Ismael Abu-Saad | Ben Gurion University of the Negev (original) (raw)
Papers by Ismael Abu-Saad
Liverpool University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2014
This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev.... more This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel's Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following reason: Israel's national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles. It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or allow them some form of political autonomy.
Throughout the Middle East, the indigenous desert-dwelling Bedouins have formed an integral compo... more Throughout the Middle East, the indigenous desert-dwelling Bedouins have formed an integral component of Arab society. As the Arab world went through the colonial and formally "post-colonial" eras, no community was so dramatically affected as that of the Bedouins. This was particularly true of the Bedouin-Arab community in Al Naqab. In addition to the changes brought about by global processes of "modernization," this community was greatly affected by the European-based Zionist movement to settle Palestine, the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and the subsequent transformation of the indigenous Palestinian-Arab population into a minority in a Western/European-oriented Jewish state. Al Naqab Bedouins are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel after 1948 and who are today a part of the Palestinian minority in Israel. They have inhabited Al Naqab Desert from early periods (Maddrell, 1990) and were traditionally organized into nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes that lived by raising sheep and engaging in seasonal agriculture. Historical background Prior to 1948, estimates of the Bedouin-Arab population in Al Naqab ranged from 65,000 to 90,000 (Falah, 1989; Maddrell, 1990). They were engaged in animal husbandry and seasonal agriculture and cultivated over two million dunams (494,200 acres) of land, primarily in the northern Naqab (Falah, 1989; Marx, 1967). Approximately 90 percent of them earned their living from a mixture of agriculture and pastoralism; the rest subsisted solely on raising livestock (Falah, 1985, 1989). 1 During the course and aftermath of the 1948 war, the vast majority of Al Naqab Bedouin Arabs were expelled and became refugees in the surrounding Arab countries/territories (e.g., the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Egypt); thus, by 1952, only about 11,000 remained in Al Naqab (Falah, 1989; Marx, 1967). The Israeli authorities took control of most of the land there, so the Bedouin Arabs lost the freedom to move around with their herds and cultivate their lands. Twelve of the 19 tribes were removed from their lands, and the whole population was confined to a specially designated Restricted Area in the northeastern Naqab, representing only
The Education of Nomadic Peoples
Holy Land studies, May 1, 2013
Routledge eBooks, May 11, 2018
Berghahn Books, Jun 1, 2006
Holy Land studies, Sep 1, 2003
Throughout the last five decades, successive Israeli governments have attempted to split the mino... more Throughout the last five decades, successive Israeli governments have attempted to split the minority group of Palestinian Arabs with Israeli citizenship into smaller groups based on religious (Muslim, Christian, Druze) or geographical distinctions (the ‘Galilee’, the northern region; the ‘Triangle’, the central region; and the ‘Negev’, the southern region) for control purposes. The governments' treatment of Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin, who were traditionally a semi-nomadic population, provides a classic example of its segmentation policy. Although, in line with this policy, Israeli governments have unilaterally created and implemented development plans for the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin population, they have not integrated them into the national infrastructure in a viable and meaningful sense. This paper examines the historical experience of the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin and their actual development needs.
Journal of Social Psychology, Aug 1, 1999
This study examined the level of global self-esteem of Arab adolescents in Israel and its relatio... more This study examined the level of global self-esteem of Arab adolescents in Israel and its relationship to perceived academic status and aspirations, interpersonal relationships, community type, and various demographic variables. A group of 1,560 11th- and 12th-grade Israeli-Arab adolescents answered the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (M. Rosenberg, 1965). The results revealed significant relationships (a) between global self-esteem and students' evaluations of their scholastic levels, their schools' academic levels, and their plans to take matriculation exams and (b) between self-esteem and family and peer relations. There was a significant relationship between self-esteem and community type. Participants living in cities and villages scored higher than those living in Bedouin townships. There were no significant gender differences or differences among grade levels.
American Behavioral Scientist, Aug 1, 2008
Indigenous peoples share a history of exclusion from the dominant society decision-making process... more Indigenous peoples share a history of exclusion from the dominant society decision-making processes that directly affect them, including their displacement and relocation, development initiatives, and the process of urbanization. This article begins with a review of indigenous experiences of and responses to urbanization in a number of nation-states throughout the world. It then examines the experience of the indigenous Palestinian Bedouin community in southern Israel, whose traditional lifestyle of land-based seminomadic pastoralism is being replaced by landless, labor force, government-planned urbanization. Issues of key importance to that process are explored, including the historical political context and state-indigenous relations, the conflict over land, and the settler-colonial vision inherent in the conceptualization and implementation of the urban models. Finally, Bedouin responses and resistance to the government's urbanization program are discussed.
Palgrave Macmillan eBooks, Nov 14, 2014
The Naqab Bedouin are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel in the afterm... more The Naqab Bedouin are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel in the aftermath of the war of 1948. Today, they are a minority that is systematically being underdeveloped, within the context of a high-income, developed state. Traditionally, they inhabited the Naqab Desert, were organized into tribes, and derived their livelihood from animal husbandry and seasonal agriculture. Presently, they have the lowest education levels and incomes, the highest infant mortality and the highest unemployment rates in the country. The provision of poor-quality educational services, which are selectively distributed in a manner that disproportionately disadvantages Bedouin girls and women, ensures that the Bedouin continue to lag behind as Israel leaps forward and develops scientifically and technologically. This chapter explores the central issues and motivations underlying the Israeli state’s use of selective ‘development’ in order to further dispossess and subordinate the Bedouin, including the conflict over land, practices of forced urbanization, and the settler-colonial ideology underpinning the need to maintain the underdevelopment of the indigenous Palestinian Bedouin in Israel.
International Journal of Educational Development, Apr 1, 1995
... program in school administration, only 5 (17) of the 29 school principals have BAs ... Despit... more ... program in school administration, only 5 (17) of the 29 school principals have BAs ... Despite this mediating influence, we expect that the Bedouin schools will more closely ... Work itself 45.96 3.72 Social needs 18.99 1.30 Organizational climate Principal leadership 52.97 5.84 ...
This introduction reviews the historical and political context that provides an essential backgro... more This introduction reviews the historical and political context that provides an essential background for exploring key contemporary issues in Palestinian Arab education in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Formal public education in Palestine, from its very beginnings, was never under the control of the Palestinian people but instead, has been controlled by successive colonial/external administrations. This introduction examines how major historical periods have affected the development of Palestinian Arab education from the Ottoman period (1516 to 1917) to the British Mandate period (1917 to 1948) to the post-1948 period after the establishment of Israel, which includes the post-1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Oslo agreement period from 1993 to 2000, and the first and second Palestinian Intifadas.
Arts Education Policy Review, 2000
This discussion will include 5 minute lightening talks by each presenter with an open floor discu... more This discussion will include 5 minute lightening talks by each presenter with an open floor discussion about the future of Institutional Repositories.
This study reports on the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of 172 Jewish and Arab undergradua... more This study reports on the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of 172 Jewish and Arab undergraduate and graduate students of education concerning their own national identity, the intergroup relations between Arabs and Jews in Israel, and the desired political solution for the Arab minority in Israel. Against the background of the continuously changing political situation that involves advances and drawbacks in the peace process between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of future educators concerning the Jewish–Arab conflict seem important as a foundation for strengthening pupils’ orientation towards equality and pluralism. Results are presented concerning four domains: identity markers of students in the two groups, intergroup perceptions, and emotions manifested in indicators of social distance, Jewish students’ attitudes towards the cultural autonomy of the Arab minority, and opinions concerning a desired political solution. The. findings are discussed in light of the characteristics of the sample, in relation to previous studies that asked similar questions, and in relation to the processes taking place in the region in the last few years.
This study deals with the relationship between the state of Israel and its Arab minority, with a ... more This study deals with the relationship between the state of Israel and its Arab minority, with a particular focus on the Bedouin Arabs of the Negev. This relationship has been problematic from the outset, given the discrepancy between the corporate national identity of Israel as a Jewish state, and the actual composition of its population (a 17 per cent non-Jewish minority). The Bedouin are one of the segments of the Arab population that the government attempted to separate from the others and transform into a de-Arabised group loyal to the interests and institutions of the state. This study examines the responses of Negev Bedouin Arab youth to questions regarding their individual and collective identities and their relationship to the state of Israel.
Liverpool University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2014
This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev.... more This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel's Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following reason: Israel's national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles. It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or allow them some form of political autonomy.
Throughout the Middle East, the indigenous desert-dwelling Bedouins have formed an integral compo... more Throughout the Middle East, the indigenous desert-dwelling Bedouins have formed an integral component of Arab society. As the Arab world went through the colonial and formally "post-colonial" eras, no community was so dramatically affected as that of the Bedouins. This was particularly true of the Bedouin-Arab community in Al Naqab. In addition to the changes brought about by global processes of "modernization," this community was greatly affected by the European-based Zionist movement to settle Palestine, the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and the subsequent transformation of the indigenous Palestinian-Arab population into a minority in a Western/European-oriented Jewish state. Al Naqab Bedouins are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel after 1948 and who are today a part of the Palestinian minority in Israel. They have inhabited Al Naqab Desert from early periods (Maddrell, 1990) and were traditionally organized into nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes that lived by raising sheep and engaging in seasonal agriculture. Historical background Prior to 1948, estimates of the Bedouin-Arab population in Al Naqab ranged from 65,000 to 90,000 (Falah, 1989; Maddrell, 1990). They were engaged in animal husbandry and seasonal agriculture and cultivated over two million dunams (494,200 acres) of land, primarily in the northern Naqab (Falah, 1989; Marx, 1967). Approximately 90 percent of them earned their living from a mixture of agriculture and pastoralism; the rest subsisted solely on raising livestock (Falah, 1985, 1989). 1 During the course and aftermath of the 1948 war, the vast majority of Al Naqab Bedouin Arabs were expelled and became refugees in the surrounding Arab countries/territories (e.g., the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Egypt); thus, by 1952, only about 11,000 remained in Al Naqab (Falah, 1989; Marx, 1967). The Israeli authorities took control of most of the land there, so the Bedouin Arabs lost the freedom to move around with their herds and cultivate their lands. Twelve of the 19 tribes were removed from their lands, and the whole population was confined to a specially designated Restricted Area in the northeastern Naqab, representing only
The Education of Nomadic Peoples
Holy Land studies, May 1, 2013
Routledge eBooks, May 11, 2018
Berghahn Books, Jun 1, 2006
Holy Land studies, Sep 1, 2003
Throughout the last five decades, successive Israeli governments have attempted to split the mino... more Throughout the last five decades, successive Israeli governments have attempted to split the minority group of Palestinian Arabs with Israeli citizenship into smaller groups based on religious (Muslim, Christian, Druze) or geographical distinctions (the ‘Galilee’, the northern region; the ‘Triangle’, the central region; and the ‘Negev’, the southern region) for control purposes. The governments' treatment of Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin, who were traditionally a semi-nomadic population, provides a classic example of its segmentation policy. Although, in line with this policy, Israeli governments have unilaterally created and implemented development plans for the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin population, they have not integrated them into the national infrastructure in a viable and meaningful sense. This paper examines the historical experience of the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin and their actual development needs.
Journal of Social Psychology, Aug 1, 1999
This study examined the level of global self-esteem of Arab adolescents in Israel and its relatio... more This study examined the level of global self-esteem of Arab adolescents in Israel and its relationship to perceived academic status and aspirations, interpersonal relationships, community type, and various demographic variables. A group of 1,560 11th- and 12th-grade Israeli-Arab adolescents answered the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (M. Rosenberg, 1965). The results revealed significant relationships (a) between global self-esteem and students' evaluations of their scholastic levels, their schools' academic levels, and their plans to take matriculation exams and (b) between self-esteem and family and peer relations. There was a significant relationship between self-esteem and community type. Participants living in cities and villages scored higher than those living in Bedouin townships. There were no significant gender differences or differences among grade levels.
American Behavioral Scientist, Aug 1, 2008
Indigenous peoples share a history of exclusion from the dominant society decision-making process... more Indigenous peoples share a history of exclusion from the dominant society decision-making processes that directly affect them, including their displacement and relocation, development initiatives, and the process of urbanization. This article begins with a review of indigenous experiences of and responses to urbanization in a number of nation-states throughout the world. It then examines the experience of the indigenous Palestinian Bedouin community in southern Israel, whose traditional lifestyle of land-based seminomadic pastoralism is being replaced by landless, labor force, government-planned urbanization. Issues of key importance to that process are explored, including the historical political context and state-indigenous relations, the conflict over land, and the settler-colonial vision inherent in the conceptualization and implementation of the urban models. Finally, Bedouin responses and resistance to the government's urbanization program are discussed.
Palgrave Macmillan eBooks, Nov 14, 2014
The Naqab Bedouin are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel in the afterm... more The Naqab Bedouin are among the indigenous Palestinian Arabs who remained in Israel in the aftermath of the war of 1948. Today, they are a minority that is systematically being underdeveloped, within the context of a high-income, developed state. Traditionally, they inhabited the Naqab Desert, were organized into tribes, and derived their livelihood from animal husbandry and seasonal agriculture. Presently, they have the lowest education levels and incomes, the highest infant mortality and the highest unemployment rates in the country. The provision of poor-quality educational services, which are selectively distributed in a manner that disproportionately disadvantages Bedouin girls and women, ensures that the Bedouin continue to lag behind as Israel leaps forward and develops scientifically and technologically. This chapter explores the central issues and motivations underlying the Israeli state’s use of selective ‘development’ in order to further dispossess and subordinate the Bedouin, including the conflict over land, practices of forced urbanization, and the settler-colonial ideology underpinning the need to maintain the underdevelopment of the indigenous Palestinian Bedouin in Israel.
International Journal of Educational Development, Apr 1, 1995
... program in school administration, only 5 (17) of the 29 school principals have BAs ... Despit... more ... program in school administration, only 5 (17) of the 29 school principals have BAs ... Despite this mediating influence, we expect that the Bedouin schools will more closely ... Work itself 45.96 3.72 Social needs 18.99 1.30 Organizational climate Principal leadership 52.97 5.84 ...
This introduction reviews the historical and political context that provides an essential backgro... more This introduction reviews the historical and political context that provides an essential background for exploring key contemporary issues in Palestinian Arab education in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Formal public education in Palestine, from its very beginnings, was never under the control of the Palestinian people but instead, has been controlled by successive colonial/external administrations. This introduction examines how major historical periods have affected the development of Palestinian Arab education from the Ottoman period (1516 to 1917) to the British Mandate period (1917 to 1948) to the post-1948 period after the establishment of Israel, which includes the post-1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Oslo agreement period from 1993 to 2000, and the first and second Palestinian Intifadas.
Arts Education Policy Review, 2000
This discussion will include 5 minute lightening talks by each presenter with an open floor discu... more This discussion will include 5 minute lightening talks by each presenter with an open floor discussion about the future of Institutional Repositories.
This study reports on the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of 172 Jewish and Arab undergradua... more This study reports on the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of 172 Jewish and Arab undergraduate and graduate students of education concerning their own national identity, the intergroup relations between Arabs and Jews in Israel, and the desired political solution for the Arab minority in Israel. Against the background of the continuously changing political situation that involves advances and drawbacks in the peace process between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of future educators concerning the Jewish–Arab conflict seem important as a foundation for strengthening pupils’ orientation towards equality and pluralism. Results are presented concerning four domains: identity markers of students in the two groups, intergroup perceptions, and emotions manifested in indicators of social distance, Jewish students’ attitudes towards the cultural autonomy of the Arab minority, and opinions concerning a desired political solution. The. findings are discussed in light of the characteristics of the sample, in relation to previous studies that asked similar questions, and in relation to the processes taking place in the region in the last few years.
This study deals with the relationship between the state of Israel and its Arab minority, with a ... more This study deals with the relationship between the state of Israel and its Arab minority, with a particular focus on the Bedouin Arabs of the Negev. This relationship has been problematic from the outset, given the discrepancy between the corporate national identity of Israel as a Jewish state, and the actual composition of its population (a 17 per cent non-Jewish minority). The Bedouin are one of the segments of the Arab population that the government attempted to separate from the others and transform into a de-Arabised group loyal to the interests and institutions of the state. This study examines the responses of Negev Bedouin Arab youth to questions regarding their individual and collective identities and their relationship to the state of Israel.
he indigenous Bedouin Arab population in the Naqab/Negev desert in Israel has experienced a histo... more he indigenous Bedouin Arab population in the Naqab/Negev desert in Israel has experienced a history of displacement, intense political conflict, and cultural disruption, along with recent rapid modernization, forced urbanization, and migration. This volume of essays highlights international, national, and comparative law perspectives and explores the legal and human rights dimensions of land, planning, and housing issues, as well as the economic, social, and cultural rights of indigenous peoples. Within this context, the essays examine the various dimensions of the “negotiations” between the Bedouin Arab population and the State of Israel.
Indigenous (In)Justice locates the discussion of the Naqab/Negev question within the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict and within key international debates among legal scholars and human rights advocates, including the application of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the formalization of traditional property rights, and the utility of restorative and reparative justice approaches. Leading international scholars and professionals, including the current United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women and the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, are among the contributors to this volume.
ISBN 2010 © All rights reserved to the Negev Center for Regional Development Ben-Gurion Universit... more ISBN 2010 © All rights reserved to the Negev Center for Regional Development Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer Sheva
Indigenous people have often been confronted with education systems that ignore their cultural an... more Indigenous people have often been confronted with education systems that ignore their cultural and historical perspectives. This insightful volume contributes to our understanding of indigenous empowerment through education, and creates a new foundation for implementing specialized indigenous/minority education worldwide, engaging the simultaneous projects of cultural preservation and social integration. A vital work for scholars in Native American studies, ethnic studies, and education.
This collection of articles is the outcome of an international gathering of indigenous and other ... more This collection of articles is the outcome of an international gathering of indigenous and other scholars to discuss the future of indigenous peoples. The issues examined range from defining indigenous peoples and presenting information on their contemporary conditions, to exploring future possibilities for social, economic and political survival and development, as well as the shaping of future nation-state relations with indigenous peoples. The collection includes a rich variety of specific indigenous cultural and historical contexts, among which the defining similarity is the nation-state structures that preempted their rights to land and autonomous cultural, social, economic and political development.
This book presents an initial installment of papers that define and interpret the experiences and aspirations of indigenous peoples throughout the world. We hope that it will provide the basis for a better understanding of Native issues and rights, which will, in turn, contribute to the development of more stable, productive, consensual and democratic relations between nation-states and indigenous peoples.
At the beginning of the new millennium, we express our profound hope that the millions of indigenous peoples of the world will be able to live and prosper in their lands, practicing and developing their culture, exercising their rights to interaction and exchange with other peoples on an equal basis, free of discrimination, oppression, and exploitation.
-Excerpt from the Conference Declaration
Holy Land Studies, 12(1):109-112, 2012
Arab studies quarterly, 1(1):52-55, 2010
Arab Studies Journal, Vol. X & XI:121-124, 2002
Navigating the Common Good in Teacher Education Policy, 2018
In book: Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond, Chapter: 7, Editors: Mandy Turner and Omar Shweiki, pp.138-157 , Nov 2014
The Palestinian Naqab Bedouin community in Israel is an example of intentional under-development,... more The Palestinian Naqab Bedouin community in Israel is an example of intentional under-development, or de-development. The Israeli government has forcibly ended the Bedouin’s traditional lifestyle, with its interlinked attachment to pastoralism as a mode of production and as a means of subsistence. Moreover, to further restrict the Bedouin’s control and use of the land and its resources, the government made ‘modern development’ and the provision of accessible educational services dependent upon their moving into, or commuting to, designated government-planned urban-style towns. These actions also served to disproportionately disadvantage the development of Bedouin girls and women.
In light of this, due to the near complete disruption of their traditional pastoral lifestyle and economy, modern education has become essential for the development and integration of the Bedouin community into the Israeli labor market. Although the Israeli government has paid ‘lip service’ to its support for the full development of the individual, and has advanced a ‘development’ and 'modernization' rationale for its Bedouin urbanization programs, this has been little more than a facade for advancing Zionism’s ideological goal of further dispossessing the Bedouin and controlling their development, while seizing more land for the pursuit of the developmental priorities of the Jewish nation.
In M. Kabha, 'The Palestinian Minority in Israel: Military Rule and its Legacy', Haifa: Mada al-Carmel, pp. 171-214., 2014
In Y. Gradus and I. Nevo, ‘Science and Scholarship in the Negev: The Story of Ben-Gurion University in the Negev Vol. I’, Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Press, pp.283-305., 2014
הספר ִם ע כרמי רבקה 9 העורכים דבר נבו )יאני( ויצחק גרדוס יהודה 11 הקדמה... more הספר ִם ע כרמי רבקה 9 העורכים דבר נבו )יאני( ויצחק גרדוס יהודה 11 הקדמה בן-גוריון אוניברסיטת להקמת מנוגדים חזונות בנגב: אוניברסיטאות נבו )יאני( יצחק 13 הגות מחשבות, זיכרונות, -היסודות מניחי ראשון: שער בנגב" בן-גוריון ל"אוניברסיטת בנגב" גבוהה להשכלה מ"המכון טל והילה הדרי )וניה( זאב 45 בשדה-בוקר המדבר לחקר והמכון האוניברסיטה קריית ראשונים: ימים ריצ'מונד עמוס 99 באוניברסיטה והשתלבותה גרעיני למחקר הקריה לבאר-שבע: דימונה בין טיברגר ראובן 117 החיים למדעי המחלקה האוניברסיטה, להקמת כבסיס הנגב לחקר המכון שימושי למחקר והמכונים מזרחי יוסף 125 שדה-בוקר קריית המדבר לחקר במכון מים למשאבי המרכז במדבר: מים איסר ש. אריה 143 ויישומם הבריאות למדעי הפקולטה של המקוריים היעדים באר-שבע: רוח בנור ודן גליק שמעון 159 המחקר בראי האוניברסיטה שני: שער בן-גוריון מדרשת של ראשיתה לאוקספורד: יבנה בין זיוון זאב 177 בנגב לרפואה הספר בית של הקמתו שורץ ושפרה דורון חיים 219 בן-גוריון באוניברסיטת ביוטכנולוגיה בין-תחומיים: והוראה מחקר בונים (2001-1981) ערמון רוני 249 בנגב בן-גוריון ואוניברסיטת בנגב ערבים-בדואים בקרב הגבוה החינוך שני וגלי אבו-סעד איסמעיל 283 צוקרברג ע"ש המים מכון ועד הנגב ממכון מים: התפלת מחקרי בסון שרית 307 שדה-בוקר בקריית והבנייה התכנון על במדבר: בונים כהן ובצלאל מאיר יצחק 333 באוניברסיטה מחלקות -ורוח מדע שלישי: שער גולדשטיין-גורן ע"ש ישראל למחשבת המחלקה לסקר י. דניאל 363 לכימיה המחלקה שני ארנון 379 הבריאות למדעי בפקולטה לרפואה הספר בית חינוכית: חדשנות בנור דן 415 לקהילה האקדמיה בין לחינוך: המחלקה קיני שושנה 439 תשל"א-תש"ע למתמטיקה המחלקה תולדות לין ומיכאל אלטשולר עמוס 461 עברית לספרות המחלקה תולדות הניגון: חוזר עוד מרדכי בן יצחק 479 כללית להיסטוריה המחלקה של ההיסטוריה קאופמן נעה 495 של סיפור שפיצר: ב' ושרלוט ג' ג'ק ע"ש סוציאלית לעבודה המחלקה חברת ואקטיביזם אקדמיה י קסן לאה 515 כלליים היבטים רביעי: שער בן-גוריון באוניברסיטת אתית קודיפיקציה נבו )יאני( יצחק 539 האוניברסיטה קריית העכשווית: האדריכלות בראי החדשה הבנייה בנגב בן-גוריון באוניברסיטת מרקוס משפחת ע"ש תמרי ושלומית גיטלר בן-אשר ענבל 551 התנגשות בין האקדמי: והחופש באוניברסיטה הפנימית הביקורת להרמוניה אבני רון 581 בנגב בן-גוריון באוניברסיטת המחשוב תולדות גרובר שמואל 591 הדרום למכללות ואחות" "אם האוניברסיטה צחור זאב 599 המשתתפים רשימת 609 מקורות של תיבות ראשי 615
In R. Pedatzur, ‘Bedouin in the Negev - Israel strategic challenge’, Netanya: Netanya Academic College, 28-39., 2013
In Amara, A. Abu-Saad, I. and Yitachel, O. Arabs Indigenous (In)Justice: Human Rights Law and Bedouin Arabs in the Naqab/Negev. Cambridge, MA: International Human Rights Program Practice Series, Harvard University Press, pp.19-67., 2012
This chapter describes the socio-political changes that the Naqab (Negev) Bedouin Arabs have expe... more This chapter describes the socio-political changes that the Naqab (Negev) Bedouin Arabs have experienced over the past half century, the means through which they have displayed their resistance to governmental efforts to simultaneously marginalize and assimilate them, and their current living conditions. It argues that state efforts to “modernize” indigenous peoples and integrate them within state structures are often carried out through displacement, land expropriation, and forced urbanization, resulting in
severe disruptions of traditional cultural lifestyles. In the context of the Naqab, this dynamic of forced urbanization has been further complicated by the backdrop of the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Similar to other indigenous communities in modern states, however, the Naqab Bedouin Arabs have developed local forms of resistance to the methods of control and assimilation employed by the Israeli state
In N. Rouhana and A. Sabbagh-Khoury. The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society, Haifa: Mada al-Carmel l–Arab Center for Applied Social Research, pp. 120-127 , 2011
In Wessendorf, K., The Indigenous World 2009, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs: Copenhagen, pp.422-428., 2009
In p. Peri (ed), Education in Multi cultured Society: Pluralism and Congruence among Cultural Divisions, Jerusalem: Carmel Publishing, pp. 125-142., 2007
In Abu-Saad, I. and Champagne, D. (eds.) Indigenous Education and Empowerment: International Perspectives, Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, pp. 127-146., 2006
In C. Dyer (ed.) The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Oxford: Berghahn Publishers, pp. 141-158., 2006
In C. Obiya and H. Kuroki, (eds.), Political Violence and Human Security in the Post-9.11 World, JCAS Symposium Series No. 24, Osaka: The Japan Center for Area Studies, National Museum of Ethnology, pp. 115-134., 2006
Indigenous Education and Empowerment: International Perspectives, Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, pp. 1-11., 2006
In Nur Masalha (ed.) Catastrophe Remembered: Palestine, Israel and the Internal Refugees. London: Zed Books, pp.113-141., 2005
In Champagne, D. and Abu-Saad, I. (eds.) Indigenous and Minority Education: International Perspectives on Empowerment. Beer Sheva: Negev Center for Regional Development, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, pp.235-256., 2005
In O. Yiftachael, D. Newman, A. Kemp and U. Ram, (eds.) Hegemonies, Identities and Challenges: Israelis in Conflict, Sussex Academic Press, pp. 65-80., 2004
This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev.... more This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel's Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following reason: Israel's national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles. It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or allow them some form of political autonomy.
In Champagne, D. and Abu-Saad, I. (eds.) The Future of Indigenous Peoples: Strategies for Survival and Development. Los Angeles: UCLA American Indian Studies Center, pp.103-120., 2003
In Champagne, D. and Abu-Saad, I. (eds.) The Future of Indigenous Peoples: Strategies for Survival and Development. Los Angeles: American Indian Studies Center, UCLA, pp.249-257., 2003
In R. Isralowitz, M. Alafifi, and R. Rawson (eds.) Drug Problems: Cross-Cultural Policy and Program Development. New York: Praeger Publishers, pp. 113-133., 2002
In R. Isralowitz and J. Friedlander (eds.), People in Transition: The Russians, Ethiopians and Bedouin of the Negev, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, pp. 131-141., 1999
Al-Nibras: Journal of Education, Science and Society, Vol. 5:pp. 1-146., 2009
Hagar: Studies in Culture. Polity and Identities, 2008
In this special volume we focus our sights close to home, and examine how issues that plague mino... more In this special volume we focus our sights close to home, and examine how issues that plague minority populations residing in the periphery-acute deprivation, cultural marginality and systematic exclusion-play out in the Israeli Negev region among the Bedouin community. This is literally our own backyard. As Israelis, as residents of the Negev and as editors of a journal published at the Ben Gurion University of the Negev, we and many of the contributors to this volume live our lives, teach, work and raise our families in one of the poorest regions of Israel, where impoverished Bedouin towns are established in the midst of dispersed shanty towns (referred to in Israeli formal speech as unrecognized villages).
American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 49 (8): 1035-1142., Apr 2006
The April 2006 issue of American Behavioral Scientist explores the role of Palestinian Arab educa... more The April 2006 issue of American Behavioral Scientist explores the role of Palestinian Arab education as a public policy tool and reviews key issues regarding how education shapes culture, individual and communal development, social stratification, economics, and politics in Israel and the occupied Palestinian Territories.
The challenging articles in this provocative issue examine a far-reaching array of contentious topics, including:
• The historical context of Palestinian Arab education (Abu-Saad and Champagne)
• Inequalities in public funding, budget allocation, curriculum, and lack of meaningful Palestinian involvement in the decision making processes that have led to considerable gaps between the qualitative level of Palestinian and Jewish education, and how the Israeli Supreme Court is upholding this "unequal" educational opportunities standard. (Jabareen)
• Despite Arab communities having a generally lower socio-economic status than their counterparts, there are significantly fewer of the unique special support programs designed for "disadvantaged" students. The various nuances, implications, and questions used to explore the sources of inequality and how to effect social change are analyzed using three generations of critical feminist thought. (Golan-Agnan)
• The challenges of maintaining identity and culture within a mainstream school system that emphasizes values and education of the national community to the exclusion of other perspectives (Abu-Saad)
• The effect of the political legacy of oppression, occupation, and de-humanization on Palestinian youth living under Israeli occupation (Shalhoub-Kevorkian)
• The role of Palestinian universities as a place where Palestinians can articulate their national identity, engage in resistance to Israeli occupation, and build the nation of Palestine. (Bruhn)
Whether one agrees or not with the controversial views expressed in this exceptional issue, these six articles highlight key educational issues that must be faced, debated, and grappled with in order to build the foundations of a lasting peace between Palestinians and Israelis
This issue should be in the library of everyone interested in Middle East Studies, International Studies, International Politics, International Law, Human Rights, Educational Policy, Sociology of Education, and Social Change.
Hagar: International Social Science Review, Vol. 2 (2): 157-331., 2001
In this special volume we focus our sights close to home, and examine how issues that plague mino... more In this special volume we focus our sights close to home, and examine how issues that plague minority populations residing in the periphery-acute deprivation, cultural marginality and systematic exclusion-play out in the Israeli Negev region among the Bedouin community. This is literally our own backyard. As Israelis, as residents of the Negev and as editors of a journal published at the Ben Gurion University of the Negev, we and many of the contributors to this volume live our lives, teach, work and raise our families in one of the poorest regions of Israel, where impoverished Bedouin towns are established in the midst of dispersed shanty towns (referred to in Israeli formal speech as unrecognized villages).
Social Identities, Routledge Publishers, Vol. 10 (1): 3-127. , 2004
Social Identities, Vol. 10 (2): 131-299. , 2004
The Negev Bedouin Arabs are a part of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority in Israel, who his... more The Negev Bedouin Arabs are a part of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority in Israel, who historically derived their livelihood from herding and seasonal agriculture. Subsequently they underwent a rapid urbanization process, which entailed the loss of their traditional economy. These changes required a re-making of the Bedouin woman's social, educational and economic role in the life of the community. We explored Bedouin women's experiences in mainstream higher. The study findings indicated that Bedouin Arab women in higher education demonstrated resilience and agency as participants in modernizing Bedouin traditions, and indigenizing 'Western-style' modernity. Despite the myriad of challenges it presented, they experienced mainstream higher education as an essential avenue for their personal and communal development.
The International Conferences “Global Education, Teaching & Learning (GETL), Sibenik, Croatia., 2019
We examined the cultural values orientations of beginning Palestinian Arabs teachers in Israel us... more We examined the cultural values orientations of beginning Palestinian Arabs teachers in Israel using the four main dimensions of Hofstede’s model of national culture.
Methods: Cultural value orientations were measured using The Cultural Attitudes Inventory Instrument, developed by Dorfman & Howell (1988) and adapted to the Arab culture by Sabri (2012). The instrument consisted of 25 items. A response to each statement was made on four-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (4).
Findings: Beginning Palestinian Arab teachers in Israel scored high on collectivism and uncertainty avoidance, while scoring relatively low on masculinity and power distance. MANOVA models controlling for demographic variables indicated that beginning Palestinian Arab teachers differed by age, and the interaction between gender and marital status or age on specific dimensions. Older teachers (aged 30+ years) expressed higher uncertainty avoidance than younger teachers [F (1, 334)=7.507, p=.007]. The interaction between age and gender indicated that this difference was found only among men [F (1, 334)=4.376, p=.037]. In addition, the interaction between gender and marital status on the collectivism vs individualism dimension indicated that single men expressed stronger collectivism than married men [F (1, 334)=5.411, p=.021]. The responses of women were consistent for both of these dimensions across age and marital status categories.
Conclusion: The findings indicate that beginning Palestinian Arab teachers in Israel have maintained some of the values found to typify Arab societies traditionally (e.g., collectivism, uncertainly avoidance); but also deviate in some areas (e.g., power distance), perhaps due to their exposure to Western-oriented Israeli educational and organizational influences.