Andrei Semenov - Profile on Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Andrei Semenov
Urban Planning and Civic Activism
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
Why Grassroots Activism Matters
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
Proceedings of the 7th Joint SIGHUM Workshop on Computational Linguistics for Cultural Heritage, Social Sciences, Humanities and Literature
This study relies on natural language processing to explore the nature of online communication in... more This study relies on natural language processing to explore the nature of online communication in Russia during the war on Ukraine in 2022. The analysis of a large corpus of publications in traditional media and on social media identifies massive state interventions aimed at manipulating public opinion. The study relies on expertise in media studies and political science to trace the major themes and strategies of propagandist narratives on three major Russian social media platforms over several months as well as their perception by the users. Distributions of several keyworded pro-war and anti-war topics are examined to reveal the crossplatform specificity of social media audiences. We release WarMM-2022, a 1.7M posts corpus. This corpus includes publications related to the Russia-Ukraine war, which appeared in Russian mass media (February to September 2022) and on social networks (July to September 2022). The corpus can be useful for the development of NLP approaches to propaganda detection and subsequent studies of propaganda campaigns in social sciences in addition to traditional methods, such as content analysis, focus groups, surveys, and experiments.
ОРГАНИЗАЦИОННЫЕ РЕАКЦИИ РОССИЙСКИХ НКО НА ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛЬНЫЕ ИЗМЕНЕНИЯ 2012 Г
В настоящей статье исследуется реакция организаций российского третьего сектора на введение в июл... more В настоящей статье исследуется реакция организаций российского третьего сектора на введение в июле 2012 г. реестра организаций, «выполняющих функции иностранного агента». На основе организационной теории и теории ресурсной зависимости анализируется политика «лицензирования» организаций гражданского общества и усиления государственного регулирования сектора, предлагается типология некоммерческих организаций в зависимости от обеспеченности ресурсами и правил доступа к ним. На основе типологии сравниваются реакции российских НКО на изменения в потоках ресурсов и на правоприменительную практику законодательства о так называемых иностранных агентах. Эмпирическим материалом исследования послужили 19 интервью с лидерами и активистами российских НКО в девяти регионах России, данные официальной статистики (Министерство юстиции, Министерство экономического развития, Общественная палата РФ), внутренние документы НКО и материалы СМИ. Основной аргумент статьи заключается в том, что растущее госу...
Journal of Economic Sociology, 2020
лектронный журнал «Экономическая социология» издаётся с 2000 г. Учредителями являются Национальны... more лектронный журнал «Экономическая социология» издаётся с 2000 г. Учредителями являются Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики» (с 2007 г.) и Вадим Валерьевич Радаев (главный редактор). Цель журнала-утверждать международные стандарты экономико-социологических исследований в России, представлять современные работы российских и зарубежных авторов в области экономической социологии, информировать профессиональное сообщество о новых актуальных публикациях и исследовательских проектах, а также вовлекать в профессиональное сообщество молодых коллег. Журнал представляет собой специализированное академическое издание. В нём публикуются материалы, отражающие современное состояние экономической социологии и способствующие развитию данной области в её современном понимании. В числе приоритетных тем: теоретические направления экономической социологии, социологические исследования рынков и организаций, социально-экономические стратегии индивидов и домашних хозяйств, неформальная экономика. Также публикуются тексты из смежных дисциплин-неоинституциональной экономической теории, антропологии, экономической психологии и других областей, которые могут представлять интерес для экономсоциологов. Журнал публикует пять номеров в год: в январе, марте, мае, сентябре и ноябре. Доступ ко всем номерам журнала постоянный, свободный и бесплатный по адресу: http:// www.ecsoc.hse.ru. Каждый номер содержится в едином файле (10-12 п. л. в PDF). Журнал входит в список ВАК России, индексируется в Российском индексе научного цитирования (РИНЦ), Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) из Web of Science Core Collection и Scopus (2 квартиль). Требования к авторам изложены по адресу: http://ecsoc.hse.ru/author_requirements. html В журнале применяется двойное анонимное рецензирование статей. Все материалы проходят через полный цикл редакторской обработки и корректуры. Плата с авторов журнала не взимается. Ускоренные сроки публикации статей не предусмотрены.
Everyday Activism
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
The World of Ethnic Regional Autonomies: Introducing the New Dataset
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia, 2020
Андрей Владимирович Семенов -кандидат политических наук, старший научный сотрудник Центра сравнит... more Андрей Владимирович Семенов -кандидат политических наук, старший научный сотрудник Центра сравнительных исторических и политических исследований, доцент кафедры политических наук историко-политологического факультета Пермского государственного национального исследовательского университета. Для связи с автором:
Russian Regions after the Elections
«Политические машины» и их «Водители»: электоральное администрирование на местном уровне
Preparing for the Parliamentary Elections of 2021: Russian Politics and Society
The paper seeks to establish the relations between specific institutional features of ethnic terr... more The paper seeks to establish the relations between specific institutional features of ethnic territorial autonomy and its pacifying effects. The heated debate on the political effects of territorial autonomy arrangements and its ability to pacify, contain, and dissolve ethnic conflicts has entered a new phase in the last decade: the proponents of power-sharing approach have argued that allowing ethnic groups to participate in decision-making process and endowing them with limited selfgovernance would change their preferences and behavior. On the opposite side, critiques believe that power-sharing mechanisms reinforce detached ethnic identity, hence, preventing conflict settlement. Grounding on institutional approach, this paper assumes an ethnic territorial autonomy as complex and dynamic institutional arrangements for power-sharing with multiple institutional arenas and policy domains. Since it is crucial to disaggregate autonomies into more observable units of analysis, the origin...
Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 2017
This article tackles the issue of interconnectedness between the global economic crisis in 2008 a... more This article tackles the issue of interconnectedness between the global economic crisis in 2008 and the "For Fair Elections" movement in Russia in 2011-2012. Studies have shown that the 2008 crisis has affected political attitudes of Russian citizens that might have contributed to the mass mobilization in 2011-2012. To test this hypothesis, a dataset covering public protest events from 2008 to 2012 in Perm krai and Tyumen oblast' has been developed. The comparison between the cases demonstrates different dynamics of contention, however, a similar composition of protests: local/urban governance issues are the most frequent, closely followed by political/civil rights and economic demands. The comparison indicates that the connections between the 2008 crisis and the 2011-2012 movement are mostly indirect: economic misfortunes caused some groups to protest; it helped some political parties to create broad coalitions based on these grievances, which later became the pillars of the 2011-2012 movement.
When do political parties join protests? A comparative analysis of party involvement in “for fair elections” movement
East European Politics, 2016
ABSTRACT Why do some political parties join popular protests, whereas others abstain or even oppo... more ABSTRACT Why do some political parties join popular protests, whereas others abstain or even oppose them? Using a paired case-study comparison between the Russian regions, we examine political parties’ strategies towards the “For Fair Elections” movement in 2011–2012 and explain these choices through two jointly operating mechanisms: level of party institutionalisation; and co-optation. We show that despite the symbiosis of the state and political parties and overall parties’ loyalty to the regime, they differ in strategy and degree of involvement in social movements on an organisational level. We argue that the mechanism of party institutionalisation explains the switch between involvement and abstention, while co-optation does a better job in explaining the “support/counteract” choice.
ГРАЖДАНСКО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ АКТИВНОСТЬ В РОССИИ В ДЕКАБРЕ 2011 – СЕНТЯБРЕ 2012: ТЮМЕНСКАЯ ОБЛАСТЬ
В статье в рамках методологии изучения отдельного случая (сase-study) на примере Тюменской област... more В статье в рамках методологии изучения отдельного случая (сase-study) на примере Тюменской области рассматриваются причины и последствия роста гражданско-политической активности в России в электоральном цикле 2011/2012. На основе результатов опросов и интервью с участниками публичных акций, включенного наблюдения за политическими событиями, связанными с электоральным циклом, массива данных из социальных сетей описывается динамика протестной активности, выдвигается модель для дальнейшего кросс-регионального сравнительного анализа.
Political foundations of state support for civil society: analysis of the distribution of presidential grants in Russia
Post-Soviet Affairs, 2021
ABSTRACT We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delic... more ABSTRACT We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delicate balance between suppressing civil society and buying its loyalty by allocating funds to the organizations willing to cooperate with the regime. Using the data on the distribution of presidential grants among civil society organizations working on human rights projects in 2017–2018, we show that organizations whose leaders take part in consultative bodies and pro-governmental organizations such as the All-Russian People’s Front receive larger amounts of money on average. Organizations with links to the parliamentary parties also have some premium in grant disbursement, while affiliation with the ruling party does not increase the amount of funding. These findings imply some degree of political bias in state funding for the third sector in Russia. We also found that professionalism matters, and seasoned civil society organizations have considerably more funding than less experienced organizations in the field.
The upcoming 2018 presidential elections in Russia present a familiar challenge for the mainstrea... more The upcoming 2018 presidential elections in Russia present a familiar challenge for the mainstream opposition: to take part in the Kremlin's well-organized play as statists or try to push the boundaries of the possible. The latter is strongly linked to the amount of the resources available to opposition players. In this article, I outline the discursive, institutional, and financial resources accumulated by the mainstream opposition (KPRF, LDPR, Just Russia, and Yabloko), and argue that, for now, a full-fledged assault on the regime by these parties is highly improbable: their electorate is shrinking, they rarely control executive or legislative powers on the subnational level, and institutional rules ensure their expulsion from power if they constitute a real threat. Therefore, survival and not expansion is at stake in these elections. However, the opportunities created by the campaign combined with the sizeable number of undecided voters give the systemic opposition a good chance to direct the resources they have towards strengthening their bargaining position visa -vis the dominant party.
The World of Ethnic Regional Autonomies: Introducing the New Dataset
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
Electoral Performance and Mobilization of Opposition Parties in Russia
Russian Politics
This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russi... more This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russia. It claims that in the electoral authoritarian regimes like Russia under Vladimir Putin, public protests remain a viable instrument for reaching out to the constituencies and eliciting concessions from the regime. In addition, collective actions signal commitment and strength and help to overcome the media blockade usually imposed by the state. However, in order to be a successful player in contentious politics, parties have to develop organizational capacity. Using the data on more than 7000 protest events that took place in Russia in 2012–2015, I show that the regional party branches with higher electoral returns in federal and regional elections organize more protest events controlling for other possible determinants of mobilization. The Communist Party remains the major mobilizing force covering a large array of issues and demands. However, the loyal opposition—LDPR and Just Russia...
The Roots of the Grass: Patterns of Grassroots Urban Mobilization in Russia
Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya
Urban Planning and Civic Activism
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
Why Grassroots Activism Matters
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
Proceedings of the 7th Joint SIGHUM Workshop on Computational Linguistics for Cultural Heritage, Social Sciences, Humanities and Literature
This study relies on natural language processing to explore the nature of online communication in... more This study relies on natural language processing to explore the nature of online communication in Russia during the war on Ukraine in 2022. The analysis of a large corpus of publications in traditional media and on social media identifies massive state interventions aimed at manipulating public opinion. The study relies on expertise in media studies and political science to trace the major themes and strategies of propagandist narratives on three major Russian social media platforms over several months as well as their perception by the users. Distributions of several keyworded pro-war and anti-war topics are examined to reveal the crossplatform specificity of social media audiences. We release WarMM-2022, a 1.7M posts corpus. This corpus includes publications related to the Russia-Ukraine war, which appeared in Russian mass media (February to September 2022) and on social networks (July to September 2022). The corpus can be useful for the development of NLP approaches to propaganda detection and subsequent studies of propaganda campaigns in social sciences in addition to traditional methods, such as content analysis, focus groups, surveys, and experiments.
ОРГАНИЗАЦИОННЫЕ РЕАКЦИИ РОССИЙСКИХ НКО НА ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛЬНЫЕ ИЗМЕНЕНИЯ 2012 Г
В настоящей статье исследуется реакция организаций российского третьего сектора на введение в июл... more В настоящей статье исследуется реакция организаций российского третьего сектора на введение в июле 2012 г. реестра организаций, «выполняющих функции иностранного агента». На основе организационной теории и теории ресурсной зависимости анализируется политика «лицензирования» организаций гражданского общества и усиления государственного регулирования сектора, предлагается типология некоммерческих организаций в зависимости от обеспеченности ресурсами и правил доступа к ним. На основе типологии сравниваются реакции российских НКО на изменения в потоках ресурсов и на правоприменительную практику законодательства о так называемых иностранных агентах. Эмпирическим материалом исследования послужили 19 интервью с лидерами и активистами российских НКО в девяти регионах России, данные официальной статистики (Министерство юстиции, Министерство экономического развития, Общественная палата РФ), внутренние документы НКО и материалы СМИ. Основной аргумент статьи заключается в том, что растущее госу...
Journal of Economic Sociology, 2020
лектронный журнал «Экономическая социология» издаётся с 2000 г. Учредителями являются Национальны... more лектронный журнал «Экономическая социология» издаётся с 2000 г. Учредителями являются Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики» (с 2007 г.) и Вадим Валерьевич Радаев (главный редактор). Цель журнала-утверждать международные стандарты экономико-социологических исследований в России, представлять современные работы российских и зарубежных авторов в области экономической социологии, информировать профессиональное сообщество о новых актуальных публикациях и исследовательских проектах, а также вовлекать в профессиональное сообщество молодых коллег. Журнал представляет собой специализированное академическое издание. В нём публикуются материалы, отражающие современное состояние экономической социологии и способствующие развитию данной области в её современном понимании. В числе приоритетных тем: теоретические направления экономической социологии, социологические исследования рынков и организаций, социально-экономические стратегии индивидов и домашних хозяйств, неформальная экономика. Также публикуются тексты из смежных дисциплин-неоинституциональной экономической теории, антропологии, экономической психологии и других областей, которые могут представлять интерес для экономсоциологов. Журнал публикует пять номеров в год: в январе, марте, мае, сентябре и ноябре. Доступ ко всем номерам журнала постоянный, свободный и бесплатный по адресу: http:// www.ecsoc.hse.ru. Каждый номер содержится в едином файле (10-12 п. л. в PDF). Журнал входит в список ВАК России, индексируется в Российском индексе научного цитирования (РИНЦ), Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) из Web of Science Core Collection и Scopus (2 квартиль). Требования к авторам изложены по адресу: http://ecsoc.hse.ru/author_requirements. html В журнале применяется двойное анонимное рецензирование статей. Все материалы проходят через полный цикл редакторской обработки и корректуры. Плата с авторов журнала не взимается. Ускоренные сроки публикации статей не предусмотрены.
Everyday Activism
Indiana University Press eBooks, Apr 4, 2023
The World of Ethnic Regional Autonomies: Introducing the New Dataset
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia, 2020
Андрей Владимирович Семенов -кандидат политических наук, старший научный сотрудник Центра сравнит... more Андрей Владимирович Семенов -кандидат политических наук, старший научный сотрудник Центра сравнительных исторических и политических исследований, доцент кафедры политических наук историко-политологического факультета Пермского государственного национального исследовательского университета. Для связи с автором:
Russian Regions after the Elections
«Политические машины» и их «Водители»: электоральное администрирование на местном уровне
Preparing for the Parliamentary Elections of 2021: Russian Politics and Society
The paper seeks to establish the relations between specific institutional features of ethnic terr... more The paper seeks to establish the relations between specific institutional features of ethnic territorial autonomy and its pacifying effects. The heated debate on the political effects of territorial autonomy arrangements and its ability to pacify, contain, and dissolve ethnic conflicts has entered a new phase in the last decade: the proponents of power-sharing approach have argued that allowing ethnic groups to participate in decision-making process and endowing them with limited selfgovernance would change their preferences and behavior. On the opposite side, critiques believe that power-sharing mechanisms reinforce detached ethnic identity, hence, preventing conflict settlement. Grounding on institutional approach, this paper assumes an ethnic territorial autonomy as complex and dynamic institutional arrangements for power-sharing with multiple institutional arenas and policy domains. Since it is crucial to disaggregate autonomies into more observable units of analysis, the origin...
Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 2017
This article tackles the issue of interconnectedness between the global economic crisis in 2008 a... more This article tackles the issue of interconnectedness between the global economic crisis in 2008 and the "For Fair Elections" movement in Russia in 2011-2012. Studies have shown that the 2008 crisis has affected political attitudes of Russian citizens that might have contributed to the mass mobilization in 2011-2012. To test this hypothesis, a dataset covering public protest events from 2008 to 2012 in Perm krai and Tyumen oblast' has been developed. The comparison between the cases demonstrates different dynamics of contention, however, a similar composition of protests: local/urban governance issues are the most frequent, closely followed by political/civil rights and economic demands. The comparison indicates that the connections between the 2008 crisis and the 2011-2012 movement are mostly indirect: economic misfortunes caused some groups to protest; it helped some political parties to create broad coalitions based on these grievances, which later became the pillars of the 2011-2012 movement.
When do political parties join protests? A comparative analysis of party involvement in “for fair elections” movement
East European Politics, 2016
ABSTRACT Why do some political parties join popular protests, whereas others abstain or even oppo... more ABSTRACT Why do some political parties join popular protests, whereas others abstain or even oppose them? Using a paired case-study comparison between the Russian regions, we examine political parties’ strategies towards the “For Fair Elections” movement in 2011–2012 and explain these choices through two jointly operating mechanisms: level of party institutionalisation; and co-optation. We show that despite the symbiosis of the state and political parties and overall parties’ loyalty to the regime, they differ in strategy and degree of involvement in social movements on an organisational level. We argue that the mechanism of party institutionalisation explains the switch between involvement and abstention, while co-optation does a better job in explaining the “support/counteract” choice.
ГРАЖДАНСКО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ АКТИВНОСТЬ В РОССИИ В ДЕКАБРЕ 2011 – СЕНТЯБРЕ 2012: ТЮМЕНСКАЯ ОБЛАСТЬ
В статье в рамках методологии изучения отдельного случая (сase-study) на примере Тюменской област... more В статье в рамках методологии изучения отдельного случая (сase-study) на примере Тюменской области рассматриваются причины и последствия роста гражданско-политической активности в России в электоральном цикле 2011/2012. На основе результатов опросов и интервью с участниками публичных акций, включенного наблюдения за политическими событиями, связанными с электоральным циклом, массива данных из социальных сетей описывается динамика протестной активности, выдвигается модель для дальнейшего кросс-регионального сравнительного анализа.
Political foundations of state support for civil society: analysis of the distribution of presidential grants in Russia
Post-Soviet Affairs, 2021
ABSTRACT We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delic... more ABSTRACT We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delicate balance between suppressing civil society and buying its loyalty by allocating funds to the organizations willing to cooperate with the regime. Using the data on the distribution of presidential grants among civil society organizations working on human rights projects in 2017–2018, we show that organizations whose leaders take part in consultative bodies and pro-governmental organizations such as the All-Russian People’s Front receive larger amounts of money on average. Organizations with links to the parliamentary parties also have some premium in grant disbursement, while affiliation with the ruling party does not increase the amount of funding. These findings imply some degree of political bias in state funding for the third sector in Russia. We also found that professionalism matters, and seasoned civil society organizations have considerably more funding than less experienced organizations in the field.
The upcoming 2018 presidential elections in Russia present a familiar challenge for the mainstrea... more The upcoming 2018 presidential elections in Russia present a familiar challenge for the mainstream opposition: to take part in the Kremlin's well-organized play as statists or try to push the boundaries of the possible. The latter is strongly linked to the amount of the resources available to opposition players. In this article, I outline the discursive, institutional, and financial resources accumulated by the mainstream opposition (KPRF, LDPR, Just Russia, and Yabloko), and argue that, for now, a full-fledged assault on the regime by these parties is highly improbable: their electorate is shrinking, they rarely control executive or legislative powers on the subnational level, and institutional rules ensure their expulsion from power if they constitute a real threat. Therefore, survival and not expansion is at stake in these elections. However, the opportunities created by the campaign combined with the sizeable number of undecided voters give the systemic opposition a good chance to direct the resources they have towards strengthening their bargaining position visa -vis the dominant party.
The World of Ethnic Regional Autonomies: Introducing the New Dataset
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
Electoral Performance and Mobilization of Opposition Parties in Russia
Russian Politics
This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russi... more This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russia. It claims that in the electoral authoritarian regimes like Russia under Vladimir Putin, public protests remain a viable instrument for reaching out to the constituencies and eliciting concessions from the regime. In addition, collective actions signal commitment and strength and help to overcome the media blockade usually imposed by the state. However, in order to be a successful player in contentious politics, parties have to develop organizational capacity. Using the data on more than 7000 protest events that took place in Russia in 2012–2015, I show that the regional party branches with higher electoral returns in federal and regional elections organize more protest events controlling for other possible determinants of mobilization. The Communist Party remains the major mobilizing force covering a large array of issues and demands. However, the loyal opposition—LDPR and Just Russia...
The Roots of the Grass: Patterns of Grassroots Urban Mobilization in Russia
Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya
Presentation slides for "Russian Politics after the Nationwide Vote: An Analysis of the Regional ... more Presentation slides for "Russian Politics after the Nationwide Vote: An Analysis of the Regional Elections" organized by the Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies (IRES) at Uppsala University on September 23, 2020.
Доклад на конференции ВДНХ-2017, Европейский университет в Санкт-Петербурге
The economic growth of the 2000s radically transformed the urban landscape in Russia: developers ... more The economic growth of the 2000s radically transformed the urban landscape in Russia: developers and local authorities forged the powerful alliances much alike "growth coalition", new planning tools were implemented, and the general public has gradually became engaged with the urban affairs. However, experiments with urban development in Russian cities have been regularly faced with discontent on behalf of its dwellers: local movements against infill construction, "hoodwinked" house investors, environmental grassroots organizations and other local urban protests emerged as a factor in urban politics. Using the "Contentious Politics in Russia" dataset, which captures public protest events in Russian regions on the timespan of 2012-2014, and in-depth study of some cases, I present an exploratory analysis of causes and variation in grassroots urban mobilization. Political transformations in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union have been consistently studies from the ―bird's eyes‖ perspective, which allows to capture the shifts in the architecture of power. The emergence of new political institutions and modes of governance, changes in electoral politics, recurrent patterns in regime-opposition interactions received a generous attention from the scholarly community. How do these structural shifts affect the everyday life of ordinary people and how do citizens react and adapt to the changes in power relations and institutional environment remain understudied. Urban mobilization constitutes a prospective scholarly field in this regards: it is close enough both spatially and analytically to the everyday life of individuals, but it is also well-situated both for comparative and contextual-specific analysis. For centuries, cities have been an arena for contestation and political struggle (Castells 1983, LeGalles 2002), more recently the debates shifted towards the impact of neoliberalism (meaning marketization and privatization of urban space) on urban development and power relations between different interest groups. Russian cities are an excellent ground for testing different theories and improving the scientific understanding of how structural processes are related to individual lives.
В докладе на основе данных, собранных в рамках проекта «Состязательная политика в регионах России... more В докладе на основе данных, собранных в рамках проекта «Состязательная политика в регионах России», описывается динамика протестной активности в 2012-2013 гг. Собранные даные позволяют описать пространственную динамику протестных событий, акторный состав, репертуар и цель протестов, а также типологизировать требования. Кроме того, база данных содержит сведения о «низовой» протестной активности, межрегиональных кампаниях, взаимодействии участников протестных событий и полицейских, реакции властей на протестные события. В докладе также описывается методология сбора данных, ее преимущества и ограничения. На основе теории структуры политических возможностей выдвигаются и тестируются некоторые предварительные гипотезы, позволяющие объяснить различия в динамике состязательности в разных регионах России.