj, za katere potrebujemo nove izvirne raziskave.
The Use and Abuse of Memory: Interpreting World War II in Contemporary European Politics, eds. Christian Karner and Bram Mertens, pp. 173-192, 2013
Even if one might not agree with the statement that there is a common European collective memory ... more Even if one might not agree with the statement that there is a common European collective memory of the Second World War, there seems to be an imagined consensus on which political and military organizations stood on the side against fascism. However, when one shifts from a pan-European to a regional and national layer of historical memory, this seemingly clear-cut division becomes more nuanced. The simplistic narrative of socialist Yugoslavia in which there was only one anti-fascist movement has been challenged and distorted by memory makers of successor states to various extents. The dispute over who opposed fascism, who fought against the occupation, to what extent the anti-fascist liberators were legitimate, and who defended national interests is still vigorous and ongoing (Brunnbauer 2004; Pavlaković 2008; Ramet and Listhaug 2011). The aim of this paper is to deconstruct how the main political groups and military formations, active in Yugoslavia during WWII, are presented in contemporary history textbooks written in the language that used to be dominant in Yugoslavia1 – that is the textbooks from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. Our goal was to answer these questions by utilizing history textbooks as a lens through which to examine the ongoing contestations of WWII memories in the post-Yugoslav states.
This Toolkit is designed to help researchers in integrating gender dimension in their ongoing res... more This Toolkit is designed to help researchers in integrating gender dimension in their ongoing research and teaching, especially those in test institutions involved in the GARCIA project (www.garciaproject.eu). It should help academic staff in thinking in what way is gender relevant for their research agenda and curricula.
Conducted between July 2013 and February 2014, the research is an attempt to address obstacles to... more Conducted between July 2013 and February 2014, the research is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic evelopment of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profession. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote public service values in media and journalism. Five countries were covered by the research presented in the book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia. This book and the project South East European Media Observatory.
Ob sredini obsodbi Ratka Mladića na haaškem sodišču na dosmrtni zapor smo se pogovarjali z dr. Jo... more Ob sredini obsodbi Ratka Mladića na haaškem sodišču na dosmrtni zapor smo se pogovarjali z dr. Jovano Mihajlović Trbovc, politologinjo z Inštuta za kulturne in spominske študije na ZRC SAZU. Njena področja raziskovanja so politike preteklosti in javnega spominjanja na zločine ob razpadu nekdanje Jugoslavije in v obdobju druge svetovne vojne. Posebej pa se osredotoča na vpliv Mednarodnega kazenskega sodišča za nekdanjo Jugoslavijo na države naslednice ter na reproduciranje zgodovinskih narativov v učbenikih.
Člani družin bošnjaških žrtev genocida v Srebrenici so po obsodbi Ratka Mladića na haškem sodišču izrazili zadovoljstvo z dosmrtno zaporno kaznijo, vendar pa so opozorili na težavo nepriznavanja genocida v drugih občinah na vzhodu in severozahodu Bosne in Hercegovine.
Sodba je bila pričakovana, ker je bil Mladić obtožen za enake zločine kot Karadžić, ki ob genocidu v Srebrenici ni bil obsojen tudi za genocid v drugih občinah Bosne in Hercegovine. Zato je bila za nekatere ljudi Mladićeva sodba zadnje upanje, da se bo to spremenilo.
Po sodbi Radovanu Karadžiću so Bošnjaki, muslimani iz Bosne in Hercegovine, rekli, da sodba ni pr... more Po sodbi Radovanu Karadžiću so Bošnjaki, muslimani iz Bosne in Hercegovine, rekli, da sodba ni pravična in da je premila. Srbi iz Bosne in Hercegovine pa pravijo, da je nepravična in krivična do Srbov. Za raziskovalko na Inštitutu za kulturne in spominske študije ZRC SAZU dr. Jovano Mihajlović Trbovc so takšne reakcije pričakovane. Haaško sodišče za vojne zločine v bivši Jugoslaviji je bilo ustanovljeno z »romantično« idejo, da bo z objektivnim predstavljanjem dejstev, ki jim ne bo mogoče oporekati, doseglo spravo med narodi, ki so bili pred dvajsetimi leti zapleteni v krvav konflikt. Doseglo naj bi spravo med krvniki in žrtvami. Danes, ugotavlja naša sogovornica, pa je uspeh sodišča že v tem, da največjih zločinov ni mogoče več zanikati. »Celo Karadžić je priznal, da so se v Srebrenici zgodili določeni zločini,« se nasmehne. Več od tega pa je od Haaga težko pričakovati. Nacionalistična politika na območju bivše Jugoslavije, zlasti v Bosni in Hercegovini, se ne glede na sodbe – delno pa prav z zlorabo sodb – nadaljuje.
gledališki list drame "Rajzefiber", Goran Vojnović, Gledališče Celje & Prešernovo gledališče Kranj, 2019
Slovenija je predvsem država priseljevanja in ne odseljevanja. Vendar ne zaradi "begunskega vala"... more Slovenija je predvsem država priseljevanja in ne odseljevanja. Vendar ne zaradi "begunskega vala" – največ priseljencev v Slovenijo še vedno pride iz Bosne, Kosova in Srbije, kar je stalnica od druge polovice dvajsetega stoletja. Se pravi, da to, o čemer se v medijih najbolj žolčno govori – "begunski val" in "beg možganov" – predstavlja najmanjši del migracijskih tokov.
gledališki list drame "Rajzefiber", Goran Vojnović, Prešernovo Gledališče Kranj & Gledališče Celje, 2019
Ločnica med beguncem in tistim, ki je šel s trebuhom za kruhom, je umetna, neživljenjska, odvisna... more Ločnica med beguncem in tistim, ki je šel s trebuhom za kruhom, je umetna, neživljenjska, odvisna od arbitrarno postavljenih pravil. Diskurz uperjen proti priseljencem ima končni namen ohraniti razlike – razlike, ki opravičujejo, zakaj se ene ljudi lahko izkorišča zaradi ugodja drugih, se pravi "staroselcev".
gledališki list predstave Bedenje, SNG Drama, 2019
Igra "Bedenje" preizprašuje idejo ali je spomin deden in ali se travma lahko prenaša s starejše g... more Igra "Bedenje" preizprašuje idejo ali je spomin deden in ali se travma lahko prenaša s starejše generacije na mlajšo. To vprašanje je v post-kolonialnem času, po drugi svetovni vojni in holokavstu zaznamovalo velik del sodobnih generacij.
A Community of Practice Approach to Improving Gender Equality in Research, Jul 27, 2022
The Media of Memory, 2020
The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugosla... more The paper deals with how Slovenian media represent ‘the erasure’ (izbris) of the group of Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia from the register of permanent residents after Slovenian independence in 1991. Due to legislation and administrative acts of the newly independent Republic of Slovenia, more than 25,000 people originating from other Yugoslav republics, lost their legal status in Slovenia overnight with no prior notification. Consequently, these ‘erased persons’ (izbrisani) lost other social and economic rights, which led to gross violations of their human rights, and in some cases even statelessness and deportation. Eventually, the policy of the erasure was adjudicated as unlawful and discriminatory by the Slovenian Constitutional Court and European Court of Human Rights. While some media outlets contributed to investigation and acknowledgement of the erasure, other indulged in discourse that justified the erasure and denied its consequences. This paper examines how exactly Slovenian media narrated the story of the erasure over time, particularly in which frame the story was given, how the erased persons were portrayed and to whom the responsibility for the erasure was ascribed. Finally, the paper evaluates to what extent a public memory of the erasure has emerged in recent years, and to what extent it is slowly forgotten by not being included into a memory frame.
The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars ... more The use and misuse of textbooks by ethnic entrepreneurs in the lead up to and following the wars of the 1990s in the Western Balkans has been extensively documented by the literature. In this chapter, we examine the main trends and changes to history textbooks in the post-Yugoslav countries over the past several decades. Despite the fact that the overt nationalist propaganda of the 1990s has been mostly removed from textbooks across the region, they are still wrought with messages specifying who belongs to "us" and who is the Other, heavily employ victimisation narratives, and interpret events exclusively through the prism of each nation's preferred narrative. We examine the strategies history textbooks use to define identities: selective representations of the past, presenting the nation as the ultimate victim, and shifting responsibility for wrongdoings. We discuss the common elements in textbook identity politics throughout the region, and point to the ways in which they differ, both within and across countries.
<p>This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledge... more <p>This chapter tackles relations between facts established at the Tribunal and acknowledgement of these in the public domain of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), where three ethnically defined and mutually contesting interpretations dominate the public forum. Examining how this problem unfolds, this chapter follows the development of the public memory about the war. It intersects with the relevant International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) jurisprudence, aiming to detect potential changes in the dominant narrative. It analyses public debates whether the war was a product of Serbian aggression or a civil war within Bosnia; whether 'ethnic cleansing' was pre-planned by the Serbian side or an inevitable consequence of the war (examined through the Prijedor case); whether genocide was the overall aim of the Serbian side or whether it took place only in Srebrenica; and whether the Croatian side was a defender of, or aggressor in BiH (examined through the Ahmići case).</p>
International Criminal Justice Review
Naše znanstvenice: Kako so ženske soustvarjale znanost v Jugoslaviji, 2023
The book ('Our Women Scientists. How women co-created science in Yugoslavia') is conceived as a c... more The book ('Our Women Scientists. How women co-created science in Yugoslavia') is conceived as a collection of articles about women scientists who have taken their field “one step further”. By this we mean women researchers, professors, innovators, authors of a significant scientific breakthrough or discovery, a patent, or women who have introduced new practices and methods in their academic field, founded an institute or department, or created the conditions for the development of new scientific disciplines. The professional biographies of the 27 women presented in this book show what the pursuit of science actually means. The women’s scientific contribution is narrated through their work and their life stories, because the professional/public can never be separated from the private/intimate. The question of who does research can never be separated from what they research and how they do it. The essays also tell the story of the broader social contribution that women scientists have made, which goes far beyond narrowly defined scientific work. In this way, the book also aims to change the understanding of what science is as a process of knowledge production, as human labor, as social practice, and as vocation.