Thijs Korsten | Central European University (original) (raw)
My academic interests lie at the intersections of sociology, International Relations, and history. I focus primarily on social inequality and change, sovereignty and state-formation, conflict and violence, and nationalism and collective memory -- in a global or post-socialist context.
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Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology
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Review of Anatol Lieven's Chechnya: Tombstone of Russian Power
That violence played a positive role in fascist ideology, and that fascism was incredibly violent... more That violence played a positive role in fascist ideology, and that fascism was incredibly violent once in power, are widely known facts. This essay, however, addresses how violence was used as an instrument to get this violent ideology in power. I will concentrate on the period of the rise of the paramilitary wings of the Fascist and Nazi movements (the squadristi, 1919, and the Sturmabteilung (SA), 1920, 1 respectively), the quasilegal gaining of power by Mussolini and Hitler (in 1922 and 1933, respectively), and subsequent consolidation of power. 2 Italian Fascism and Nazism utilized violence in similar ways to undermine the liberal state, normalize violence itself, polarize politics, crush socialism and any other opposition, and legitimize fascism as necessary for order. However, I will argue that the differences in the roles of violence in the two movements' rise to power constitute a paradox. The Italian Fascist road to power was much more violent at first, but Mussolini's consolidation of power proved to be
Review of Anatol Lieven's Chechnya: Tombstone of Russian Power
That violence played a positive role in fascist ideology, and that fascism was incredibly violent... more That violence played a positive role in fascist ideology, and that fascism was incredibly violent once in power, are widely known facts. This essay, however, addresses how violence was used as an instrument to get this violent ideology in power. I will concentrate on the period of the rise of the paramilitary wings of the Fascist and Nazi movements (the squadristi, 1919, and the Sturmabteilung (SA), 1920, 1 respectively), the quasilegal gaining of power by Mussolini and Hitler (in 1922 and 1933, respectively), and subsequent consolidation of power. 2 Italian Fascism and Nazism utilized violence in similar ways to undermine the liberal state, normalize violence itself, polarize politics, crush socialism and any other opposition, and legitimize fascism as necessary for order. However, I will argue that the differences in the roles of violence in the two movements' rise to power constitute a paradox. The Italian Fascist road to power was much more violent at first, but Mussolini's consolidation of power proved to be