Christos Simelidis | Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (original) (raw)

Books by Christos Simelidis

John Geometres, Life of the Virgin Mary, 2023

The Introduction (pp. vii-xxvii) and Note on the Text (pp. 379-390) from our edition and translat... more The Introduction (pp. vii-xxvii) and Note on the Text (pp. 379-390) from our edition and translation of John Geometres, _Life of the Virgin Mary_, Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 77 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2023).

Stoicheiosis Astronomike ("Elements of Astronomy") is a late Byzantine comprehensive introduction... more Stoicheiosis Astronomike ("Elements of Astronomy") is a late Byzantine comprehensive introduction to Astronomy. It was written by Theodore Metochites (1270-1332), an outstanding figure in Byzantine culture and politics. Metochites' astronomical treatise led to a revival of Ptolemaic studies in Palaeologan Byzantium. This volume makes available for the first time a large part of its astronomical contents, offering the original text with an English translation, accompanied by an introduction and analysis.

This is a critical edition, with introduction and commentary, of four poems written by Gregory of... more This is a critical edition, with introduction and commentary, of four poems written by Gregory of Nazianzus (I.2.17; II.1.10, 19, 32). Gregory was an enthusiastic reader of Callimachus and special attention is paid to his use of poetic allusion.

Papers by Christos Simelidis

Journal of Byzantine Studies (JOEB) / Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 73, 2023, 203-222

This article deals with a long unresolved question regarding two Lives of the Virgin Mary written... more This article deals with a long unresolved question regarding two Lives of the Virgin Mary written in the second half of the tenth century by John Geometres and Symeon Metaphrastes (and his team). It is evident that one of the two authors copied the other, but scholars have been unable to conclude with certainty who depends on the other. This article reviews the problem in detail and presents new textual evidence which suggests that Symeon Metaphrastes used John Geometres as one of his sources. In considering the corresponding passages between Geometres and Metaphrastes, another question arises regarding Michael Psellos' controversial description of Symeon Metaphrastes at work. On the basis of new textual evidence, this article offers a fresh perspective on Psellos' passage and its debated meaning.

In this paper I first present briefly some characteristic or notable examples of Gregory of Nazia... more In this paper I first present briefly some characteristic or notable examples of Gregory of Nazianzus’s use of Genesis in his poetry. They include some allegorical interpretations (apparently expressed by Gregory with some reservation) of the story of Eden (carm. Ι.1.8. 97–122) and his use of the analogy of Eve and Seth to argue for the consubstantiality of the Spirit with the Son (carm. I.1.3. 33–41), an analogy that probably depends on Syriac traditions. I then discuss in detail an obscure passage (carm. I.2.2. 491–7), where Gregory refers to angelic lust and mighty giants (cf. Genesis 6.1–4). Here, at first sight, Greek mythology and scripture appear to be confused (a similar problem has been noticed in his or. 14.23). It is shown that, at least in the case of the poem, Gregory attacked the interpretation of Genesis found in the apocryphal books of Enoch, which was dominant in the first three centuries and exploited by the Emperor Julian in the fourth century. Gregory’s reference to the “children of the Greeks” indicates that he did have Julian in mind, but at the same time his remarks were directed against the custom of male and female ascetics living together.

This paper discusses some epigrams of Palladas (AP 9.175; 9.487) and Gregory of Nazianzus (AP 8.1... more This paper discusses some epigrams of Palladas (AP 9.175; 9.487) and Gregory of Nazianzus (AP 8.156) which (to some degree cryptically) share features with the letter as a form of communication. Gregory also wrote seven verse epistles, which stand out for their originality in Greek literature, as verse letters are only found earlier in Latin literature. Why did Gregory choose to write poems rather than prose letters on these occasions? How are these poems related to his prose letters to the same people or to those written in similar circumstances? The anthology contains the Greek text, together with an English translation and a commentary, of the epigrams mentioned above, as well as Gregory's verse letters II.2.2 (To Julian) and II.2.6 (To Olympias).

Dumbarton Oaks Papers , 2020

This article argues that the Georgian Life of the Virgin Mary was not translated from a supposedl... more This article argues that the Georgian Life of the Virgin Mary was not translated from a supposedly lost Greek Life (whether by Maximοs the Confessor or not), but from the Life of the Virgin written by John Geometres in the tenth century. Recent debates about the Georgian Life’s provenance have been based on unfounded assumptions that have never been critically examined. In these debates, the literary profiles of John Geometres and Euthymiοs the Athonite (the Georgian translator) have largely been ignored, and this article examines them in detail. Contrary to scholarly opinion, the Life of the Virgin by Geometres is not a copy of an allegedly lost original, but an original composition consistent with the literary style and skill displayed in the rest of Geometres’ writings. Moreover, Euthymiοs’s background, resources, literary and translation practices show that the Georgian Life can only be understood as a Euthymian version of Geometres’ text. In his working methods, Euthymios was almost certainly inspired by the metaphrastic practices of his age. The article demonstrates how convergent Geometres’, Symeon Metaphrastes’ and Euthymios’s lives and intellectual communities were—they may literally have known or at least met one another. Finally, a comparative analysis of the two Lives demonstrates that various problems raised by scholars can now be readily resolved. Eliminating a precursor to Geometres’ Life not only opens the Life up to the objective scrutiny that its literary mastery deserves, but it also removes a major obstacle to our understanding of the evolution of Byzantine devotion to the Virgin.

Aeschylus was rather less known in Byzantium than Euripides and Sophocles, but was nonetheless re... more Aeschylus was rather less known in Byzantium than Euripides and Sophocles, but was nonetheless read at schools and there survive several references, citations and allusions in a variety of texts. A selection of three plays, Prometheus Vinctus, Septem contra Thebas, and Persae, the so-called ‘Byzantine triad’, is found in many more manuscripts than the rest, often with marginal commentaries for school use. The manuscript transmission is not good for the rest of the plays and there are cases where it is impossible to recover what Aeschylus wrote. There are also a number of variant readings that are difficult to evaluate, and it is unclear if these are ancient or simply the conjectures of Byzantine scholars. Modern scholars sometimes allow for two incompatible views: a very limited number of independent witnesses throughout Byzantium and, at the same time, a significant number of variant readings which they do not assign to Byzantine scholars. Demetrius Triclinius (fourteenth century) was the leading Byzantine scholar on Greek tragedy and made an original and lasting contribution to the textual criticism of Aeschylus. Some early Church Fathers (e.g., St Basil, Theodoret of Cyrus) refer positively to Aeschylus’ grandiloquence, while later Byzantine scholars (Michael Psellus, John Tzetzes) consider Aeschylus difficult and obscure. Psellus (eleventh century) anticipated some of the arguments used recently to challenge the authenticity of Prometheus. Eustathius of Thessalonica (twelfth century) is the first to report that the Byzantine political verse was thought to be similar to some trochaic tetrameter catalectics found in Persae. Several Byzantine authors, mostly from the twelfth century, cite or allude to Aeschylean lines. Such allusions are usually linguistic borrowings intended to impress a learned audience and they are not meaningful in an intertextual way. Some Aeschylean phrases also became proverbial (sometimes already in Late Antiquity) and occur in several Byzantine authors.

Among the issues discussed are Gregory’s central role in the adaptation of the Greek epigram for ... more Among the issues discussed are Gregory’s central role in the adaptation of the Greek epigram for Christian purposes; his familiarity with the conventions of literary and inscriptional epigrams; his frequent repetition of a number of signature themes; and the reception and dissemination of his epigrams in Late Antiquity and Byzantium.

A detailed analysis of five notoriously difficult passages of the fourth gospel and their renderi... more A detailed analysis of five notoriously difficult passages of the fourth gospel and their rendering by Nonnus in his Paraphrasis of John’s Gospel confirms his theological expertise and even his possible exegetical originality. His metrical liberties in the Paraphrasis should not be taken as an indication of this work’s early composition but, in my view, they could be better understood as a sign of maturity, a feature of Nonnus’ ‘late style’, perhaps influenced by the Christian poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus.

A series of moral chapters in two fourteenth-century manuscripts are composed in an unusual blend... more A series of moral chapters in two fourteenth-century manuscripts are composed in an unusual blend of verse and prose: three tetrastichs (hexameter, iambic and anacreontic) are followed by three prose paragraphs. Verse and prose appear to be associated, as noticed sometimes by a scholiast in the margins of the mss. A parallel for this construction is offered by Byzantine prose commentaries on the gnomic tetrastichs of Gregory of Nazianzus.

This chapter discusses some examples which indicate that the Homeric Hymns were read by the Byzan... more This chapter discusses some examples which indicate that the Homeric Hymns were read by the Byzantines, but also points out the difficulties involved in identifying secure allusions to or echoes of the Homeric Hymns. It also presents the life and writings of John Eugenikos, an active churchman and writer in the first half of the 15th century and the scribe of Leidensis BPG 33 H (M), the most celebrated manuscript of the Homeric Hymns and the only one which groups the Hymns with the Iliad (and not with a hymnic corpus). It argues that Eugenikos copied the Homeric Hymns because of a personal interest and their presence in M should not have been taken as an indication for the transmission of the Hymns as part of a Homer edition.

This paper discusses the presence of emotions in the autobiographical and epigrammatic poetry of ... more This paper discusses the presence of emotions in the autobiographical and epigrammatic poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus. Gregory’s poetic corpus includes emotional descriptions of personal events, a long poem ‘against anger’, as well as numerous funerary epigrams on family members. The paper focuses on the emotions of fear, shame and anger, as they appear mostly in Gregory’s De Vita Sua. A close study of these cases throws light on Gregory’s rhetorical techniques, while some of his references to fear reveal that he is not unwilling to speak of his own personal weaknesses. The paper also explores some particularly poetic ways in which a late-antique Christian poet conveyed emotions, such as the triumph of the resurrection and the joy of baptism.

Recent work on Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of the Gospel of John has drawn attention to the poet’s preocc... more Recent work on Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of the Gospel of John has drawn attention to the poet’s preoccupation with biblical exegesis in that work. Though heavily relying on Cyril of Alexandria’s Commentary on John, Nonnus drew on many other Christian sources as well. A close study of the manner in which three notoriously difficult passages of John (2:4, 4:43-45, 8:25) are handled in the Paraphrasis reveals that, apart from being aware of contemporary debates, Nonnus moreover treats earlier Christian interpretation critically, often making original contributions to exegesis. Whether he was a Christian bishop or not, Nonnus’ theological expertise is impressive. Here, I argue further that his use of μάρτυς/μαρτυρέω/μαρτυρίη in the Dionysiaca or the famous line (Dion. 12.171) Βάκχος ἄναξ δάκρυσε, βροτῶν ἵνα δάκρυα λύσῃ (‘Lord Bacchus shed tears in order to put an end to the tears of men’) are not necessarily related to his work on John: they may simply point to Nonnus’ broader familiarity with Christian literature, in particular with the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus. Nonnus’ metrical liberties in the Paraphrasis may also owe something to Gregory and, as opposed to what has been posited by previous scholarship, are better understood as a sign of maturity.

Despite more than 500 years of modern textual criticism and numerous editions of the same classic... more Despite more than 500 years of modern textual criticism and numerous editions of the same classical authors, a great number of Byzantine manuscripts, especially from the Palaeologan period, remain unstudied. To offer an example from Greek tragedy, it is estimated that no more than half of the 200 manuscripts of Sophocles have been studied. M. L. West's edition of Aeschylus for Teubner (1990), as well as M. Taufer's recent work on the same author, have revealed that a good number of modern conjectures were anticipated by Byzantine scholars, who deserve a better assessment of their abilities and their contributions to the transmission of some classical texts. This paper focuses on three scholars from fourteenth-century Thessaloniki, Thomas Magistros, Dimitrios Triklinios, and John Katrares, and presents in detail two conjectures by Katrares which were later proposed by Richard Porson and Johannes Minckwitz respectively.

‘ξένος θεὸς καὶ ἄγραφος; Biblical passages on the Holy Spirit in Gregory of Nazianzus [in Greek]’... more ‘ξένος θεὸς καὶ ἄγραφος; Biblical passages on the Holy Spirit in Gregory of Nazianzus [in Greek]’, Deltio Biblikon Meleton 30B, 2015, 54-62.

Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Jan 1, 2011

οὗτος ὁ βρισαύχην in Gregory of Nazianzus carm. I.2.14.101 is unlikely to originate from Callimac... more οὗτος ὁ βρισαύχην in Gregory of Nazianzus carm. I.2.14.101 is unlikely to originate from Callimachus epigr. 9.6 G.–P. οὗτος †οσειγαρνης†, as suggested by Hollis. Moreover, Wilamowitz was right to suspect the hapax βρισαύχην and suggest βυσαύχην instead.

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine …, Jan 1, 2010

John Geometres, Life of the Virgin Mary, 2023

The Introduction (pp. vii-xxvii) and Note on the Text (pp. 379-390) from our edition and translat... more The Introduction (pp. vii-xxvii) and Note on the Text (pp. 379-390) from our edition and translation of John Geometres, _Life of the Virgin Mary_, Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 77 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2023).

Stoicheiosis Astronomike ("Elements of Astronomy") is a late Byzantine comprehensive introduction... more Stoicheiosis Astronomike ("Elements of Astronomy") is a late Byzantine comprehensive introduction to Astronomy. It was written by Theodore Metochites (1270-1332), an outstanding figure in Byzantine culture and politics. Metochites' astronomical treatise led to a revival of Ptolemaic studies in Palaeologan Byzantium. This volume makes available for the first time a large part of its astronomical contents, offering the original text with an English translation, accompanied by an introduction and analysis.

This is a critical edition, with introduction and commentary, of four poems written by Gregory of... more This is a critical edition, with introduction and commentary, of four poems written by Gregory of Nazianzus (I.2.17; II.1.10, 19, 32). Gregory was an enthusiastic reader of Callimachus and special attention is paid to his use of poetic allusion.

Journal of Byzantine Studies (JOEB) / Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 73, 2023, 203-222

This article deals with a long unresolved question regarding two Lives of the Virgin Mary written... more This article deals with a long unresolved question regarding two Lives of the Virgin Mary written in the second half of the tenth century by John Geometres and Symeon Metaphrastes (and his team). It is evident that one of the two authors copied the other, but scholars have been unable to conclude with certainty who depends on the other. This article reviews the problem in detail and presents new textual evidence which suggests that Symeon Metaphrastes used John Geometres as one of his sources. In considering the corresponding passages between Geometres and Metaphrastes, another question arises regarding Michael Psellos' controversial description of Symeon Metaphrastes at work. On the basis of new textual evidence, this article offers a fresh perspective on Psellos' passage and its debated meaning.

In this paper I first present briefly some characteristic or notable examples of Gregory of Nazia... more In this paper I first present briefly some characteristic or notable examples of Gregory of Nazianzus’s use of Genesis in his poetry. They include some allegorical interpretations (apparently expressed by Gregory with some reservation) of the story of Eden (carm. Ι.1.8. 97–122) and his use of the analogy of Eve and Seth to argue for the consubstantiality of the Spirit with the Son (carm. I.1.3. 33–41), an analogy that probably depends on Syriac traditions. I then discuss in detail an obscure passage (carm. I.2.2. 491–7), where Gregory refers to angelic lust and mighty giants (cf. Genesis 6.1–4). Here, at first sight, Greek mythology and scripture appear to be confused (a similar problem has been noticed in his or. 14.23). It is shown that, at least in the case of the poem, Gregory attacked the interpretation of Genesis found in the apocryphal books of Enoch, which was dominant in the first three centuries and exploited by the Emperor Julian in the fourth century. Gregory’s reference to the “children of the Greeks” indicates that he did have Julian in mind, but at the same time his remarks were directed against the custom of male and female ascetics living together.

This paper discusses some epigrams of Palladas (AP 9.175; 9.487) and Gregory of Nazianzus (AP 8.1... more This paper discusses some epigrams of Palladas (AP 9.175; 9.487) and Gregory of Nazianzus (AP 8.156) which (to some degree cryptically) share features with the letter as a form of communication. Gregory also wrote seven verse epistles, which stand out for their originality in Greek literature, as verse letters are only found earlier in Latin literature. Why did Gregory choose to write poems rather than prose letters on these occasions? How are these poems related to his prose letters to the same people or to those written in similar circumstances? The anthology contains the Greek text, together with an English translation and a commentary, of the epigrams mentioned above, as well as Gregory's verse letters II.2.2 (To Julian) and II.2.6 (To Olympias).

Dumbarton Oaks Papers , 2020

This article argues that the Georgian Life of the Virgin Mary was not translated from a supposedl... more This article argues that the Georgian Life of the Virgin Mary was not translated from a supposedly lost Greek Life (whether by Maximοs the Confessor or not), but from the Life of the Virgin written by John Geometres in the tenth century. Recent debates about the Georgian Life’s provenance have been based on unfounded assumptions that have never been critically examined. In these debates, the literary profiles of John Geometres and Euthymiοs the Athonite (the Georgian translator) have largely been ignored, and this article examines them in detail. Contrary to scholarly opinion, the Life of the Virgin by Geometres is not a copy of an allegedly lost original, but an original composition consistent with the literary style and skill displayed in the rest of Geometres’ writings. Moreover, Euthymiοs’s background, resources, literary and translation practices show that the Georgian Life can only be understood as a Euthymian version of Geometres’ text. In his working methods, Euthymios was almost certainly inspired by the metaphrastic practices of his age. The article demonstrates how convergent Geometres’, Symeon Metaphrastes’ and Euthymios’s lives and intellectual communities were—they may literally have known or at least met one another. Finally, a comparative analysis of the two Lives demonstrates that various problems raised by scholars can now be readily resolved. Eliminating a precursor to Geometres’ Life not only opens the Life up to the objective scrutiny that its literary mastery deserves, but it also removes a major obstacle to our understanding of the evolution of Byzantine devotion to the Virgin.

Aeschylus was rather less known in Byzantium than Euripides and Sophocles, but was nonetheless re... more Aeschylus was rather less known in Byzantium than Euripides and Sophocles, but was nonetheless read at schools and there survive several references, citations and allusions in a variety of texts. A selection of three plays, Prometheus Vinctus, Septem contra Thebas, and Persae, the so-called ‘Byzantine triad’, is found in many more manuscripts than the rest, often with marginal commentaries for school use. The manuscript transmission is not good for the rest of the plays and there are cases where it is impossible to recover what Aeschylus wrote. There are also a number of variant readings that are difficult to evaluate, and it is unclear if these are ancient or simply the conjectures of Byzantine scholars. Modern scholars sometimes allow for two incompatible views: a very limited number of independent witnesses throughout Byzantium and, at the same time, a significant number of variant readings which they do not assign to Byzantine scholars. Demetrius Triclinius (fourteenth century) was the leading Byzantine scholar on Greek tragedy and made an original and lasting contribution to the textual criticism of Aeschylus. Some early Church Fathers (e.g., St Basil, Theodoret of Cyrus) refer positively to Aeschylus’ grandiloquence, while later Byzantine scholars (Michael Psellus, John Tzetzes) consider Aeschylus difficult and obscure. Psellus (eleventh century) anticipated some of the arguments used recently to challenge the authenticity of Prometheus. Eustathius of Thessalonica (twelfth century) is the first to report that the Byzantine political verse was thought to be similar to some trochaic tetrameter catalectics found in Persae. Several Byzantine authors, mostly from the twelfth century, cite or allude to Aeschylean lines. Such allusions are usually linguistic borrowings intended to impress a learned audience and they are not meaningful in an intertextual way. Some Aeschylean phrases also became proverbial (sometimes already in Late Antiquity) and occur in several Byzantine authors.

Among the issues discussed are Gregory’s central role in the adaptation of the Greek epigram for ... more Among the issues discussed are Gregory’s central role in the adaptation of the Greek epigram for Christian purposes; his familiarity with the conventions of literary and inscriptional epigrams; his frequent repetition of a number of signature themes; and the reception and dissemination of his epigrams in Late Antiquity and Byzantium.

A detailed analysis of five notoriously difficult passages of the fourth gospel and their renderi... more A detailed analysis of five notoriously difficult passages of the fourth gospel and their rendering by Nonnus in his Paraphrasis of John’s Gospel confirms his theological expertise and even his possible exegetical originality. His metrical liberties in the Paraphrasis should not be taken as an indication of this work’s early composition but, in my view, they could be better understood as a sign of maturity, a feature of Nonnus’ ‘late style’, perhaps influenced by the Christian poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus.

A series of moral chapters in two fourteenth-century manuscripts are composed in an unusual blend... more A series of moral chapters in two fourteenth-century manuscripts are composed in an unusual blend of verse and prose: three tetrastichs (hexameter, iambic and anacreontic) are followed by three prose paragraphs. Verse and prose appear to be associated, as noticed sometimes by a scholiast in the margins of the mss. A parallel for this construction is offered by Byzantine prose commentaries on the gnomic tetrastichs of Gregory of Nazianzus.

This chapter discusses some examples which indicate that the Homeric Hymns were read by the Byzan... more This chapter discusses some examples which indicate that the Homeric Hymns were read by the Byzantines, but also points out the difficulties involved in identifying secure allusions to or echoes of the Homeric Hymns. It also presents the life and writings of John Eugenikos, an active churchman and writer in the first half of the 15th century and the scribe of Leidensis BPG 33 H (M), the most celebrated manuscript of the Homeric Hymns and the only one which groups the Hymns with the Iliad (and not with a hymnic corpus). It argues that Eugenikos copied the Homeric Hymns because of a personal interest and their presence in M should not have been taken as an indication for the transmission of the Hymns as part of a Homer edition.

This paper discusses the presence of emotions in the autobiographical and epigrammatic poetry of ... more This paper discusses the presence of emotions in the autobiographical and epigrammatic poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus. Gregory’s poetic corpus includes emotional descriptions of personal events, a long poem ‘against anger’, as well as numerous funerary epigrams on family members. The paper focuses on the emotions of fear, shame and anger, as they appear mostly in Gregory’s De Vita Sua. A close study of these cases throws light on Gregory’s rhetorical techniques, while some of his references to fear reveal that he is not unwilling to speak of his own personal weaknesses. The paper also explores some particularly poetic ways in which a late-antique Christian poet conveyed emotions, such as the triumph of the resurrection and the joy of baptism.

Recent work on Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of the Gospel of John has drawn attention to the poet’s preocc... more Recent work on Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of the Gospel of John has drawn attention to the poet’s preoccupation with biblical exegesis in that work. Though heavily relying on Cyril of Alexandria’s Commentary on John, Nonnus drew on many other Christian sources as well. A close study of the manner in which three notoriously difficult passages of John (2:4, 4:43-45, 8:25) are handled in the Paraphrasis reveals that, apart from being aware of contemporary debates, Nonnus moreover treats earlier Christian interpretation critically, often making original contributions to exegesis. Whether he was a Christian bishop or not, Nonnus’ theological expertise is impressive. Here, I argue further that his use of μάρτυς/μαρτυρέω/μαρτυρίη in the Dionysiaca or the famous line (Dion. 12.171) Βάκχος ἄναξ δάκρυσε, βροτῶν ἵνα δάκρυα λύσῃ (‘Lord Bacchus shed tears in order to put an end to the tears of men’) are not necessarily related to his work on John: they may simply point to Nonnus’ broader familiarity with Christian literature, in particular with the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus. Nonnus’ metrical liberties in the Paraphrasis may also owe something to Gregory and, as opposed to what has been posited by previous scholarship, are better understood as a sign of maturity.

Despite more than 500 years of modern textual criticism and numerous editions of the same classic... more Despite more than 500 years of modern textual criticism and numerous editions of the same classical authors, a great number of Byzantine manuscripts, especially from the Palaeologan period, remain unstudied. To offer an example from Greek tragedy, it is estimated that no more than half of the 200 manuscripts of Sophocles have been studied. M. L. West's edition of Aeschylus for Teubner (1990), as well as M. Taufer's recent work on the same author, have revealed that a good number of modern conjectures were anticipated by Byzantine scholars, who deserve a better assessment of their abilities and their contributions to the transmission of some classical texts. This paper focuses on three scholars from fourteenth-century Thessaloniki, Thomas Magistros, Dimitrios Triklinios, and John Katrares, and presents in detail two conjectures by Katrares which were later proposed by Richard Porson and Johannes Minckwitz respectively.

‘ξένος θεὸς καὶ ἄγραφος; Biblical passages on the Holy Spirit in Gregory of Nazianzus [in Greek]’... more ‘ξένος θεὸς καὶ ἄγραφος; Biblical passages on the Holy Spirit in Gregory of Nazianzus [in Greek]’, Deltio Biblikon Meleton 30B, 2015, 54-62.

Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Jan 1, 2011

οὗτος ὁ βρισαύχην in Gregory of Nazianzus carm. I.2.14.101 is unlikely to originate from Callimac... more οὗτος ὁ βρισαύχην in Gregory of Nazianzus carm. I.2.14.101 is unlikely to originate from Callimachus epigr. 9.6 G.–P. οὗτος †οσειγαρνης†, as suggested by Hollis. Moreover, Wilamowitz was right to suspect the hapax βρισαύχην and suggest βυσαύχην instead.

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine …, Jan 1, 2010

Original publication: "The Church and Classical Studies in Byzantium", Antike und Abendland 16 (1... more Original publication: "The Church and Classical Studies in Byzantium", Antike und Abendland 16 (1970): 68-77