Eyüp Ersoy | University of Birmingham (original) (raw)

Books by Eyüp Ersoy

Papers by Eyüp Ersoy

Scholarly calls in the discipline of international relations (IR) for a more intimate and substan... more Scholarly calls in the discipline of international relations (IR) for a more intimate and substantive dialogue between the disciplinary core and the periphery to fashion a truly 'global' IR have proliferated. The pivotal question is how to ensure the emergence of a veritable dialogue between the core and the periphery in a truly global discipline. In this article, first, it is contended that the current conditions of epistemic hierarchy and asymmetrical dialogue emanate from the epistemic gravity of the core based on its power of appeal. Second, in order to correct the abiding disciplinary asymmetry, dialogue with the periphery needs to become a matter of necessity for the core instead of a matter of choice. Third, to that end, the augmentation of the epistemic gravity of the periphery and its own power of appeal is required. Fourth, one promising path of increasing the epistemic gravity of the periphery is to foster its thematic density. To illustrate these points, a case study of Turkish IR academia is presented with reference to the global/local distribution of the universities from which IR scholars in Turkey have received their doctoral degrees.

Asymmetry of knowledge production in global international relations manifests itself in a variety... more Asymmetry of knowledge production in global international relations manifests itself in a variety of forms. Concept cultivation is a foundational form that conditions the epistemic hierarchies prevalent in scholarly encounters, exchanges, and productions. The core represents the seemingly natural ecology of concept cultivation, while the periphery appropriates the cultivated concepts, relinquishing any claim of authenticity and indigeneity in the process. Nonetheless, there have been cases of intellectual undertakings in the periphery to conceive, formulate, and articulate conceptual frames of knowledge production. This paper, first, discusses the fluctuating fortunes of homegrown concepts in the peripheral epistemic ecologies. Second, it introduces the concept of 'strategic depth' as articulated by the Turkish scholar Ahmet Davutoğlu and reviews its significance for the formulation and implementation of recent Turkish foreign policy. Third, it examines the causes of its recognition and acclaim in the local and global IR communities subsequent to its inception. The paper contends that there have been three fundamental sets of causes for the initial ascendancy of the concept. These are categorized as contemplative causes, implementative causes, and evaluative causes. Fourth, it traces the sources of its fall from scholarly grace. The paper further asserts that the three fundamental sets of causes were also operational in the eventual conceptual insolvency of strategic depth. The paper concludes by addressing remedial measures to vivify concept cultivation in the periphery and to conserve the cultivated concepts.

Turkish foreign policy toward the Algerian War of Independence (1954– 62) was construed as persis... more Turkish foreign policy toward the Algerian War of Independence (1954– 62) was construed as persistent Turkish endorsement of official French positions generating abiding resentment among the states of the Third World, especially Arab states, and understandably in Algeria, which was to elicit backlashes from the Third World states thereafter consequently causing substantial complications in Turkish foreign policy. Stressing the importance of incorporating nonmaterial and ideational factors in analyses of foreign policy, two arguments are put forward in this article for an accurate explanation of Turkish foreign policy toward Alger-ian War of Independence. First, it was the conception of the West, defined not only in strategic or military terms, but also in ideational and civilizational terms that induced Turkish policy-makers to adopt insular policies regarding Algeria. Second, a " temporal contextualization " of Turkish foreign policy during the Algerian War of Independence is required for a proper understanding of Turkish foreign policy toward the Algerian War of Independence.

All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace, 2017

The absence of theoretical perspectives in International Relations originating in the worldviews ... more The absence of theoretical perspectives in International Relations originating in the worldviews and experiences of human geographies outside the West has elicited persistent calls in the discipline for homegrown theoretical frameworks based on indigenous practices and intellectual sensibilities. Responding to the veritable marginalization of non-Western viewpoints in the discipline belying the plurality of global experiences, a diverse range of studies on homegrown theorizing has ensued. Inasmuch as the initial step in any social theorizing is pertinent to concepts, studies of homegrown theorizing have necessarily engaged conceptual cultivation by drawing on local conceptual resources. Most of these studies, nonetheless, have evinced an analytical proclivity to forge an exclusive and immutable semantic affiliation between concepts and what they signify. Transmuting conceptual indigeneity into conceptional idiosyncrasy, this insular practice of homegrown theorizing can incur manifold degenerative shortcomings. On the other hand, in the lexicon of international relations, influence is a ubiquitous word which is yet to be rigorously conceptualized. By virtue of imparting indigenous properties, a systematic conceptual cultivation of influence is propounded in this study, which arguably transcends the prohibitive semantic inflexibility and associated shortcomings of conceptual exclusivity in homegrown theorizing.

A B S T R A C T Turkey is a fast developing country with associated needs of energy and technolog... more A B S T R A C T Turkey is a fast developing country with associated needs of energy and technology. Accordingly, Turkey has recently launched its nuclear program in collaboration with Russia and Japan for the construction of two nuclear power plants based on uranium technology. On the other hand, interest in thorium technology with the prospective use of Turkey’s indigenous thorium reserves has also emerged in the Turkish energy bureaucracy and academy. This study addresses the causes of Turkey’s preliminary steps to devise a new nuclear path, identifies the setbacks in this endeavour, and discusses their implications with reference to Turkey’s nuclear energy and technology policies.

All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace

2nd All Azimuth Workshop on Widening the World of IR Theorizing 23-24 September 2016, Ankara

Türkiye’de yüksek öğretim kurumlarında çalışan eğitimciler için kullanılan yaygın bir kavram olar... more Türkiye’de yüksek öğretim kurumlarında çalışan eğitimciler için kullanılan
yaygın bir kavram olarak ‘hoca’ kelimesi, zaman içerisinde kazandığı
çağrışımsal anlamlar ile Türkçe’nin semantiğinde kendine özgü bir
ibaredir. Bu çalışma, Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininde bu özel anlam
dünyasının doğasını, diğer bir ifade ile, hocalığın ne olduğunu, Prof. Dr.
Ali L. Karaosmanoğlu ve akademik kariyeri örneğinde tartışmaktadır. Bu
çalışmanın ana iddiası, hocalığın üç unsurdan müteşekkil bir olgu
olduğudur. Bu unsurlar, araştırmacılık, eğitimcilik ve rehberliktir.
Makalenin ilk üç bölümü sırasıyla bu unsurların doğasını tartışmaktadır.
Bu bölümlerde, önce her bir unsur Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini
bağlamında incelenmekte, sonrasında ise ilgili unsurun Prof. Dr. Ali L.
Karaosmanoğlu’nun akademik kariyerindeki yansımaları müzakere
edilmektedir. Dördüncü ve son bölüm ise, ‘büyük hoca kimdir ve kime
denir?’ sorusuna cevap aramakta ve bu çerçevede bu üç unsur arasındaki
etkileşimleri tartışmaktadır. Yöntemsel olarak, Uluslararası İlişkiler
disiplinindeki biyografik ve oto-biyografik/oto-etnografik yaklaşımlar
doğrultusunda, Ali L. Karaosmanoğlu’nun bilimsel düşünce dünyasının
bir yansıması olan akademik çalışmaları derlenmiş, arşivlenmiş ve
yorumlanmıştır. Ayrıca, Prof. Dr. Ali L. Karaosmanoğlu ile yüksek lisans
veya doktora tezi yazmış eski öğrencileri ile yarı yapılandırılmış
mülakatlar yapılmıştır.

In this article, first, the causes and the characteristics of the resurgent nationalism in China ... more In this article, first, the causes and the characteristics of the resurgent nationalism in China are examined. To that end, emergence of nationalism in China in the early 20 th century, simply old nationalism, and reemergence of nationalism in China in the late 20 th century, simply new nationalism, are discussed, and the two nationalisms are to be contrasted. An important argument here is that the main objective of old nationalism was to be a nation, emphasizing the need and the desire to resemble other nations, while the main objective of new nationalism is to become the nation, emphasizing the need and the desire to assert the peculiarity of the nation. Second, this article addresses the issue that while old nationalism was a fatal rival of the state, the Imperial Court, in the early 20 th century, new nationalism is a vital collaborator of the state, the Communist government. Accordingly, the causes of this rather intriguing transformation are to be evaluated.

Turkish-Iranian relations are in general regarded stable in the literature , and the causes of st... more Turkish-Iranian relations are in general regarded stable in the literature , and the causes of stability in bilateral relations are inadequately explained often by overemphasising the geopolitics of bilateral relations. Nonetheless, the geoeconomics of Turkish-Iranian relations is as significant as the geopolitics of the relations for both the current state of affairs in bilateral relations and their future. This article approaches Turkish-Iranian relations after 2002, when Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, from a different angle. Mainly from the geoeconomics perspective, it explores the implications of the energy relations for, in particular, bilateral economic relations between Turkey and Iran, and, in general, bilateral relations between the two states. It identifies three asymmetries in the relations as the primacy of geopolitics in bilateral relations, the primacy of energy in bilateral economic relations and the primacy of natural gas in bilateral energy relations. By moving from these asymmetries, the article concludes that energy relations may serve as a favourable starting point to broaden the scope of cooperation in Turkish-Iranian relations to include political issues of mutual concern.

Türkiye-Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti askerî ilişkileri, 1990’lann ikinci yarısında azımsanamayacak sonuçl... more Türkiye-Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti askerî ilişkileri, 1990’lann ikinci yarısında azımsanamayacak sonuçlar ortaya çıkarmıştır. Ne var id, bu dönemden sonra, Türkiye ile Çin arasındaki ikili askerî ilişkiler, askerî işbirliği alanındaki birçok gelişmeye rağmen önemli sayılabilecek ilave sonuçlar meydana çıkarmamıştır. Türkiye ile Çin arasındaki ikili askerî ilişkilerin kapsamlı bir değerlendirmesi olan bu makale, iki ana kısımdan oluşmaktadır. İlk kısım, yeni bir analitik çerçeve içinde iki ülke arasındaki askerî ilişkilerin durumunu betimlemektedir. İkinci kısım, iki ülke arasındaki askerî ilişkileri tahlil etmekte ve iki tarafın da askerî işbirliğini ilerletmeye istekli olmasına karşın, muhtelif sebeplerden ötürü, Türk-Çin askerî ilişkilerinin düşük seviyede bir gelişme gösterdiğini ileri sürmektedir. İlk olarak, Ankara ve Pekin’i ikili askerî ilişkileri sürdürme ve geliştirmeye sevk eden etkenler ve ikinci olarak, iki ülkeyi askerî ilişkilerini geliştirmekten alıkoyan etkenler incelenmiştir.

It is my contention that religion and the religious is relevant to the practice and study of int... more It is my contention that religion and the religious is relevant to the practice and study
of international relations, and yet the extent of its relevancy is, and will be, determined
by the extent of troubled interactions between the religious and the political, especially
the liberal, in contemporary international relations. This argument is predicated upon two premises. First, religion and politics are distinct realms of social existence and activity, and are based on different systems of meaning and value. Second, religion and politics are both authoritative institutions, in the sense that they are both sources of authority which makes both the religious and the political to become proprietors and enforcers of authority. Although ontologically separate sources of authority, religion and politics address the same audience as the subject of their authority in which the authority claims of religion and politics interact. In some cases, the interaction is symbiotic, but in all cases it is hierarchical, that is, one side’s authority always takes priority over the other’s. Therefore, I argue, a balanced relationship between the religious and the political in international relations is not likely, and in cases of active engagements with each other, the relationship is always asymmetrical.

For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "An Unconventional Approach to the Historiography of World War I," At... more For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "An Unconventional Approach to the Historiography of World War I," Atilim Social Sciences Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2012), pp. 21-36.

For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "The US Strategy of China under the Bush Administration (2001-2006),"... more For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "The US Strategy of China under the Bush Administration (2001-2006)," The Review of International Law and Politics, Vol. 3, No. 12 (2007), pp. 135-160.

All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace, 2017

All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace

2nd All Azimuth Workshop on Widening the World of IR Theorizing 23-24 September 2016, Ankara

Homegrown theorizing in international relations has recently gained more salience in disciplinary... more Homegrown theorizing in international relations has recently gained more salience in disciplinary debates thanks to persistent calls for theoretical pluralism in international relations. The fundamental rationale underlying such disciplinary appeals is the consequential absence of theoretical perspectives originating in the worldviews and experiences of human geographies outside the West. Peoples of rich diversity in their historical and contemporary practices in international relations are generally relegated to secondary, and even subordinate, analytical categories, such as ‘the periphery,’ in relation to ‘the West,’ despite the unmistakable fact that their dispositions, preferences, and actions have been equally significant in the ultimate outcomes of global processes. The majority of the world, called ‘the non-West, who are constitutive of the reality that is called international relations are not interpretative of that reality, and are only deemed illustrative for Western theory.

For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "The Strategic Significance of Africa in World Politics: A Comparativ... more For Reference : Eyüp Ersoy, "The Strategic Significance of Africa in World Politics: A Comparative Analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy towards South-East African States," in Mehmet Bulut and Terence Honess, eds., Turkish-African Relations: Towards Economic, Political and Social Understanding (Ankara: Adam Publications, 2013), pp. 231-246.

Turkey, like many other middle powers, is grappling with the ramifications of power shifts in the... more Turkey, like many other middle powers, is grappling with the ramifications of power shifts in the global order, and is seeking to acclimatize to the emerging strategic realities of a new geopolitical ecology. Turkey's pivot to Eurasia is a timely attempt to capture the underlying dynamics and the adaptive measures Turkey is currently experimenting with in its foreign policy towards the region. The edited volume is composed of eleven chapters on different dimensions of Turkey's engagement with the states, regions, institutions and issues in Eurasia.

The progressive and persistent transformation of China into an unmistakable center of a uence and... more The progressive and persistent transformation of China into an unmistakable center of a uence and in uence in contemporary global politics has stimulated an inquisitive interest among scholars and the general public alike into the social, economic, and political dynamics behind the glittering emergence of China out of the shadow of history. Cultivating a more profound understanding of the nature and evolution of the experiences, outlooks, predispositions, and aspirations of the people realizing this transformation has arguably become an intellectual concern as well as a strategic imperative. Becoming China constitutes an empathetic contribution to our understanding of the story of the Chinese, both people and state. The eternal quest to answer three elemental questions motivates...

I said somewhere else that a specter is haunting the world – the specter of the God. Religion has... more I said somewhere else that a specter is haunting the world – the specter of the God. Religion has come, or as a scholar said returned from the exile, to influence international relations in myriad ways and at myriad levels. Religious actors in the form of transnational civic activist movements or militant terrorist networks are now considered prominent non-state actors capable of altering the course of national and international politics in varying but significant degrees. Religious convictions motivate several actors, confer legitimacy upon one's or others' actions, and cause reactions to policies ranging from peaceful demonstrations to violent protests. Religion is now an international phenomenon and studying the causal and constitutive role and place of religion in international relations seems imperative for the discipline of international relations. Religion and International Relations Theory takes this imperative seriously and attempts to identify the underlying causes for the absence of religion in international relations theory, and to specify certain ways for the analytical accommodation of religion into the conceptual frameworks of the existing paradigms without much paradigmatic compromise. The injunction of Jack Snyder in the introductory chapter is not to reduce religion to just another explanatory variable but to problematize the core assumptions of disciplinary paradigms with reference to religion. He sketches