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Books by Sean Burges
Drawing on over seventy interviews, fieldwork in five countries, and a comprehensive survey of go... more Drawing on over seventy interviews, fieldwork in five countries, and a comprehensive survey of government documents, media reports and scholarly literature, Burges examines a series of issue areas - multilateralism, trade, and security - as well as the pattern of bilateral relations in South America, the Global South and with China and the USA to trace how Brazil formulates its transformative foreign policy agenda and works to implement it regionally and globally.
Specific focus is given to tracing how and why Brazil has moved onto the global stage, leveraging its regional predominance in South America into a global leadership role and bridge between the North and South in international affairs. The analysis highlights the extent to which foreign policy making in Brazil is changing as a field of public policy and the degree to which sustained political attention is necessary for a dynamic and innovative international engagement approach. Of interest to students, scholars and policy makers, this book casts light not only how an emerging power rises in the international system, but also isolates the blind spots that existing analytical approaches have when it comes to thinking about what power means for the increasingly vocal rising states of the global South.
"Since 1992--the end of the Cold War--Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itse... more "Since 1992--the end of the Cold War--Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the subject of Sean Burges's investigations.
Under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil embarked on a new direction vis-à-vis foreign policy. Brazilian diplomats set out to lead South America and the global south without actively claiming leadership or incurring the associated costs. They did so to protect Brazil's national autonomy in an ever-changing political climate.
Burges utilizes recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews with Brazilian leaders to track the adoption and implementation of Brazil's South American foreign policy and to explain the origins of this trajectory. Leadership and desire to lead have, until recently, been a contentious and forcefully disavowed ambition for Brazilian diplomats. Burges dispels this illusion and provides a framework for understanding the conduct and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy that can be applied to the wider global arena."
Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic a... more Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic and cultural consciousness, with intra-regional governance structures and multilateral processes now a key topic of interest to foreign policy and international business circles. It has become abundantly clear that outside of Latin America there is a poor understanding of how the shifting sands of regional power are impacting, not only on how regional countries fit into the global system, but also on how intra-regional relations are viewed and managed. The contributions to this collection investigate these issues, examining how changing global power dynamics are in turn impacting on national foreign policies and regional governance structures. The book focuses first and foremost on the Latin American view outwards, not the US or European view to the south.
Introduction Sean W. Burges 1. The Rise and Decline of the Summit of the Americas Thomas Legler 2. Institutionalising a radical region? The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America R. Guy Emerson 3. Post-Liberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Influence of Hugo Chávez Tom Chodor and Anthea McCarthy-Jones 4. Spillover Effects and Supranational Parliaments: The Case of Mercosur Andrés Malamud and Clarissa Dri 5. China’s Social Engagement Programs in Latin America Adrian H. Hearn 6. Implications of the Global and Regional Changes for Argentina’s Foreign Relations Roberto Russell and Juan Gabriel Tokatlian 7. When Trade Policy is Not Enough: Opportunities and Challenges for Chile’s International Insertion Lorena Oyarzún 8. Mistaking Brazil for a Middle Power Sean W. Burges
Papers by Sean Burges
As abordagens convencionais sobre hegemonia enfatizam elementos de coercao e exclusao, caracteris... more As abordagens convencionais sobre hegemonia enfatizam elementos de coercao e exclusao, caracteristicas que nao explicam adequadamente o mecanismo de crescimento de varios projetos regionais ou as caracteristicas das politicas externas dos poderes emergentes. Este artigo desenvolve o conceito de hegemonia consensual, explicando como uma estrutura pode ser articulada, disseminada e mantida sem recorrer a forca para recrutar a participacao de outros atores. A ideia central e a construcao de uma visao estrutural, ou hegemonia, que inclui especifica e nominalmente subordinacao, que engajam em um processo de dialogo e interacoes, causando a subordinacao das partes para absorverem apropriadamente a substância e os requisitos da hegemonia como seus proprios. A utilidade da hegemonia consensual como instrumento analitico, especificamente para o estudo do regionalismo e das politicas externas dos mercados e poderes emergentes, e demonstrada pela politica externa brasileira no pos-Guerra Fria,...
Established in 1996, the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – Community of Portuguese-Spe... more Established in 1996, the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries – set out an ambitious agenda to both protect and promote the Portuguese language worldwide and to pursue a range of multilateral initiatives of importance to its members. Rigorous, independent evaluation of the CPLP‘s role and impact has yet, however, to appear. This study moves some distance towards remedying this gap through evidence-based assessment of the enduring objectives of the organisation. It concludes that, while significant advance has occurred in specific respects, progress has been elusive in others. Moreover, such progress has tended to materially benefit specific members of the coalition somewhat more than others.
Authoritarian regimes are under siege in many parts of the world. Some have already given way and... more Authoritarian regimes are under siege in many parts of the world. Some have already given way and others are likely to follow. Building democracies in their place will not be easy or quick, and in some cases it will not happen in the medium term. Much has been learned about how to organize free and fair elections, but building the other institutions and the habits of democratic governance inevitably takes time. Some countries in transition face intense divisions that make democracy challenging to achieve. In this video, Professor Abraham F (Abe) Lowenthal from the University of Southern California speaks with Dr Sean Burges, Lecturer in International Relations and Deputy Director of the ANU Centre for Latin American Studies about what we can learn from those countries which have been through this transition to democracy.
Regional Powers and Contested Leadership, 2018
This chapter argues that Brazil’s emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strate... more This chapter argues that Brazil’s emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strategic thinking by the country’s foreign policy establishment. Tracing back to the 1993 foreign policy review Reflexoes Sobre a Politica Externa Brasileira, this chapter argues that despite Brazil’s surge onto the world scene, little has taken place in the way of revisiting and rethinking key concepts underlying its international interactions. Leadership, the chapter argues, requires the leader not only assume costs but also engage in activities potentially unpalatable to the led. For Brazil this is a challenge because there has not been a review of what traditional policies such as non-interventionism, autonomy, and a maximalist approach to sovereignty imply for a country that would be a leader.
Australia and Latin America: Challenges and Opportunities in the New Millennium, Aug 20, 2014
One of the main challenges in building a solid relationship between Australia and Latin America i... more One of the main challenges in building a solid relationship between Australia and Latin America is finding an area of convergence. The distances between the two areas are vast, the linguistic barriers significant, and the level of mutual knowledge and understanding small. At first blush matters are further complicated when attention is turned to economic questions, with Latin America and Australia appearing more as competitors than complementary actors in international natural resource and agricultural commodity markets. Bilateral flows of trade in goods are correspondingly small, further hampered by the logistical difficulties of travelling between the geographic areas by air or sea. The one sector that stands out as a potential champion of bilateral exchange is education, with Australia serving as an important destination for Latin Americans seeking formal qualifications and English language training. The export of educational services is big business, 1 and particularly so for Australia. 2 In 2011-12 education was the country's third largest export sector, with over 515,000 students in 2012 bringing in 14.768billioninrevenue,downfrom14.768 billion in revenue, down from 14.768billioninrevenue,downfrom17.35 billion in 2009-10, and supporting over 125,000 jobs. Moreover, the government of Australia is clear that foreign students studying in Australia provide additional boons in the form of enriching the cultural context of Australian educational institutions and providing a pool of casual labour for the service industry. 3 Australia's decidedly commercial approach to the educational sector consequently holds mixed blessings for the deepening of inter-continental relations with Latin America. There is a demand in Latin America for access to higher education, vocational educational training (VET) and English language training (ELICOS), and Australia is viewed as an amenable destination or source for such activities. The issue is that educational relations
Current History, 2010
Lula has regarded regional involvement as a means to strengthen Brazilian industry for global com... more Lula has regarded regional involvement as a means to strengthen Brazilian industry for global competition and to establish his country as a credible actor on the world stage.
"Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, econ... more "Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic and cultural consciousness, with intra-regional governance structures and multilateral processes now a key topic of interest to foreign policy and international business circles. It has become abundantly clear that outside of Latin America there is a poor understanding of how the shifting sands of regional power are impacting, not only on how regional countries fit into the global system, but also on how intra-regional relations are viewed and managed. The contributions to this collection investigate these issues, examining how changing global power dynamics are in turn impacting on national foreign policies and regional governance structures. The book focuses first and foremost on the Latin American view outwards, not the US or European view to the south. Introduction Sean W. Burges 1. The Rise and Decline of the Summit of the Americas Thomas Legler 2. Institutionalising a radical region? The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America R. Guy Emerson 3. Post-Liberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Influence of Hugo Chávez Tom Chodor and Anthea McCarthy-Jones 4. Spillover Effects and Supranational Parliaments: The Case of Mercosur Andrés Malamud and Clarissa Dri 5. China’s Social Engagement Programs in Latin America Adrian H. Hearn 6. Implications of the Global and Regional Changes for Argentina’s Foreign Relations Roberto Russell and Juan Gabriel Tokatlian 7. When Trade Policy is Not Enough: Opportunities and Challenges for Chile’s International Insertion Lorena Oyarzún 8. Mistaking Brazil for a Middle Power Sean W. Burges "
Journal of Political Science Education, 2018
When new graduates begin employment in industries such as government, consultancies, or the nongo... more When new graduates begin employment in industries such as government, consultancies, or the nongovernmental sector they are expected to have the skills needed to write politically-informed reports accurately. Teaching how to write briefing notes provides students with an important skill, but also provides an effective instrument for examining integrated comprehension of course content. In this article, we explain why briefing notes are a useful pedagogical device, some guidelines on when to use them and how to structure the assignments, and an indication of where we have found them to be successful instruments for enhancing student learning. We suggest briefing notes are a flexible assessment technique that aligns well with traditional teaching approaches as well as newer techniques such as active and problem-based learning.
Conjuntura Austral, 2014
Um dos desafios centrais da política externa que o vitorioso das eleições presidenciais de outubr... more Um dos desafios centrais da política externa que o vitorioso das eleições presidenciais de outubro enfrentará é como tornar esta área da política pública relevante de interesse para os políticos e para o público brasileiro. Este artigo trata deste desafio, argumentando que é o momento dos brasileiros reexaminarem o que é entendido por autonomia e soberania dentro do contexto da política externa do país.Não são oferecidas prescrições políticas ou interpretações. Ao contrário, a atenção é focada em argumentar que o contexto nacional, regional e global mudou, tornando a adesão a elementos conceituais pré-existentes perigosa potencialmente custosa. Se não houver nada para mudar, o artigo argumenta, isso deve ser uma escolha consciente que vem de debate político e público envolvido, que por sua vez irá proporcionar ao Itamaraty a direção e o apoio de que necessita para continuar avançando no interesse nacional do Brasil.
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations, 2012
This paper looks at the rise of South-South cooperation as an alternative to traditional foreign ... more This paper looks at the rise of South-South cooperation as an alternative to traditional foreign aid provision by member agenices of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee. It tracks the rise of South-South cooperation and places it in the context of contemporary approaches to development programming, arguing that there are valuable lessons for the North in this Southern-driven approach to development.
Latin American Perspectives, 2016
On October 7, 2012, Hugo Chávez was comfortably reelected president of Venezuela. Just days befor... more On October 7, 2012, Hugo Chávez was comfortably reelected president of Venezuela. Just days before the vote, the impression given by major international print media was that it would be close, an assessment that proved to be at best optimistic. Western media coverage of the election in Venezuela was designed to skew the result toward the opposition, and this effort singularly failed. The “propaganda model” advanced by Herman and Chomsky is now faltering in the Americas, and the region is acting in a manner that is increasingly free of influence from the United States. Venezuela thus stands as a case of the citizenry actively and independently asserting its political agency despite clear attempts to redirect its thinking and decision making.El 7 de octubre de 2012, Hugo Chávez fue cómodamente reelegido presidente de Venezuela. Justo antes de las elecciones, los principales medios periodísticos internacionales daban por sentado que la votación iba a ser cerrada, una apreciación que re...
Policy Studies, 2017
The conventional wisdom in Brazil is that foreign policy is a policy of state and, as such, not p... more The conventional wisdom in Brazil is that foreign policy is a policy of state and, as such, not part of the daily political debate. The result is an understanding that foreign policy is largely driven by the foreign ministry, with the president generally only taking a role when needed to advance a particular initiative through presidential diplomacy. We challenge these assumptions, arguing that the engagement and authority of the president are the essential factors in bringing about not only substantive strategic change in Brazilian foreign policy, but also alterations in the policy process that have democratized foreign policy and moved it from a policy of state to another area of public policy. To do this, we draw on and deepen Sergio Danese's theory of presidential diplomacy and map out major strategic changes in post-authoritarian Brazil's foreign policy. We find that the major changes that have taken place were initiated by the truncated Fernando Collor presidency and then deepened and amplified by the highly internationally engaged presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Lula. By contrast, the presidencies of Itamar Franco and Dilma Rousseff emerge as instances of inertial continuity lacking in dynamism and innovation.
The SAGE Handbook of Diplomacy
(2003) bemoaned Brazil's "tactics of confrontation", refusal to compromise, and insistence on a "... more (2003) bemoaned Brazil's "tactics of confrontation", refusal to compromise, and insistence on a "massive list of required changes" to the chairperson's discussion text. These tensions between the Brazilian-led G20 negotiating coalition and the US offer a highly illustrative entry point to understanding the key elements of contemporary Latin American diplomacy, the subject of this chapter. In order to grapple with the practice and precepts of Latin American diplomacy we will draw out five points embedded within post-Cancun rhetorical fracas and amplify them through reference to other cases and the conceptual thinking of scholars and analysts based in the region. The approach we take in our analysis of Latin American diplomacy is predominantly at the state level, examining the patterns and habits of interaction exhibited by governments in the region.
The Lula years emerge as notable because they mark one of larger shifts in the Brazilian foreign ... more The Lula years emerge as notable because they mark one of larger shifts in the Brazilian foreign policy-making process since the Baron of Rio Branco established a technocratic foreign ministry in 1902. On a more conceptual level the Lula brand of presidential diplomacy is interesting because its changing nature over the last eight years highlights the possibilities and perils of this diplomatic device, with the last year of Lula’s international presence perhaps proving the most challenging for Itamaraty. To flesh these ideas out this chapter will begin with a brief review of the concept of presidential diplomacy. Attention will then be turned to the policy-making changes that Lula’s government brought to Brazil’s international engagement and the manner in which presidential diplomacy drove these changes and was deployed as a tactic to advance the Worker’s Party foreign policy. The possibilities and perils of presidential diplomacy will then be outlined through reference to Lula’s activities. Finally, the chapter concludes by arguing that the Lulista version of presidential diplomacy has opened unproven, but potentially fruitful future possibilities for Brazil in the global South. Central to this is the proposition that the Lula presidency has precipitated a democratization of Brazilian foreign policy that has eroded the hegemony of Itamaraty and created the space for wider intra-governmental and societal debate about Brazil’s international relations.
DESCRIPTION The paper makes five related arguments. First, Brazil’s deepening insertion in the gl... more DESCRIPTION The paper makes five related arguments. First, Brazil’s deepening insertion in the global strategic and political economy has led both to a certain democratization of its foreign policy and to a weaker hold by Itamaraty over policy formulation and implementation. Second, by global standards and in spite of the opening just mentioned, Brazil remains relatively insulated from the vagaries of world affairs. Third, the pressures on Itamaraty’s monopoly resulting from Brazil’s deeper global insertion have been reinforced by the peculiar institutional forms of the country’s engagement. Fourth, the growing technical requirements of international policy-making has forced the generalists that overwhelmingly dominate the Ministry to rely on the expertise of other government departments or even outside think tanks and specialists, further weakening Itamaraty’s monopoly. Fifth, in spite of these structural, institutional and technical pressures, Itamaraty’s hold over foreign policy ...
International Politics, 2014
Drawing on over seventy interviews, fieldwork in five countries, and a comprehensive survey of go... more Drawing on over seventy interviews, fieldwork in five countries, and a comprehensive survey of government documents, media reports and scholarly literature, Burges examines a series of issue areas - multilateralism, trade, and security - as well as the pattern of bilateral relations in South America, the Global South and with China and the USA to trace how Brazil formulates its transformative foreign policy agenda and works to implement it regionally and globally.
Specific focus is given to tracing how and why Brazil has moved onto the global stage, leveraging its regional predominance in South America into a global leadership role and bridge between the North and South in international affairs. The analysis highlights the extent to which foreign policy making in Brazil is changing as a field of public policy and the degree to which sustained political attention is necessary for a dynamic and innovative international engagement approach. Of interest to students, scholars and policy makers, this book casts light not only how an emerging power rises in the international system, but also isolates the blind spots that existing analytical approaches have when it comes to thinking about what power means for the increasingly vocal rising states of the global South.
"Since 1992--the end of the Cold War--Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itse... more "Since 1992--the end of the Cold War--Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the subject of Sean Burges's investigations.
Under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil embarked on a new direction vis-à-vis foreign policy. Brazilian diplomats set out to lead South America and the global south without actively claiming leadership or incurring the associated costs. They did so to protect Brazil's national autonomy in an ever-changing political climate.
Burges utilizes recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews with Brazilian leaders to track the adoption and implementation of Brazil's South American foreign policy and to explain the origins of this trajectory. Leadership and desire to lead have, until recently, been a contentious and forcefully disavowed ambition for Brazilian diplomats. Burges dispels this illusion and provides a framework for understanding the conduct and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy that can be applied to the wider global arena."
Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic a... more Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic and cultural consciousness, with intra-regional governance structures and multilateral processes now a key topic of interest to foreign policy and international business circles. It has become abundantly clear that outside of Latin America there is a poor understanding of how the shifting sands of regional power are impacting, not only on how regional countries fit into the global system, but also on how intra-regional relations are viewed and managed. The contributions to this collection investigate these issues, examining how changing global power dynamics are in turn impacting on national foreign policies and regional governance structures. The book focuses first and foremost on the Latin American view outwards, not the US or European view to the south.
Introduction Sean W. Burges 1. The Rise and Decline of the Summit of the Americas Thomas Legler 2. Institutionalising a radical region? The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America R. Guy Emerson 3. Post-Liberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Influence of Hugo Chávez Tom Chodor and Anthea McCarthy-Jones 4. Spillover Effects and Supranational Parliaments: The Case of Mercosur Andrés Malamud and Clarissa Dri 5. China’s Social Engagement Programs in Latin America Adrian H. Hearn 6. Implications of the Global and Regional Changes for Argentina’s Foreign Relations Roberto Russell and Juan Gabriel Tokatlian 7. When Trade Policy is Not Enough: Opportunities and Challenges for Chile’s International Insertion Lorena Oyarzún 8. Mistaking Brazil for a Middle Power Sean W. Burges
As abordagens convencionais sobre hegemonia enfatizam elementos de coercao e exclusao, caracteris... more As abordagens convencionais sobre hegemonia enfatizam elementos de coercao e exclusao, caracteristicas que nao explicam adequadamente o mecanismo de crescimento de varios projetos regionais ou as caracteristicas das politicas externas dos poderes emergentes. Este artigo desenvolve o conceito de hegemonia consensual, explicando como uma estrutura pode ser articulada, disseminada e mantida sem recorrer a forca para recrutar a participacao de outros atores. A ideia central e a construcao de uma visao estrutural, ou hegemonia, que inclui especifica e nominalmente subordinacao, que engajam em um processo de dialogo e interacoes, causando a subordinacao das partes para absorverem apropriadamente a substância e os requisitos da hegemonia como seus proprios. A utilidade da hegemonia consensual como instrumento analitico, especificamente para o estudo do regionalismo e das politicas externas dos mercados e poderes emergentes, e demonstrada pela politica externa brasileira no pos-Guerra Fria,...
Established in 1996, the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – Community of Portuguese-Spe... more Established in 1996, the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries – set out an ambitious agenda to both protect and promote the Portuguese language worldwide and to pursue a range of multilateral initiatives of importance to its members. Rigorous, independent evaluation of the CPLP‘s role and impact has yet, however, to appear. This study moves some distance towards remedying this gap through evidence-based assessment of the enduring objectives of the organisation. It concludes that, while significant advance has occurred in specific respects, progress has been elusive in others. Moreover, such progress has tended to materially benefit specific members of the coalition somewhat more than others.
Authoritarian regimes are under siege in many parts of the world. Some have already given way and... more Authoritarian regimes are under siege in many parts of the world. Some have already given way and others are likely to follow. Building democracies in their place will not be easy or quick, and in some cases it will not happen in the medium term. Much has been learned about how to organize free and fair elections, but building the other institutions and the habits of democratic governance inevitably takes time. Some countries in transition face intense divisions that make democracy challenging to achieve. In this video, Professor Abraham F (Abe) Lowenthal from the University of Southern California speaks with Dr Sean Burges, Lecturer in International Relations and Deputy Director of the ANU Centre for Latin American Studies about what we can learn from those countries which have been through this transition to democracy.
Regional Powers and Contested Leadership, 2018
This chapter argues that Brazil’s emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strate... more This chapter argues that Brazil’s emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strategic thinking by the country’s foreign policy establishment. Tracing back to the 1993 foreign policy review Reflexoes Sobre a Politica Externa Brasileira, this chapter argues that despite Brazil’s surge onto the world scene, little has taken place in the way of revisiting and rethinking key concepts underlying its international interactions. Leadership, the chapter argues, requires the leader not only assume costs but also engage in activities potentially unpalatable to the led. For Brazil this is a challenge because there has not been a review of what traditional policies such as non-interventionism, autonomy, and a maximalist approach to sovereignty imply for a country that would be a leader.
Australia and Latin America: Challenges and Opportunities in the New Millennium, Aug 20, 2014
One of the main challenges in building a solid relationship between Australia and Latin America i... more One of the main challenges in building a solid relationship between Australia and Latin America is finding an area of convergence. The distances between the two areas are vast, the linguistic barriers significant, and the level of mutual knowledge and understanding small. At first blush matters are further complicated when attention is turned to economic questions, with Latin America and Australia appearing more as competitors than complementary actors in international natural resource and agricultural commodity markets. Bilateral flows of trade in goods are correspondingly small, further hampered by the logistical difficulties of travelling between the geographic areas by air or sea. The one sector that stands out as a potential champion of bilateral exchange is education, with Australia serving as an important destination for Latin Americans seeking formal qualifications and English language training. The export of educational services is big business, 1 and particularly so for Australia. 2 In 2011-12 education was the country's third largest export sector, with over 515,000 students in 2012 bringing in 14.768billioninrevenue,downfrom14.768 billion in revenue, down from 14.768billioninrevenue,downfrom17.35 billion in 2009-10, and supporting over 125,000 jobs. Moreover, the government of Australia is clear that foreign students studying in Australia provide additional boons in the form of enriching the cultural context of Australian educational institutions and providing a pool of casual labour for the service industry. 3 Australia's decidedly commercial approach to the educational sector consequently holds mixed blessings for the deepening of inter-continental relations with Latin America. There is a demand in Latin America for access to higher education, vocational educational training (VET) and English language training (ELICOS), and Australia is viewed as an amenable destination or source for such activities. The issue is that educational relations
Current History, 2010
Lula has regarded regional involvement as a means to strengthen Brazilian industry for global com... more Lula has regarded regional involvement as a means to strengthen Brazilian industry for global competition and to establish his country as a credible actor on the world stage.
"Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, econ... more "Latin America occupies an increasingly prominent position within the global political, economic and cultural consciousness, with intra-regional governance structures and multilateral processes now a key topic of interest to foreign policy and international business circles. It has become abundantly clear that outside of Latin America there is a poor understanding of how the shifting sands of regional power are impacting, not only on how regional countries fit into the global system, but also on how intra-regional relations are viewed and managed. The contributions to this collection investigate these issues, examining how changing global power dynamics are in turn impacting on national foreign policies and regional governance structures. The book focuses first and foremost on the Latin American view outwards, not the US or European view to the south. Introduction Sean W. Burges 1. The Rise and Decline of the Summit of the Americas Thomas Legler 2. Institutionalising a radical region? The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America R. Guy Emerson 3. Post-Liberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Influence of Hugo Chávez Tom Chodor and Anthea McCarthy-Jones 4. Spillover Effects and Supranational Parliaments: The Case of Mercosur Andrés Malamud and Clarissa Dri 5. China’s Social Engagement Programs in Latin America Adrian H. Hearn 6. Implications of the Global and Regional Changes for Argentina’s Foreign Relations Roberto Russell and Juan Gabriel Tokatlian 7. When Trade Policy is Not Enough: Opportunities and Challenges for Chile’s International Insertion Lorena Oyarzún 8. Mistaking Brazil for a Middle Power Sean W. Burges "
Journal of Political Science Education, 2018
When new graduates begin employment in industries such as government, consultancies, or the nongo... more When new graduates begin employment in industries such as government, consultancies, or the nongovernmental sector they are expected to have the skills needed to write politically-informed reports accurately. Teaching how to write briefing notes provides students with an important skill, but also provides an effective instrument for examining integrated comprehension of course content. In this article, we explain why briefing notes are a useful pedagogical device, some guidelines on when to use them and how to structure the assignments, and an indication of where we have found them to be successful instruments for enhancing student learning. We suggest briefing notes are a flexible assessment technique that aligns well with traditional teaching approaches as well as newer techniques such as active and problem-based learning.
Conjuntura Austral, 2014
Um dos desafios centrais da política externa que o vitorioso das eleições presidenciais de outubr... more Um dos desafios centrais da política externa que o vitorioso das eleições presidenciais de outubro enfrentará é como tornar esta área da política pública relevante de interesse para os políticos e para o público brasileiro. Este artigo trata deste desafio, argumentando que é o momento dos brasileiros reexaminarem o que é entendido por autonomia e soberania dentro do contexto da política externa do país.Não são oferecidas prescrições políticas ou interpretações. Ao contrário, a atenção é focada em argumentar que o contexto nacional, regional e global mudou, tornando a adesão a elementos conceituais pré-existentes perigosa potencialmente custosa. Se não houver nada para mudar, o artigo argumenta, isso deve ser uma escolha consciente que vem de debate político e público envolvido, que por sua vez irá proporcionar ao Itamaraty a direção e o apoio de que necessita para continuar avançando no interesse nacional do Brasil.
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations, 2012
This paper looks at the rise of South-South cooperation as an alternative to traditional foreign ... more This paper looks at the rise of South-South cooperation as an alternative to traditional foreign aid provision by member agenices of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee. It tracks the rise of South-South cooperation and places it in the context of contemporary approaches to development programming, arguing that there are valuable lessons for the North in this Southern-driven approach to development.
Latin American Perspectives, 2016
On October 7, 2012, Hugo Chávez was comfortably reelected president of Venezuela. Just days befor... more On October 7, 2012, Hugo Chávez was comfortably reelected president of Venezuela. Just days before the vote, the impression given by major international print media was that it would be close, an assessment that proved to be at best optimistic. Western media coverage of the election in Venezuela was designed to skew the result toward the opposition, and this effort singularly failed. The “propaganda model” advanced by Herman and Chomsky is now faltering in the Americas, and the region is acting in a manner that is increasingly free of influence from the United States. Venezuela thus stands as a case of the citizenry actively and independently asserting its political agency despite clear attempts to redirect its thinking and decision making.El 7 de octubre de 2012, Hugo Chávez fue cómodamente reelegido presidente de Venezuela. Justo antes de las elecciones, los principales medios periodísticos internacionales daban por sentado que la votación iba a ser cerrada, una apreciación que re...
Policy Studies, 2017
The conventional wisdom in Brazil is that foreign policy is a policy of state and, as such, not p... more The conventional wisdom in Brazil is that foreign policy is a policy of state and, as such, not part of the daily political debate. The result is an understanding that foreign policy is largely driven by the foreign ministry, with the president generally only taking a role when needed to advance a particular initiative through presidential diplomacy. We challenge these assumptions, arguing that the engagement and authority of the president are the essential factors in bringing about not only substantive strategic change in Brazilian foreign policy, but also alterations in the policy process that have democratized foreign policy and moved it from a policy of state to another area of public policy. To do this, we draw on and deepen Sergio Danese's theory of presidential diplomacy and map out major strategic changes in post-authoritarian Brazil's foreign policy. We find that the major changes that have taken place were initiated by the truncated Fernando Collor presidency and then deepened and amplified by the highly internationally engaged presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Lula. By contrast, the presidencies of Itamar Franco and Dilma Rousseff emerge as instances of inertial continuity lacking in dynamism and innovation.
The SAGE Handbook of Diplomacy
(2003) bemoaned Brazil's "tactics of confrontation", refusal to compromise, and insistence on a "... more (2003) bemoaned Brazil's "tactics of confrontation", refusal to compromise, and insistence on a "massive list of required changes" to the chairperson's discussion text. These tensions between the Brazilian-led G20 negotiating coalition and the US offer a highly illustrative entry point to understanding the key elements of contemporary Latin American diplomacy, the subject of this chapter. In order to grapple with the practice and precepts of Latin American diplomacy we will draw out five points embedded within post-Cancun rhetorical fracas and amplify them through reference to other cases and the conceptual thinking of scholars and analysts based in the region. The approach we take in our analysis of Latin American diplomacy is predominantly at the state level, examining the patterns and habits of interaction exhibited by governments in the region.
The Lula years emerge as notable because they mark one of larger shifts in the Brazilian foreign ... more The Lula years emerge as notable because they mark one of larger shifts in the Brazilian foreign policy-making process since the Baron of Rio Branco established a technocratic foreign ministry in 1902. On a more conceptual level the Lula brand of presidential diplomacy is interesting because its changing nature over the last eight years highlights the possibilities and perils of this diplomatic device, with the last year of Lula’s international presence perhaps proving the most challenging for Itamaraty. To flesh these ideas out this chapter will begin with a brief review of the concept of presidential diplomacy. Attention will then be turned to the policy-making changes that Lula’s government brought to Brazil’s international engagement and the manner in which presidential diplomacy drove these changes and was deployed as a tactic to advance the Worker’s Party foreign policy. The possibilities and perils of presidential diplomacy will then be outlined through reference to Lula’s activities. Finally, the chapter concludes by arguing that the Lulista version of presidential diplomacy has opened unproven, but potentially fruitful future possibilities for Brazil in the global South. Central to this is the proposition that the Lula presidency has precipitated a democratization of Brazilian foreign policy that has eroded the hegemony of Itamaraty and created the space for wider intra-governmental and societal debate about Brazil’s international relations.
DESCRIPTION The paper makes five related arguments. First, Brazil’s deepening insertion in the gl... more DESCRIPTION The paper makes five related arguments. First, Brazil’s deepening insertion in the global strategic and political economy has led both to a certain democratization of its foreign policy and to a weaker hold by Itamaraty over policy formulation and implementation. Second, by global standards and in spite of the opening just mentioned, Brazil remains relatively insulated from the vagaries of world affairs. Third, the pressures on Itamaraty’s monopoly resulting from Brazil’s deeper global insertion have been reinforced by the peculiar institutional forms of the country’s engagement. Fourth, the growing technical requirements of international policy-making has forced the generalists that overwhelmingly dominate the Ministry to rely on the expertise of other government departments or even outside think tanks and specialists, further weakening Itamaraty’s monopoly. Fifth, in spite of these structural, institutional and technical pressures, Itamaraty’s hold over foreign policy ...
International Politics, 2014
... Brazilian Foreign Policy After the Cold War. ... The focus of this work is how Brazilian fore... more ... Brazilian Foreign Policy After the Cold War. ... The focus of this work is how Brazilian foreign policy sought to formulate and implement a hegemonic project in South America after 1992 as a strategy for protecting national autonomy in the post-Cold War international system. ...
Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 2013
Development Policy Review, 2014
Brazil has entered the world of development assistance provision, but with its own twist. This pa... more Brazil has entered the world of development assistance provision, but with its own twist. This paper looks at what Brazil is doing in the provision of development assistance provision, arguing that despite protestations to the contrary, Brazil does provide ODA. The paper also argues that Brazil is taking a cross-government policy coherent approach to ODA, which includes recruitment of business interests. Turning to the motivations for providing foreign aid, the argument is that there is a genuine and deep concern with global poverty alleviation in Brazil, but that this does not preclude Brazilian policy makers from using aid and development-related activities from advancing the national interest. The added quirk that sets Brazil apart from Northern counterparts is that provision of development assistance offers significant benefits in terms of building internal international bureaucratic experience and helping national firms internationalize their market penetration and activities.
Interesse Nacional, 2024
An analysis of why Trump won the presidential election, arguing that Republican success was a res... more An analysis of why Trump won the presidential election, arguing that Republican success was a result of remembering that all politics is local, not about big national visions.
Interesse Nacional, 2024
OpEd critiquing Brazil's environmental leadership and the wider actions of leaders in other count... more OpEd critiquing Brazil's environmental leadership and the wider actions of leaders in other countries
Interesse Nacional, 2024
OpEd published in Interesse Nacional on the Esequibo crisis between Venezuela and Guyana and the ... more OpEd published in Interesse Nacional on the Esequibo crisis between Venezuela and Guyana and the implications for Brazilian leadership regionally and globallly.
Interesse Nacional, 2024
OpEd published in Portuguese about the Esequibo crisis between Venezuela and Guyana and its impli... more OpEd published in Portuguese about the Esequibo crisis between Venezuela and Guyana and its implications for Brazilian leadership
Australian Outlook, Apr 2, 2016
Canberra Times, May 14, 2016
Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Sep 9, 2016
Americas Quarterly Online, Apr 11, 2017
Australian Outlook, Aug 31, 2017
organização foi formalmente fechada nas últimas décadas? Um grande número delas foi criado no pós... more organização foi formalmente fechada nas últimas décadas? Um grande número delas foi criado no pós-Segunda Guerra, e mesmo sem relevância, muitas continuam existindo.
OpEd on budget cuts to the Brazilian foreign ministry
The Australian, Oct 28, 2014
(Pre-publication text) Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff has won re-election for a second ter... more (Pre-publication text)
Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff has won re-election for a second term by the skin of her teeth, scrapping in just 51.6% of the vote in the second round runoff held on Sunday. Her victory represents a remarkable triumph of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s legacy amongst the poor and socially marginalized as well as the power of sophisticated political marketing to drive voter understanding of campaign debates.
It would be an understatement to say that the economic elites of Brazil opposed Dilma’s re-election. The major newspapers and television shows adopted a staunchly anti-Dilma editorial line. Most emblematic of this was the accelerated Friday publication of the weekly news magazine Veja, which carried details of a criminal investigation into a scheme that allegedly saw Dilma’s Workers Party (PT) divert close to AUD$4.6 billion from state oil giant Petrobras to its political coffers. While these and other charges of corruption at the heart of the PT certainly hurt Dilma’s support base, which is significantly down from 2010, ultimately voters decided to go with the devil they know.
Perhaps voters were thinking back to former mayor and governor of São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, who was famous for his corruption, but lovingly embraced with the pragmatic justification: “he robs, but he gets things done.” Indeed, at one level the election can be seen as coming down to a choice of who would get the most done amidst a sustained mire of governmental corruption – opposition candidate Aécio Neves was also the subject of serious allegations of corruption stemming from his time as governor of Minas Gerais state.
Dilma is a dependent heir of Lula’s legacy of social programming and pro-poor inclusiveness, policies which helped lift well over thirty million out of poverty and transformed the country. Throughout the campaign Dilma’s team repeatedly pushed the message that Aécio would rollback social programming to balance the government’s books. For his part Aécio was clear that Lula’s programs stemmed from initiatives started by his party in the 1990s, and that he would extend and deepen the existing programs to make them constitutional rights, not mere governmental programs. In the end it came down to trust, with a thin majority of Brazilians placing their faith in the party of Lula, which widened the programs that lifted them from poverty, not the party that stabilized the economy to create the conditions allowing the establishment of a strong social welfare state in Brazil.
Dilma’s challenge is that the magic aura of Lula is not going to help her address the pressing issues already waiting on her desk. First, and most worrying for Brazilians who remember the 1980s and 1990s is the question of inflation. Brazil has already exceeded its desired annual inflation ceiling of 6.5%, barely keeping the rising rate under control by artificially suppressing energy costs, most notably that of the gasoline sold by Petrobras, a company which is itself coming under pressure from creditors.
The second issue Dilma must address is the country’s anemic economy. With the commodity boom over, current projections from the IMF forecast a 2014 GDP growth rate of just 0.3%, rising to 1.4% in 2015. These numbers are inline with disappointing performance during the Dilma years, which the World Bank averages at 2.5%, one of the lowest levels in South America. Two factors are holding Brazil back, both of which can be addressed directly by Dilma. First, government banks and state-controlled companies are crowding out private investors, matters which are compounded by high interest rates. Second, the failure of the previous twelve years of PT government to implement effective regulatory and tax reform means that Brazil remains an incredibly difficult place to start and run an enterprise, languishing at 116th place in the World Bank’s ‘ease of doing business’ league table.
Addressing the economic hurdles of inflation, heavy-handed state intervention in the economy and oceans of regulatory red tape are critical hurdles that Dilma must address if her next presidency is to preside over further reductions in poverty. As effective as the Lula era social programs are at addressing the symptoms of poverty, the reality is that they do not address the cause, which is low economic growth.
Finally, Dilma must restore public faith in politics, which means addressing corruption. Alberto Youssef’s detailed revelations that billions of dollars were siphoned from Petrobras to PT mean that Dilma can no longer hide behind the plausible deniability line of “I did not know” when she oversaw the company first as mining and energy minister and then as president. In the past Dilma has studiously avoided rescuing public officials accused of corruption, most notably the eight ministers she inherited from Lula who were resigned amidst scandal at the start of her administration. The constant stream of allegations strongly suggest that her party has a serious cancer of corruption at its core, something which she is free to address now that she no longer needs Lula’s support for reelection.
Layered on top of these three big issues are the ongoing challenges of providing the public services that Brazilians are demanding – the health, transportation and education services claimed loudly during the massive street protests of 2013. Delivering is going to take serious effort at rebuilding bridges badly burned by the extremely negative campaign run by PT strategists. Although Dilma and the PT secured the presidency, they control neither congress, nor the a majority of powerful state governors, all of whom know that their electorate is angry and holds little faith in their leadership. For Dilma the campaign may prove to be the easy part. The hard work is only just beginning.
Dr Sean W Burges is Deputy Director of the Australian National Centre for Latin American Studies at the Australian National University and a Senior Fellow of the Washington, DC-based Council on Hemispheric Affairs.
The author will be providing a series of briefings next week in Melbourne and Canberra on the implications of the election result. Details at www.anclas.anu.edu.au.
One of the central foreign policy challenges that will confront the victor of October presidentia... more One of the central foreign policy challenges that will confront the victor of October presidential election is how to make this area of public policy relevant and of interest to Brazilian politicians and the wider public. This article addresses this challenge by arguing that it is time for Brazilians to re-examine what is meant by autonomy and sovereignty within the context for their country‟s foreign policy. No policy prescriptions or interpretations are offered. Attention is instead focused on arguing that the national, regional and global context has changed, making reflexive adherence to pre-existing conceptual understandings is dangerous and does carry costs. If nothing is to change, the article argues, this should be a conscious choice that comes from politically and publicly engaged debate, which in turn will provide Itamaraty with the direction and support it needs to continue advancing Brazil‟s national interest.
ABSRACT: Much has been said about Brazil as an emerging power, with some scholars pointing to the... more ABSRACT: Much has been said about Brazil as an emerging power, with some scholars pointing to the country's rise as key global actor and others decrying it as a 'leader without followers'. This chapter will argue that while Brazil has emerged, the emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strategic thinking by the country's foreign policy establishment. Tracing back to the 1993 foreign policy review Reflexões Sobre a Política Externa Brasileira, this article will argue that a significant challenge facing Brazilian foreign policy is that despite Brazil's surge onto the world scene little has taken place in the way of revisiting and rethinking key concepts underlying its international interactions. Leadership, the chapter will argue, requires that the leader not only assume costs, but also engage in activities that may be unpalatable to the led. For Brazil this is a challenge because there has not been a review of what traditional policies such as non-interventionism, autonomy, and a maximilist approach to sovereignty imply for a country that would be a leader. Introduction: During a 2001 research interview with a Brazilian diplomat I was advised to search out a copy of the draft 1993 Itamaraty report Reflexões Sobre a Política Externa Brasileira (IPRI, 1993). There, I was promised, I would find the core principles, concepts, and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy mapped out, explained, and contextualized. Nothing of substance had since changed, assured the diplomat, pointing out that the entire consultation exercise was launched by then foreign minister Fernando Henrique Cardoso in order to review and update Brazil's foreign policy strategy for a post-Cold War era and domestic context of rapidly consolidating democratic governance. The 351-page document did not disappoint, although it appears to have received only a limited formal release to the public; for a period in the early 2000s it was retrievable online if you knew the correct Google search string, before disappearing for nearly a decade prior to its 2015 re-posting by the in-house Itamaraty think tank the Fundação Alexandre Gusmão. What is clear from the document is that the idea of positioning Brazil as something of a leader in South America and the wider South was an appealing ambition in the early 1990s. More significantly, while the sorts of specific priorities and orientations of Brazilian foreign policy have subsequently experienced substantial shifts in the intervening twenty