Artur Lipiński | Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (original) (raw)
Papers by Artur Lipiński
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, Oct 5, 2022
Despite the significance of historical narratives on populism, the congruence between collective ... more Despite the significance of historical narratives on populism, the congruence between collective memory and scholarship regarding populism is scarce in Central and Eastern European countries. We address this gap by analysing the commemorative narratives of the competing populist rightwing political parties in Hungary and Poland promoted during celebrations for the Day of National Unity and National Independence Day celebration. The paper analyses the structure, content and functions of commemorative speeches to highlight the similarities and differences between the political actors under consideration. The findings reveal that victimisation and heroisation are constant and stable components of both countries' political narratives. Moreover, the elements of populist communication are articulated alongside nationalist themes emphasising the greatness of the nation, historical revisionism or national Catholicism. The references to the people using ethno-cultural and exclusionary terms are of particular significance. Although praised and credited with positive qualities, the Polish and Hungarian peoples are more frequently presented as victims of international enemies, European elites or internal, cultural and political elites. This victimhood status allows political actors to both represent themselves as advocates of the people and legitimises their claims.
Intersentia eBooks, Dec 12, 2017
This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional just... more This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.
Social protests, modular revolutions and democratisation. Selected categories in the analysis of ... more Social protests, modular revolutions and democratisation. Selected categories in the analysis of the phenomenon of colour revolutions T he revolutionary events that occurred in Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, among others, continue to be a bone of contention for the numerous authors trying to identify the reasons for the outbreaks, the duration and specific nature of these protests. The disputes between scholars mainly concern the detailed enumeration of the factors that caused the outbreak of these so-called colour revolutions and the overthrow of authorities, but all scholars are in agreement that the events under analysis have been caused by a peculiar composition of many factors rather than a single one. This paper concentrates on the role of factors related to two dimensions: domestic and international. The purpose of the paper, however, is not to analyse case studies or compare individual events, seeking similarities or differences between them, but to review the categories applied in the literature on the subject, their operationalisation, and an attempt at the systematisation of the current research trends as regards colour revolutions. The most important characteristics of colour revolutions are presented first. Next, the international and endogenous factors that have influenced the breakout and course of the protests are discussed. The final part of the paper involves considerations on the democratisation potential of colour revolutions. Researchers dealing with the phenomenon of colour revolutions agree that all the protests share some fundamental characteristics. Numerous authors point to the fact that in the case of Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan it is difficult to talk about a classical revolution. The classical approach associates revolutions with violence, whereas in the case of the colour revolutions we witnessed non-violent behaviour. Pavel K. Baev writes that a colour revolution can be perceived as a "mass protest or an
The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of resea... more The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of post-revisionist texts by L. Kołakowski, A. Michnik and J. Kuroń. Not only did these texts catalyze the activities and explain the objectives of an influential part of the political opposition in communist Poland, but they also continue to be a great expression of social awareness as well as self-awareness of a part of the opposition movement from the early 1970s. A more general objective of this paper involves a demonstration that the categorical network of this concept is applicable when examining all types of political texts understood as elements of a social process of defining reality.The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of ...
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2011
This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional just... more This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.
Transitional Justice and Civil Society in the Balkans, 2012
This chapter asks why postcommunist Albania has failed to ensure transitional justice for the abu... more This chapter asks why postcommunist Albania has failed to ensure transitional justice for the abuses committed during one of the harshest communist dictatorships in Eastern Europe. The analysis takes into account alternative explanations of transitional justice processes, including historical legacies, the configuration of political interests, and idea-based accounts. Yet, our proposed framework attempts to link and supplement these existing explanations by incorporating the role of civil society, as a mediator that can screen and ...
... MIGRANT INTEGRATION ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Samuel Bennett,Jessika ter Wal... more ... MIGRANT INTEGRATION ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Samuel Bennett,Jessika ter Wal, Artur Lipiński, Małgorzata ... Media Content SAMUEL BENNET, JESSIKA TER WAL, ARTHUR LIPIŃSKI, MAŁGORZATA FABISZAK, AND MICHAŁ ...
Central European Political Science Review, Nov 8, 2011
This paper investigates the influence populist parties exert on other political parties and the p... more This paper investigates the influence populist parties exert on other political parties and the party system. Undertaking a national qualitative case studies analysis, we tested four hypotheses: representation gap hypothesis (populist parties pursue a strategy that is designed to exploit gaps of representation by means of emphasizing new or revitalizing old conflicts); contagion hypothesis (the rise of populist parties is accompanied with an overall diffusion of populist ideas in the policy agenda of non-populist parties); polarization hypothesis (the rise of populist parties makes party systems more acutely polarised) and elective affinity coalition hypothesis (populist parties enter governing coalitions with other populist parties and also with non-populist parties if the latter also employ at least one of the typical themes of populist discourse, e.g., nationalist, nativist, anti-establishment, Eurosceptic themes). Results support the representation gap hypothesis: with the populists' electoral success, they represent new issues in parliament. Concerning the contagion hypothesis, case studies offered mixed results: in some countries contagion can be observed, while not in others. As for the polarization hypothesis, polarization was identified as a clear tendency.
The social sciences have experienced an unprecedented interest in the issue of collective memory ... more The social sciences have experienced an unprecedented interest in the issue of collective memory dating back at least to the 1990s. There has been a veritable avalanche of studies into this topic, editorial series and periodicals have appeared devoted exclusively to it. Simulta- neously, an analysis of the literature on this topic shows that collective memory is not a partic- ularly frequent subject of political science research. It is therefore routine in many works of political scientists to acknowledge the limited number of studies on memory. All that does not mean that the trend has not begun slowly to change. The number of texts on the political as- pects of memory is systematically growing, there are editorial series and monographic issues of scientific periodicals concerning the issue of memory or the political instrumentalization of history. Political scientists are also co-authors of collective works and periodicals of an inter- disciplinary character. The objective of this...
Przedruk materiałów Instytutu Spraw Publicznych w całości lub części możliwy jest wyłącznie za zg... more Przedruk materiałów Instytutu Spraw Publicznych w całości lub części możliwy jest wyłącznie za zgodą Instytutu. Cytowanie oraz wykorzystanie danych empirycznych dozwolone jest z podaniem źródła.
Mimo że wielu autorów od dawna podkreśla znaczenie mediów jako ważnej zmiennej wyjaśniającej różn... more Mimo że wielu autorów od dawna podkreśla znaczenie mediów jako ważnej zmiennej wyjaśniającej różne aspekty zjawiska populizmu, badania dotyczące relacji pomiędzy populizmem a mediami zintensyfikowano dopiero w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, a ich liczba jest stosunkowo miewielka. Co zrozumiałe, jeszcze mniej jest badań, które odnosiłyby się do wykorzystania mediów społecznościowych przez aktorów populistycznych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wzajemnych związków pomiędzy populizmem a serwisami społecznościowymi traktowanymi jako struktury medialnych możliwości. Drugim z zadań jest krytyczna analiza obecnego w wielu tekstach założenia o prostej, funkcjonalnej relacji pomiędzy mediami społecznościowymi a populizmem. Służyć temu będzie rekonstrukcja pola badań nad wykorzystaniem nowych mediów przez aktorów populistycznych, prezentacja głównych nurtów oraz rezultatów tych badań. Podkreślić należy, że artykuł koncentruje się na aktorach politycznych, a nie posługujących się strategi...
Populist politicians and political parties often prefer social media, especially Facebook, for th... more Populist politicians and political parties often prefer social media, especially Facebook, for their communication with the public. Populists, as well as radical left and right leaders and parties, especially those on the margins of the mainstream political system and with less access to traditional media, have seen in platforms like Facebook a gateway to direct communication with their audiences, in the wake of elections as well as in non-electoral periods. Despite this, comparative or in some cases, country-specific populist communication on social media remains rather under-studied. To fill this empirical gap, the study explores contemporary populist politicians’ use of various media sources in their Facebook communication strategy, as well as the legacy and alternative media networks that disseminate and amplify their messages. The analysis is carried out at two levels: a) a classification of the media sources that are shared by 17 official Facebook pages of main populist leader...
Populism and the Politicization of the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe, 2021
The aim of the paper is to elucidate how PiS and Confederation, two right-wing populist parties d... more The aim of the paper is to elucidate how PiS and Confederation, two right-wing populist parties dealt with the double challenge of the COVID-19 crisis and the presidential elections during a pandemic. The chapter argues that the COVID-19 crisis had a significant impact on the strategies undertaken by PiS during the presidential campaign. First, it prompted PiS to take unconstitutional and illegal measures to prevent the delay of the elections, a scenario promoted by the opposition. Secondly, the crisis also opened a window of opportunity for the governing camp allowing PiS to profit from the 'rally effect'. As for Confederation, the second populist actor, the crisis did not fundamentally affect its strategy for becoming more mainstream. The group used the pandemic to build the image of a competent and moderate actor. In addition, the restrictions of the crisis created an opportunity for the libertarian aspects of the party's agenda.
Grant MNiSW Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki (nr 0131/NPRH4/H2b/83/2016
Studia Politologiczne, 2012
"Artykuł przyjmuje założenie o szczególnej roli, jaką w społeczeństwach późnej n... more "Artykuł przyjmuje założenie o szczególnej roli, jaką w społeczeństwach późnej nowoczesności odgrywają procesy komunikacji politycznej. Analizowany problem wiąże się z ujmowaniem w ramy przekazów komunikacyjnych promowanych w sferze publicznej przez ruchy społeczne. Jako istotny element konfliktu społecznego oraz promotor zmiany społecznej ruchy społeczne pozwalają prześledzić strukturę oraz procesy społecznego i politycznego komunikowania się, strategie budowania ram interpretacyjnych, ich dyfuzję, zdobywanie zwolenników, budowanie kontrram oraz prezentację nowych sposobów interpretacji rzeczywistości, które uruchomiłyby zmianę. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest prezentacja różnorakich problemów teoretycznych oraz pomysłów analitycznych, które pojawiały się w kulturowych wyjaśnieniach fenomenu ruchów społeczno-politycznych i wiązały się z kategorią ramy interpretacyjnej. *** The article is based on the assumption of crucial role played by the political communication processes in the societies of late modernity. The problem under scrutiny pertains to framing of the messages promoted in the public sphere by various social movements. As a crucial component of the social conflicts and the promoters of change social movements provide perfect case for studying the structure and processes of social and political communication, frame and counterframe building strategies, their diffusion, winning supporters and the promotion of new ways of reality interpretation necessary to ignite a change. The aim of the paper is to present theoretical dilemmas and analytical ideas which constituted a part of cultural approaches to the study of social movements and used the concept of frame to explain this phenomenon."
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2012
partyjnej to¿samooeci i dyskursywne struktury mo¿liwooeci Z a³o¿enie o swoistej licytacji na rady... more partyjnej to¿samooeci i dyskursywne struktury mo¿liwooeci Z a³o¿enie o swoistej licytacji na radykalizm oraz postêpuj¹cej delegitymizacji III Rzeczpospolitej przez ugrupowania prawicowe jest czêoeci¹ standardowej narracji na temat genezy tzw. IV Rzeczypospolitej. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza czynników odpowiedzialnych za proces delegitymizacji III Rzeczpospolitej, a zw³aszcza okresu 2001-2005, kiedy to w³adzê sprawowa³ Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) w koalicji z Polskim Stronnictwem Ludowym (PSL). Przedmiotem zainteresowania bêdzie równie¿ odwrotna strona mechanizmów i treoeci delegitymizuj¹cych SLD oraz efekty jej dzia³ania, mianowicie idee wykorzystywane do budowy oraz legitymizacji to¿samooeci w³asnej konstruowanej przez Platformê Obywatelsk¹ (PO) w okresie po wyborach parlamentarnych 2001 roku. Utrata prawomocnooeci przez SLD by³a efektem nie tylko wewnêtrznych problemów (przede wszystkim utrata statusu rz¹du wiêkszooeciowego w 2003 r. oraz afery korupcyjne z udzia³em wysoko postawionych polityków SLD), ale nastêpstwem splotu czynników zwi¹zanych po pierwsze z kontekstem czy struktur¹ dzia³ania, po drugie, z aktywnooeci¹ nowopowsta³ych prawicowych partii politycznych: PO, PiS i LPR. Strukturalne warunki dzia³ania partii prezentowane s¹ tutaj przy u¿yciu pojêcia dyskursywnych struktur mo¿liwooeci sformu³owanego przez R. Koopmansa i S. Olzak. Strukturze, w której przysz³o dzia³aae aktorom politycznym odpowiadaj¹ partyjne aktywnooeci modyfikowane tak, by najlepiej korzystaae z zasobów otoczenia (np. problemów koalicji rz¹dz¹cej, cyklicznie wybuchaj¹cych afer, malej¹cego poparcia spo³ecznego, domi-nuj¹cych w spo³eczeñstwie ram postrzegania konfliktu politycznego etc.) 1 .
Studia Politica Slovaca, 2021
National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of ... more National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of social media. Moreover, the government led by PiS is aiming at regulating social media in a dual way-on the one hand to prevent blocking by social media platforms, on the other hand to allow intervention and blocking by authorities. Regarding our findings, not surprisingly, the preferred source of information for both PiS and Confederation (Konfederacja) were digital sources. TV was the least often linked media outlet for PiS and radio for Confederation, respectively. All the linked media were national or with mixed origin, there were no links to European/supranational media. The overwhelming majority of links were websites and social media accounts of Confederation and PiS, their individual politicians or YouTube materials produced by these two groupings. Left and liberal media were systematically ignored when around 10% were common to both profiles, including FaceBook (FB). These were mostly mainstream media of diverse type (news websites, YouTube, radio, TV) and left, centre and centre-right ideological leanings. The political orientation of the shared sources reflected the inclination of populist parties and their coalitions to promote right wing discourses. PiS as a large party oriented towards the centre represents centre-right and Confederation represents radical right. The references to the media classified as centre-right constituted 96% of PiS sample and 66% of Confederation sample. The network analysis showed that both parties were embedded in two almost separate bubbles which are linked together by a very limited set of sources. They stayed in reciprocal relations mostly with their own separated structures, organizations, politicians or FB discussion groups.
Central Asia and The Caucasus, 2021
The paper examines the process of securitization of Islam in Central Asia within three sectors, n... more The paper examines the process of securitization of Islam in Central Asia within three sectors, namely, military, political and societal. It argues that securitization is not merely a speech act, it also is an associated political process that affects the adoption of laws related to traditions, freedom of conscience, religious associations, public organizations, political parties and security policy. The article presents the methods that were used to construe various notions of Islam as a threat. The prerequisites of this policy are deconstructed and analyzed, along with its consequences for the political system and the reproduction of authoritarianism in the states under scrutiny. The theory of securitization is presented in the beginning of the article. The second part examines the military sphere, where Islamic radicalism is portrayed as a threat to the security of the state, population, territorial integrity and military potential. The next part examines the political sphere, wh...
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, Oct 5, 2022
Despite the significance of historical narratives on populism, the congruence between collective ... more Despite the significance of historical narratives on populism, the congruence between collective memory and scholarship regarding populism is scarce in Central and Eastern European countries. We address this gap by analysing the commemorative narratives of the competing populist rightwing political parties in Hungary and Poland promoted during celebrations for the Day of National Unity and National Independence Day celebration. The paper analyses the structure, content and functions of commemorative speeches to highlight the similarities and differences between the political actors under consideration. The findings reveal that victimisation and heroisation are constant and stable components of both countries' political narratives. Moreover, the elements of populist communication are articulated alongside nationalist themes emphasising the greatness of the nation, historical revisionism or national Catholicism. The references to the people using ethno-cultural and exclusionary terms are of particular significance. Although praised and credited with positive qualities, the Polish and Hungarian peoples are more frequently presented as victims of international enemies, European elites or internal, cultural and political elites. This victimhood status allows political actors to both represent themselves as advocates of the people and legitimises their claims.
Intersentia eBooks, Dec 12, 2017
This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional just... more This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.
Social protests, modular revolutions and democratisation. Selected categories in the analysis of ... more Social protests, modular revolutions and democratisation. Selected categories in the analysis of the phenomenon of colour revolutions T he revolutionary events that occurred in Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, among others, continue to be a bone of contention for the numerous authors trying to identify the reasons for the outbreaks, the duration and specific nature of these protests. The disputes between scholars mainly concern the detailed enumeration of the factors that caused the outbreak of these so-called colour revolutions and the overthrow of authorities, but all scholars are in agreement that the events under analysis have been caused by a peculiar composition of many factors rather than a single one. This paper concentrates on the role of factors related to two dimensions: domestic and international. The purpose of the paper, however, is not to analyse case studies or compare individual events, seeking similarities or differences between them, but to review the categories applied in the literature on the subject, their operationalisation, and an attempt at the systematisation of the current research trends as regards colour revolutions. The most important characteristics of colour revolutions are presented first. Next, the international and endogenous factors that have influenced the breakout and course of the protests are discussed. The final part of the paper involves considerations on the democratisation potential of colour revolutions. Researchers dealing with the phenomenon of colour revolutions agree that all the protests share some fundamental characteristics. Numerous authors point to the fact that in the case of Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan it is difficult to talk about a classical revolution. The classical approach associates revolutions with violence, whereas in the case of the colour revolutions we witnessed non-violent behaviour. Pavel K. Baev writes that a colour revolution can be perceived as a "mass protest or an
The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of resea... more The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of post-revisionist texts by L. Kołakowski, A. Michnik and J. Kuroń. Not only did these texts catalyze the activities and explain the objectives of an influential part of the political opposition in communist Poland, but they also continue to be a great expression of social awareness as well as self-awareness of a part of the opposition movement from the early 1970s. A more general objective of this paper involves a demonstration that the categorical network of this concept is applicable when examining all types of political texts understood as elements of a social process of defining reality.The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of ...
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2011
This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional just... more This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.
Transitional Justice and Civil Society in the Balkans, 2012
This chapter asks why postcommunist Albania has failed to ensure transitional justice for the abu... more This chapter asks why postcommunist Albania has failed to ensure transitional justice for the abuses committed during one of the harshest communist dictatorships in Eastern Europe. The analysis takes into account alternative explanations of transitional justice processes, including historical legacies, the configuration of political interests, and idea-based accounts. Yet, our proposed framework attempts to link and supplement these existing explanations by incorporating the role of civil society, as a mediator that can screen and ...
... MIGRANT INTEGRATION ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Samuel Bennett,Jessika ter Wal... more ... MIGRANT INTEGRATION ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Samuel Bennett,Jessika ter Wal, Artur Lipiński, Małgorzata ... Media Content SAMUEL BENNET, JESSIKA TER WAL, ARTHUR LIPIŃSKI, MAŁGORZATA FABISZAK, AND MICHAŁ ...
Central European Political Science Review, Nov 8, 2011
This paper investigates the influence populist parties exert on other political parties and the p... more This paper investigates the influence populist parties exert on other political parties and the party system. Undertaking a national qualitative case studies analysis, we tested four hypotheses: representation gap hypothesis (populist parties pursue a strategy that is designed to exploit gaps of representation by means of emphasizing new or revitalizing old conflicts); contagion hypothesis (the rise of populist parties is accompanied with an overall diffusion of populist ideas in the policy agenda of non-populist parties); polarization hypothesis (the rise of populist parties makes party systems more acutely polarised) and elective affinity coalition hypothesis (populist parties enter governing coalitions with other populist parties and also with non-populist parties if the latter also employ at least one of the typical themes of populist discourse, e.g., nationalist, nativist, anti-establishment, Eurosceptic themes). Results support the representation gap hypothesis: with the populists' electoral success, they represent new issues in parliament. Concerning the contagion hypothesis, case studies offered mixed results: in some countries contagion can be observed, while not in others. As for the polarization hypothesis, polarization was identified as a clear tendency.
The social sciences have experienced an unprecedented interest in the issue of collective memory ... more The social sciences have experienced an unprecedented interest in the issue of collective memory dating back at least to the 1990s. There has been a veritable avalanche of studies into this topic, editorial series and periodicals have appeared devoted exclusively to it. Simulta- neously, an analysis of the literature on this topic shows that collective memory is not a partic- ularly frequent subject of political science research. It is therefore routine in many works of political scientists to acknowledge the limited number of studies on memory. All that does not mean that the trend has not begun slowly to change. The number of texts on the political as- pects of memory is systematically growing, there are editorial series and monographic issues of scientific periodicals concerning the issue of memory or the political instrumentalization of history. Political scientists are also co-authors of collective works and periodicals of an inter- disciplinary character. The objective of this...
Przedruk materiałów Instytutu Spraw Publicznych w całości lub części możliwy jest wyłącznie za zg... more Przedruk materiałów Instytutu Spraw Publicznych w całości lub części możliwy jest wyłącznie za zgodą Instytutu. Cytowanie oraz wykorzystanie danych empirycznych dozwolone jest z podaniem źródła.
Mimo że wielu autorów od dawna podkreśla znaczenie mediów jako ważnej zmiennej wyjaśniającej różn... more Mimo że wielu autorów od dawna podkreśla znaczenie mediów jako ważnej zmiennej wyjaśniającej różne aspekty zjawiska populizmu, badania dotyczące relacji pomiędzy populizmem a mediami zintensyfikowano dopiero w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, a ich liczba jest stosunkowo miewielka. Co zrozumiałe, jeszcze mniej jest badań, które odnosiłyby się do wykorzystania mediów społecznościowych przez aktorów populistycznych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wzajemnych związków pomiędzy populizmem a serwisami społecznościowymi traktowanymi jako struktury medialnych możliwości. Drugim z zadań jest krytyczna analiza obecnego w wielu tekstach założenia o prostej, funkcjonalnej relacji pomiędzy mediami społecznościowymi a populizmem. Służyć temu będzie rekonstrukcja pola badań nad wykorzystaniem nowych mediów przez aktorów populistycznych, prezentacja głównych nurtów oraz rezultatów tych badań. Podkreślić należy, że artykuł koncentruje się na aktorach politycznych, a nie posługujących się strategi...
Populist politicians and political parties often prefer social media, especially Facebook, for th... more Populist politicians and political parties often prefer social media, especially Facebook, for their communication with the public. Populists, as well as radical left and right leaders and parties, especially those on the margins of the mainstream political system and with less access to traditional media, have seen in platforms like Facebook a gateway to direct communication with their audiences, in the wake of elections as well as in non-electoral periods. Despite this, comparative or in some cases, country-specific populist communication on social media remains rather under-studied. To fill this empirical gap, the study explores contemporary populist politicians’ use of various media sources in their Facebook communication strategy, as well as the legacy and alternative media networks that disseminate and amplify their messages. The analysis is carried out at two levels: a) a classification of the media sources that are shared by 17 official Facebook pages of main populist leader...
Populism and the Politicization of the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe, 2021
The aim of the paper is to elucidate how PiS and Confederation, two right-wing populist parties d... more The aim of the paper is to elucidate how PiS and Confederation, two right-wing populist parties dealt with the double challenge of the COVID-19 crisis and the presidential elections during a pandemic. The chapter argues that the COVID-19 crisis had a significant impact on the strategies undertaken by PiS during the presidential campaign. First, it prompted PiS to take unconstitutional and illegal measures to prevent the delay of the elections, a scenario promoted by the opposition. Secondly, the crisis also opened a window of opportunity for the governing camp allowing PiS to profit from the 'rally effect'. As for Confederation, the second populist actor, the crisis did not fundamentally affect its strategy for becoming more mainstream. The group used the pandemic to build the image of a competent and moderate actor. In addition, the restrictions of the crisis created an opportunity for the libertarian aspects of the party's agenda.
Grant MNiSW Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki (nr 0131/NPRH4/H2b/83/2016
Studia Politologiczne, 2012
"Artykuł przyjmuje założenie o szczególnej roli, jaką w społeczeństwach późnej n... more "Artykuł przyjmuje założenie o szczególnej roli, jaką w społeczeństwach późnej nowoczesności odgrywają procesy komunikacji politycznej. Analizowany problem wiąże się z ujmowaniem w ramy przekazów komunikacyjnych promowanych w sferze publicznej przez ruchy społeczne. Jako istotny element konfliktu społecznego oraz promotor zmiany społecznej ruchy społeczne pozwalają prześledzić strukturę oraz procesy społecznego i politycznego komunikowania się, strategie budowania ram interpretacyjnych, ich dyfuzję, zdobywanie zwolenników, budowanie kontrram oraz prezentację nowych sposobów interpretacji rzeczywistości, które uruchomiłyby zmianę. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest prezentacja różnorakich problemów teoretycznych oraz pomysłów analitycznych, które pojawiały się w kulturowych wyjaśnieniach fenomenu ruchów społeczno-politycznych i wiązały się z kategorią ramy interpretacyjnej. *** The article is based on the assumption of crucial role played by the political communication processes in the societies of late modernity. The problem under scrutiny pertains to framing of the messages promoted in the public sphere by various social movements. As a crucial component of the social conflicts and the promoters of change social movements provide perfect case for studying the structure and processes of social and political communication, frame and counterframe building strategies, their diffusion, winning supporters and the promotion of new ways of reality interpretation necessary to ignite a change. The aim of the paper is to present theoretical dilemmas and analytical ideas which constituted a part of cultural approaches to the study of social movements and used the concept of frame to explain this phenomenon."
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2012
partyjnej to¿samooeci i dyskursywne struktury mo¿liwooeci Z a³o¿enie o swoistej licytacji na rady... more partyjnej to¿samooeci i dyskursywne struktury mo¿liwooeci Z a³o¿enie o swoistej licytacji na radykalizm oraz postêpuj¹cej delegitymizacji III Rzeczpospolitej przez ugrupowania prawicowe jest czêoeci¹ standardowej narracji na temat genezy tzw. IV Rzeczypospolitej. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza czynników odpowiedzialnych za proces delegitymizacji III Rzeczpospolitej, a zw³aszcza okresu 2001-2005, kiedy to w³adzê sprawowa³ Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) w koalicji z Polskim Stronnictwem Ludowym (PSL). Przedmiotem zainteresowania bêdzie równie¿ odwrotna strona mechanizmów i treoeci delegitymizuj¹cych SLD oraz efekty jej dzia³ania, mianowicie idee wykorzystywane do budowy oraz legitymizacji to¿samooeci w³asnej konstruowanej przez Platformê Obywatelsk¹ (PO) w okresie po wyborach parlamentarnych 2001 roku. Utrata prawomocnooeci przez SLD by³a efektem nie tylko wewnêtrznych problemów (przede wszystkim utrata statusu rz¹du wiêkszooeciowego w 2003 r. oraz afery korupcyjne z udzia³em wysoko postawionych polityków SLD), ale nastêpstwem splotu czynników zwi¹zanych po pierwsze z kontekstem czy struktur¹ dzia³ania, po drugie, z aktywnooeci¹ nowopowsta³ych prawicowych partii politycznych: PO, PiS i LPR. Strukturalne warunki dzia³ania partii prezentowane s¹ tutaj przy u¿yciu pojêcia dyskursywnych struktur mo¿liwooeci sformu³owanego przez R. Koopmansa i S. Olzak. Strukturze, w której przysz³o dzia³aae aktorom politycznym odpowiadaj¹ partyjne aktywnooeci modyfikowane tak, by najlepiej korzystaae z zasobów otoczenia (np. problemów koalicji rz¹dz¹cej, cyklicznie wybuchaj¹cych afer, malej¹cego poparcia spo³ecznego, domi-nuj¹cych w spo³eczeñstwie ram postrzegania konfliktu politycznego etc.) 1 .
Studia Politica Slovaca, 2021
National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of ... more National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of social media. Moreover, the government led by PiS is aiming at regulating social media in a dual way-on the one hand to prevent blocking by social media platforms, on the other hand to allow intervention and blocking by authorities. Regarding our findings, not surprisingly, the preferred source of information for both PiS and Confederation (Konfederacja) were digital sources. TV was the least often linked media outlet for PiS and radio for Confederation, respectively. All the linked media were national or with mixed origin, there were no links to European/supranational media. The overwhelming majority of links were websites and social media accounts of Confederation and PiS, their individual politicians or YouTube materials produced by these two groupings. Left and liberal media were systematically ignored when around 10% were common to both profiles, including FaceBook (FB). These were mostly mainstream media of diverse type (news websites, YouTube, radio, TV) and left, centre and centre-right ideological leanings. The political orientation of the shared sources reflected the inclination of populist parties and their coalitions to promote right wing discourses. PiS as a large party oriented towards the centre represents centre-right and Confederation represents radical right. The references to the media classified as centre-right constituted 96% of PiS sample and 66% of Confederation sample. The network analysis showed that both parties were embedded in two almost separate bubbles which are linked together by a very limited set of sources. They stayed in reciprocal relations mostly with their own separated structures, organizations, politicians or FB discussion groups.
Central Asia and The Caucasus, 2021
The paper examines the process of securitization of Islam in Central Asia within three sectors, n... more The paper examines the process of securitization of Islam in Central Asia within three sectors, namely, military, political and societal. It argues that securitization is not merely a speech act, it also is an associated political process that affects the adoption of laws related to traditions, freedom of conscience, religious associations, public organizations, political parties and security policy. The article presents the methods that were used to construe various notions of Islam as a threat. The prerequisites of this policy are deconstructed and analyzed, along with its consequences for the political system and the reproduction of authoritarianism in the states under scrutiny. The theory of securitization is presented in the beginning of the article. The second part examines the military sphere, where Islamic radicalism is portrayed as a threat to the security of the state, population, territorial integrity and military potential. The next part examines the political sphere, wh...
wersja drukowana) ISBN 978-83-65817-90-7 (wersja elektroniczna) Ta publikacja jest dostępna do po... more wersja drukowana) ISBN 978-83-65817-90-7 (wersja elektroniczna) Ta publikacja jest dostępna do pobrania na: http://populizm.amu.edu.pl/publikacje. Skład komputerowy -"MRS", 60-408 Poznań, ul. P. Zołotowa 23, tel. 605087690 Druk i oprawa -Zakład Graficzny UAM -61-712 Poznań, ul. H. Wieniawskiego 1
Książka składa się z ośmiu rozdziałów. Pierwsze dwa rozdziały mają charakter teoretyczny, omawiaj... more Książka składa się z ośmiu rozdziałów. Pierwsze dwa rozdziały mają charakter teoretyczny, omawiając uwarunkowania systemu partyjnego w Polsce ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem podziału postkomunistycznego jako ważnej dla prawicy osi rywalizacji oraz zakres znaczeniowy i sposób funkcjonowania podziału lewica – prawica na polskiej scenie politycznej. Układ kolejnych sze- ściu rozdziałów ma charakter chronologiczny, co pozwala śledzić ewolucję struktur organizacyjnych partii prawicowych wraz z czynnikami i wydarzeniami wpływającymi na omawiane zmiany. Rozdział trzeci przedstawia proces powstawania prawicowych partii politycznych, podkreślając znaczenie rozmów Okrągłego Stołu oraz tzw. wojny na górze jako czynników katalizujących podziały partyjne. W rozdziale czwartym szczegółowo analizowane są procesy dalszej fragmentaryzacji prawicy, omawiane inicjatywy zjednoczeniowe, wreszcie przedstawiona geneza powstania Akcji Wyborczej Solidarność jako reakcji na zwycięstwo postkomunistycznej lewicy w wyborach prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. Dylematy funkcjonowania AWS jako wielkiej koalicji prawicy oraz gra interesów toczona wokół wewnętrznych procesów integracji i dyspersji, które finalnie prowadzą do rozpadu ugrupowania są przedmiotem rozważań kolejnego rozdziału. Szósty rozdział omawia znaczenie rozpadu AWS oraz zwycięstwa lewicy postkomunistycznej w wyborach parlamentarnych 2001 r. dla powstania i rozwoju Platformy Obywatelskiej, Prawa i Sprawiedliwości oraz Ligii Polskich Rodzin. Przejęte z badań nad ruchami społecznymi oraz teorii polityk publicznych pojęcia „okna możliwości”, czy struktur politycznych możliwości służą do wyjaśnienia, jak kryzys rządów SLD wykorzystano dla promocji koncepcji radykalnej zmiany oraz idei IV Rzeczypospolitej. Ostatnie dwa rozdziały śledzą narodziny i rozwój prawicowej dwubiegunowości od podwójnych wyborów 2005 r. przez okres rządów PiS, po wybory parlamentarne 2007 i 2011 r. Rozdział siódmy oraz ósmy analizują także procesy relacyjnego konstruowania tożsamości w ramach podziału postsolidarnościowego, który uzupełnił postkomunistyczną oś rywalizacji. Rozdział ósmy przedstawia ponadto mechanizmy i procesy powstawania nowych, prawicowych struktur politycznych w warunkach ostrej polaryzacji partyjnej.