Georgios Rigas | University of Edinburgh (original) (raw)

Teaching Documents by Georgios Rigas

In the context of an action P.R.E.S.S. (Provision of Refugee Education and Support Scheme) Projec... more In the context of an action P.R.E.S.S. (Provision of Refugee Education and Support Scheme) Project organised by Hellenic Open University I authored a section discussing the basic parameters of the history of the Arab World. The section is part of wider e-course consisting of 4 sections in total.

Book Reviews by Georgios Rigas

Middle East Policy, 2017

Brenner’s book departs from the conventional discussion about the group’s role in the Israeli-Pal... more Brenner’s book departs from the conventional discussion about the group’s role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and treats Hamas as an instance of Islamic governance. Moreover, the reading not only contains information that helps one reconstruct the conditions leading to the status quo in the Gaza Strip, but also provides the full picture of incidents that made headlines yet soon fell into oblivion.

Middle East Policy, 2016

Mohannad Sabry's book is a comprehensive analysis that substantially illuminates the sociopolitic... more Mohannad Sabry's book is a comprehensive analysis that substantially illuminates the sociopolitical conditions and developments in the Sinai Peninsula, an area which, until February 2011, suffered from an almost absolute media blackout.

Media Analysis by Georgios Rigas

The revolution of 1821 which paved the way for the Greek independence saw intense internal disput... more The revolution of 1821 which paved the way for the Greek independence saw intense internal disputes. In the beginning of the division, a distinguished chieftain from Messinia named Nikitaras stormed the revolutionary assembly and threatened its members with a “Governo Militare” (sic), i.e. a military coup. For the record, Nikitaras’s faction lost the internal strife. As for him, despite his illustrious contribution to the struggle, he died penniless many years after the independence. But his words in 1823 were nothing but abstract. On the contrary, they reflected a model that would characterise the industrial world that was then morphing. The model of militaristic states where decorated soldiers take leading roles in the public sphere, sometimes even via democratic means and legitimacy. Militarism, in its various forms and expressions, continues to be relevant to date. And if one takes a glance at the recent political developments is Israel, then he/she shall observe that the so called only democracy in the Middle East preserves a strong militaristic aspect.

On May 14, 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the establishment of Israel thereby kicking off a war... more On May 14, 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the establishment of Israel thereby kicking off a war which on the one hand materialised the vision of a state for the Jewish community, but on the other forced hundreds of thousands of Arabs to abandon their homesteads. This very massive exodus, which is engrained in the Palestinian collective memory as blatantly unjust, was the womb of what we have since been referring to as the Palestinian Issue. In this sense, the viable resolution of the latter is mathematically impossible without addressing fairly the former.

Two decades after the Six-Day War the Palestinian territories would witness the outbreak of wides... more Two decades after the Six-Day War the Palestinian territories would witness the outbreak of widespread riots. The children of the stones tried to shake the occupation regime off their shoulders. Although the objective would prove too high to reach, their actions were far from futile. To be sure, the uprising put the limits of the Israeli security establishment to the test thereby exposing the cruel aspects of the occupation. Moreover, by applying constant pressure, it played a significant role in the decision of the Israeli leaders to pursue a settlement with the Palestinians.

World is stunned by the unspeakable carnage that occurred at a Sufi mosque in North Sinai. The ne... more World is stunned by the unspeakable carnage that occurred at a Sufi mosque in North Sinai. The news regarding the Islamist militants executing in cold blood scores of unarmed worshipers rightly causes shock and awe. What could possibly generate such volumes of hatred? And if we are not dealing with a bunch of lunatics, with the scientific meaning of the term, then who do we have to blame for the recent slaughter? And, more importantly, why this attack is not the last act of the ongoing drama?

As the relatively downgraded centenary festivities, the decision of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn t... more As the relatively downgraded centenary festivities, the decision of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn to snub them, the rejected demand of the Palestinian Authority for an official apology from London, and the various scheduled protests suggest, Balfour Declaration is still in position to cause political implications. If anything else, the ability of a document that was penned exactly a century ago to persist in being politically relevant commands to be studied and discussed at least one more time.

Published at www.ThePressProject.gr

Μια από τις ειδήσεις που κυριάρχησαν στα διεθνή μέσα την τελευταία εβδομάδα σχετίζεται με το διαφ... more Μια από τις ειδήσεις που κυριάρχησαν στα διεθνή μέσα την τελευταία εβδομάδα σχετίζεται με το διαφαινόμενο τέλος του παλαιστινιακού διχασμού. Αν μη τι άλλο η επίσκεψη του Παλαιστίνιου πρωθυπουργού Ραμί Χαμντάλλα στη Γάζα δείχνει ότι μια σοβαρή πρωτοβουλία είναι σε εξέλιξη. Όμως η αισιοδοξία δεν φαίνεται να πλημμυρίζει τον άμεσα ενδιαφερόμενο, ήτοι τον παλαιστινιακό λαό. Και αυτό γιατί οι Παλαιστίνιοι, καλύτερα από τον καθένα, ξέρουν ότι η συμφιλίωση, που επί χρόνια δεν έρχεται, περνά μέσα από πολιτικούς συμβιβασμούς που Φατάχ και Χαμάς θα προτιμούσαν να αποφύγουν.

Published at www.ThePressProject.gr

Συχνά λέγεται ότι δεν έχουν σημασία τα πρόσωπα αλλά οι πολιτικές. Ωστόσο, επειδή συχνά οι πολιτικ... more Συχνά λέγεται ότι δεν έχουν σημασία τα πρόσωπα αλλά οι πολιτικές. Ωστόσο, επειδή συχνά οι πολιτικές συμβαίνει να μην είναι τίποτα άλλο από το αποτύπωμα των προσώπων που ασκούν διοίκηση, οι αλλαγές στην κορυφή οργανώσεων δικαίως συνεχίζουν να τραβούν την προσοχή των απανταχού παρατηρητών.

Published at www.Capital.gr

Ο Ιμπν Χαλντούν, ένας από τους σπουδαιότερους λόγιους του αραβικού κόσμου έλεγε πως η αλήθεια μοι... more Ο Ιμπν Χαλντούν, ένας από τους σπουδαιότερους λόγιους του αραβικού κόσμου έλεγε πως η αλήθεια μοιάζει με το νερό που παίρνει το σχήμα του δοχείου που το περιέχει. Με άλλα λόγια, καλό είναι ορισμένες φορές να επικεντρώνουμε λιγότερο σε αυτά καθαυτά τα γεγονότα και περισσότερο στο πλαίσιο που τα περιβάλλουν, ιδιαίτερα όταν έχουμε να κάνουμε με καταστάσεις τόσο περίπλοκες όσο η συριακή κρίση.

Ο Φρεντ Χάλιντεϊ που μελέτησε όσο λίγοι τις πολιτικές ισορροπίες στη Μέση Ανατολή έλεγε πως κάθε ... more Ο Φρεντ Χάλιντεϊ που μελέτησε όσο λίγοι τις πολιτικές ισορροπίες στη Μέση Ανατολή έλεγε πως κάθε κατάσταση στην πολιτική ζωή δύναται να εξελιχθεί με παραπάνω από έναν τρόπους. Με άλλα λογία, καλό είναι να είμαστε εξαιρετικά επιφυλακτικοί με όλες τις προφητείες.

Conference Presentations by Georgios Rigas

Starr and Thomas argue that one key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction opportu... more Starr and Thomas argue that one key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction opportunities of the social units they demarcate and, consequently, increase the potential costs and gains that derive from them. Based on the above, this paper looks at the cross-border interaction between the Hamas controlled Gaza Strip and Egypt, with the aim of showing how the cross-border interaction between asymmetric entities with strategic differences can upgrade their tactical cooperation. Hamas is an Islamic Palestinian organisation which since June 2007 controls the Gaza Strip; a coastal enclave which in the South-East borders with Egypt’s Sinai. Egypt, a leading Arab state which has mainly been ruled by secularist military-associated figures, enjoys since 1979 a strategic alliance with the US and a peace treaty with Israel; Hamas’s basic adversary. It becomes therefore apparent that strategic differences characterise Hamas-Egypt relations. Nevertheless, because Israel responded to Gaza’s takeover with a trade blockade which resulted in reorienting Gaza’s economy from Israel to Egypt, Hamas-Egypt cross-border interaction after June 2007 contributed to the heightening of Hamas-Egypt tactical cooperation. To be sure, although after Gaza’s takeover the Rafah crossing remained mostly closed, the trade, albeit irregular, between Gaza and Egypt rose significantly due to the increase of the use of illicit underground tunnels. Consequently, this paper will trace the enhancement of Hamas-Egypt tactical cooperation on two axes. Firstly, on the evolution of the phenomenon of Rafah tunnels. And secondly, on the occasions where the Egyptian authorities acquiesced to temporarily open the Rafah crossing.

The Muslim Brotherhood is Egypt’s most powerful Islamic political organisation; it used to be Mub... more The Muslim Brotherhood is Egypt’s most powerful Islamic political organisation; it used to be Mubarak’s main domestic foe and in June 2012, after Morsi’s election, it governed Egypt for a year. Hamas is an Islamic Palestinian organisation which descends from the Muslim Brotherhood and which, since June 2007, controls the Gaza Strip. That being said Morsi’s presidency marks an era when two politically related Islamic organisations simultaneously ruled two bordering entities in the Middle East. This paper traces the improvements that Hamas-Egypt relations saw during this period and explains what deterred them from undergoing a radical shift. Egypt under Morsi should be seen as a part of post-Mubarak Egypt which falls into the pattern of what Siverson and Star have described as a polity undergoing regime change. According to their framework between the end of the old regime and the emergence of the new one intervenes a period which is characterised by the competition of the various elites to evolve into the new regime. Hence, in the face of the Muslim Brotherhood’s need to bolster its authority inside Egypt, Hamas was willing to grant Morsi with time and not raise maximalistic demands. The paper traces the development of Hamas-Egypt relations on the way Hamas responded to Morsi’s election, on the handling of the implications of the lethal cross border attack against Israel in August 2012 and on Egypt’s efforts to broker a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel in November 2012.

Talks by Georgios Rigas

My work relates to the widely discussed Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its development in the 2... more My work relates to the widely discussed Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its development in the 21 st century. My focus is on Hamas because of the elevated role of this particular Palestinian group after 2000. More specifically, I look at the relations of Hamas with the Egyptian state under Mubarak. The period on which my research focuses commences in January 2006. Why?

Papers by Georgios Rigas

Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised ... more Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised bureaucracy and armed forces. In contrast, Hamas is an armed social movement, which, after its electoral victory in January 2006 and, more importantly, after acquiring full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, emerged as a quasi-state with internal sovereignty. Egypt enjoys a peace treaty with Israel and a strategic alliance with the US, whereas Hamas is in conflict with Israel, and is designated by the US as a terrorist group. This thesis traces the interactions between Hamas and Egypt during the 2006-2014 period, with a focus on the Mubarak era. The dissertation’s main aim is not only to present how and when asymmetry and strategic differences between Hamas and Egypt were reflected in their relations, but also to explain why and how on certain occasions their interactions took on the form of tactical cooperation. Hence, I show that small or quasi-states in the contemporary Middle East are in position to extract political gains from larger neighbouring state actors even in the presence of strategic differences. This thesis contextualises the situations it discusses through Omni Balancing Theory (OBT), which understands an actor’s foreign policy as the outcome of the efforts of its leader to survive politically by balancing between external and internal threats. In this regard, Egypt’s approach towards Hamas and vice versa at a given time is seen as the result of a cost-benefit calculation that has assessed the value of simultaneous foreign and domestic threats. Accordingly, the dissertation looks at Hamas-Egypt relations through three lenses: firstly, through the impact of international and regional pressures; secondly, through cross-border interactions; and thirdly, through the effect of domestic pressures. Finally, the thesis separately discusses the course of Hamas-Egypt relations between February 2011 and August 2014. This is due to the density of the political developments during this period. To be precise, the three weak post-Mubarak Egyptian governments faced quite diverse threats the dealing of which generated considerable fluctuations in Cairo’s approach towards Hamas

Middle East Policy, Dec 1, 2017

Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised ... more Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised bureaucracy and armed forces. In contrast, Hamas is an armed social movement, which, after its electoral victory in January 2006 and, more importantly, after acquiring full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, emerged as a quasi-state with internal sovereignty. Egypt enjoys a peace treaty with Israel and a strategic alliance with the US, whereas Hamas is in conflict with Israel, and is designated by the US as a terrorist group. This thesis traces the interactions between Hamas and Egypt during the 2006-2014 period, with a focus on the Mubarak era. The dissertation’s main aim is not only to present how and when asymmetry and strategic differences between Hamas and Egypt were reflected in their relations, but also to explain why and how on certain occasions their interactions took on the form of tactical cooperation. Hence, I show that small or quasi-states in the contemporary Middle East are in position to extract political gains from larger neighbouring state actors even in the presence of strategic differences. This thesis contextualises the situations it discusses through Omni Balancing Theory (OBT), which understands an actor’s foreign policy as the outcome of the efforts of its leader to survive politically by balancing between external and internal threats. In this regard, Egypt’s approach towards Hamas and vice versa at a given time is seen as the result of a cost-benefit calculation that has assessed the value of simultaneous foreign and domestic threats. Accordingly, the dissertation looks at Hamas-Egypt relations through three lenses: firstly, through the impact of international and regional pressures; secondly, through cross-border interactions; and thirdly, through the effect of domestic pressures. Finally, the thesis separately discusses the course of Hamas-Egypt relations between February 2011 and August 2014. This is due to the density of the political developments during this period. To be precise, the three weak post-Mubarak Egyptian governments faced quite diverse threats the dealing of which generated considerable fluctuations in Cairo’s approach towards Hamas

The Journal of North African Studies, 2016

lence. The example of ‘Abd al-Qādir allows Cherif to argue for the validity of a unique blend of ... more lence. The example of ‘Abd al-Qādir allows Cherif to argue for the validity of a unique blend of Islamic thought and universal humanism. It is difficult not to share Cherif’s hopes for a future of dialogue and mutual respect and his book certainly presents an inspiring example in the life of ‘Abd al-Qādir. That said, the book suffers from repetition, including the retelling of the same story or quotation in multiple chapters. In addition, Cherif presents ‘Abd al-Qādir as entirely infallible. The narrative of the Emir’s life would benefit from some critical analysis of his actions, without risk of diminishing his exemplary life story. Finally, it must be said that the book contains some very grand claims, including designating ‘Abd al-Qādir as the founder of both the modern concept of human rights and the Algerian state. The validity of these claims is assumed rather than demonstrated. Of course, the book is not a work of history and the author does not pretend to be anything less than overtly political in making these claims. Despite these issues, the book offers an inspiring narrative of respect and humanity. Through the story of the life of the Emir ‘Abd al-Qādir, Cherif makes a powerful case for the need for interfaith and intercultural dialogue in the present.

In the context of an action P.R.E.S.S. (Provision of Refugee Education and Support Scheme) Projec... more In the context of an action P.R.E.S.S. (Provision of Refugee Education and Support Scheme) Project organised by Hellenic Open University I authored a section discussing the basic parameters of the history of the Arab World. The section is part of wider e-course consisting of 4 sections in total.

Middle East Policy, 2017

Brenner’s book departs from the conventional discussion about the group’s role in the Israeli-Pal... more Brenner’s book departs from the conventional discussion about the group’s role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and treats Hamas as an instance of Islamic governance. Moreover, the reading not only contains information that helps one reconstruct the conditions leading to the status quo in the Gaza Strip, but also provides the full picture of incidents that made headlines yet soon fell into oblivion.

Middle East Policy, 2016

Mohannad Sabry's book is a comprehensive analysis that substantially illuminates the sociopolitic... more Mohannad Sabry's book is a comprehensive analysis that substantially illuminates the sociopolitical conditions and developments in the Sinai Peninsula, an area which, until February 2011, suffered from an almost absolute media blackout.

The revolution of 1821 which paved the way for the Greek independence saw intense internal disput... more The revolution of 1821 which paved the way for the Greek independence saw intense internal disputes. In the beginning of the division, a distinguished chieftain from Messinia named Nikitaras stormed the revolutionary assembly and threatened its members with a “Governo Militare” (sic), i.e. a military coup. For the record, Nikitaras’s faction lost the internal strife. As for him, despite his illustrious contribution to the struggle, he died penniless many years after the independence. But his words in 1823 were nothing but abstract. On the contrary, they reflected a model that would characterise the industrial world that was then morphing. The model of militaristic states where decorated soldiers take leading roles in the public sphere, sometimes even via democratic means and legitimacy. Militarism, in its various forms and expressions, continues to be relevant to date. And if one takes a glance at the recent political developments is Israel, then he/she shall observe that the so called only democracy in the Middle East preserves a strong militaristic aspect.

On May 14, 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the establishment of Israel thereby kicking off a war... more On May 14, 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the establishment of Israel thereby kicking off a war which on the one hand materialised the vision of a state for the Jewish community, but on the other forced hundreds of thousands of Arabs to abandon their homesteads. This very massive exodus, which is engrained in the Palestinian collective memory as blatantly unjust, was the womb of what we have since been referring to as the Palestinian Issue. In this sense, the viable resolution of the latter is mathematically impossible without addressing fairly the former.

Two decades after the Six-Day War the Palestinian territories would witness the outbreak of wides... more Two decades after the Six-Day War the Palestinian territories would witness the outbreak of widespread riots. The children of the stones tried to shake the occupation regime off their shoulders. Although the objective would prove too high to reach, their actions were far from futile. To be sure, the uprising put the limits of the Israeli security establishment to the test thereby exposing the cruel aspects of the occupation. Moreover, by applying constant pressure, it played a significant role in the decision of the Israeli leaders to pursue a settlement with the Palestinians.

World is stunned by the unspeakable carnage that occurred at a Sufi mosque in North Sinai. The ne... more World is stunned by the unspeakable carnage that occurred at a Sufi mosque in North Sinai. The news regarding the Islamist militants executing in cold blood scores of unarmed worshipers rightly causes shock and awe. What could possibly generate such volumes of hatred? And if we are not dealing with a bunch of lunatics, with the scientific meaning of the term, then who do we have to blame for the recent slaughter? And, more importantly, why this attack is not the last act of the ongoing drama?

As the relatively downgraded centenary festivities, the decision of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn t... more As the relatively downgraded centenary festivities, the decision of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn to snub them, the rejected demand of the Palestinian Authority for an official apology from London, and the various scheduled protests suggest, Balfour Declaration is still in position to cause political implications. If anything else, the ability of a document that was penned exactly a century ago to persist in being politically relevant commands to be studied and discussed at least one more time.

Published at www.ThePressProject.gr

Μια από τις ειδήσεις που κυριάρχησαν στα διεθνή μέσα την τελευταία εβδομάδα σχετίζεται με το διαφ... more Μια από τις ειδήσεις που κυριάρχησαν στα διεθνή μέσα την τελευταία εβδομάδα σχετίζεται με το διαφαινόμενο τέλος του παλαιστινιακού διχασμού. Αν μη τι άλλο η επίσκεψη του Παλαιστίνιου πρωθυπουργού Ραμί Χαμντάλλα στη Γάζα δείχνει ότι μια σοβαρή πρωτοβουλία είναι σε εξέλιξη. Όμως η αισιοδοξία δεν φαίνεται να πλημμυρίζει τον άμεσα ενδιαφερόμενο, ήτοι τον παλαιστινιακό λαό. Και αυτό γιατί οι Παλαιστίνιοι, καλύτερα από τον καθένα, ξέρουν ότι η συμφιλίωση, που επί χρόνια δεν έρχεται, περνά μέσα από πολιτικούς συμβιβασμούς που Φατάχ και Χαμάς θα προτιμούσαν να αποφύγουν.

Published at www.ThePressProject.gr

Συχνά λέγεται ότι δεν έχουν σημασία τα πρόσωπα αλλά οι πολιτικές. Ωστόσο, επειδή συχνά οι πολιτικ... more Συχνά λέγεται ότι δεν έχουν σημασία τα πρόσωπα αλλά οι πολιτικές. Ωστόσο, επειδή συχνά οι πολιτικές συμβαίνει να μην είναι τίποτα άλλο από το αποτύπωμα των προσώπων που ασκούν διοίκηση, οι αλλαγές στην κορυφή οργανώσεων δικαίως συνεχίζουν να τραβούν την προσοχή των απανταχού παρατηρητών.

Published at www.Capital.gr

Ο Ιμπν Χαλντούν, ένας από τους σπουδαιότερους λόγιους του αραβικού κόσμου έλεγε πως η αλήθεια μοι... more Ο Ιμπν Χαλντούν, ένας από τους σπουδαιότερους λόγιους του αραβικού κόσμου έλεγε πως η αλήθεια μοιάζει με το νερό που παίρνει το σχήμα του δοχείου που το περιέχει. Με άλλα λόγια, καλό είναι ορισμένες φορές να επικεντρώνουμε λιγότερο σε αυτά καθαυτά τα γεγονότα και περισσότερο στο πλαίσιο που τα περιβάλλουν, ιδιαίτερα όταν έχουμε να κάνουμε με καταστάσεις τόσο περίπλοκες όσο η συριακή κρίση.

Ο Φρεντ Χάλιντεϊ που μελέτησε όσο λίγοι τις πολιτικές ισορροπίες στη Μέση Ανατολή έλεγε πως κάθε ... more Ο Φρεντ Χάλιντεϊ που μελέτησε όσο λίγοι τις πολιτικές ισορροπίες στη Μέση Ανατολή έλεγε πως κάθε κατάσταση στην πολιτική ζωή δύναται να εξελιχθεί με παραπάνω από έναν τρόπους. Με άλλα λογία, καλό είναι να είμαστε εξαιρετικά επιφυλακτικοί με όλες τις προφητείες.

Starr and Thomas argue that one key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction opportu... more Starr and Thomas argue that one key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction opportunities of the social units they demarcate and, consequently, increase the potential costs and gains that derive from them. Based on the above, this paper looks at the cross-border interaction between the Hamas controlled Gaza Strip and Egypt, with the aim of showing how the cross-border interaction between asymmetric entities with strategic differences can upgrade their tactical cooperation. Hamas is an Islamic Palestinian organisation which since June 2007 controls the Gaza Strip; a coastal enclave which in the South-East borders with Egypt’s Sinai. Egypt, a leading Arab state which has mainly been ruled by secularist military-associated figures, enjoys since 1979 a strategic alliance with the US and a peace treaty with Israel; Hamas’s basic adversary. It becomes therefore apparent that strategic differences characterise Hamas-Egypt relations. Nevertheless, because Israel responded to Gaza’s takeover with a trade blockade which resulted in reorienting Gaza’s economy from Israel to Egypt, Hamas-Egypt cross-border interaction after June 2007 contributed to the heightening of Hamas-Egypt tactical cooperation. To be sure, although after Gaza’s takeover the Rafah crossing remained mostly closed, the trade, albeit irregular, between Gaza and Egypt rose significantly due to the increase of the use of illicit underground tunnels. Consequently, this paper will trace the enhancement of Hamas-Egypt tactical cooperation on two axes. Firstly, on the evolution of the phenomenon of Rafah tunnels. And secondly, on the occasions where the Egyptian authorities acquiesced to temporarily open the Rafah crossing.

The Muslim Brotherhood is Egypt’s most powerful Islamic political organisation; it used to be Mub... more The Muslim Brotherhood is Egypt’s most powerful Islamic political organisation; it used to be Mubarak’s main domestic foe and in June 2012, after Morsi’s election, it governed Egypt for a year. Hamas is an Islamic Palestinian organisation which descends from the Muslim Brotherhood and which, since June 2007, controls the Gaza Strip. That being said Morsi’s presidency marks an era when two politically related Islamic organisations simultaneously ruled two bordering entities in the Middle East. This paper traces the improvements that Hamas-Egypt relations saw during this period and explains what deterred them from undergoing a radical shift. Egypt under Morsi should be seen as a part of post-Mubarak Egypt which falls into the pattern of what Siverson and Star have described as a polity undergoing regime change. According to their framework between the end of the old regime and the emergence of the new one intervenes a period which is characterised by the competition of the various elites to evolve into the new regime. Hence, in the face of the Muslim Brotherhood’s need to bolster its authority inside Egypt, Hamas was willing to grant Morsi with time and not raise maximalistic demands. The paper traces the development of Hamas-Egypt relations on the way Hamas responded to Morsi’s election, on the handling of the implications of the lethal cross border attack against Israel in August 2012 and on Egypt’s efforts to broker a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel in November 2012.

My work relates to the widely discussed Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its development in the 2... more My work relates to the widely discussed Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its development in the 21 st century. My focus is on Hamas because of the elevated role of this particular Palestinian group after 2000. More specifically, I look at the relations of Hamas with the Egyptian state under Mubarak. The period on which my research focuses commences in January 2006. Why?

Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised ... more Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised bureaucracy and armed forces. In contrast, Hamas is an armed social movement, which, after its electoral victory in January 2006 and, more importantly, after acquiring full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, emerged as a quasi-state with internal sovereignty. Egypt enjoys a peace treaty with Israel and a strategic alliance with the US, whereas Hamas is in conflict with Israel, and is designated by the US as a terrorist group. This thesis traces the interactions between Hamas and Egypt during the 2006-2014 period, with a focus on the Mubarak era. The dissertation’s main aim is not only to present how and when asymmetry and strategic differences between Hamas and Egypt were reflected in their relations, but also to explain why and how on certain occasions their interactions took on the form of tactical cooperation. Hence, I show that small or quasi-states in the contemporary Middle East are in position to extract political gains from larger neighbouring state actors even in the presence of strategic differences. This thesis contextualises the situations it discusses through Omni Balancing Theory (OBT), which understands an actor’s foreign policy as the outcome of the efforts of its leader to survive politically by balancing between external and internal threats. In this regard, Egypt’s approach towards Hamas and vice versa at a given time is seen as the result of a cost-benefit calculation that has assessed the value of simultaneous foreign and domestic threats. Accordingly, the dissertation looks at Hamas-Egypt relations through three lenses: firstly, through the impact of international and regional pressures; secondly, through cross-border interactions; and thirdly, through the effect of domestic pressures. Finally, the thesis separately discusses the course of Hamas-Egypt relations between February 2011 and August 2014. This is due to the density of the political developments during this period. To be precise, the three weak post-Mubarak Egyptian governments faced quite diverse threats the dealing of which generated considerable fluctuations in Cairo’s approach towards Hamas

Middle East Policy, Dec 1, 2017

Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised ... more Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised bureaucracy and armed forces. In contrast, Hamas is an armed social movement, which, after its electoral victory in January 2006 and, more importantly, after acquiring full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, emerged as a quasi-state with internal sovereignty. Egypt enjoys a peace treaty with Israel and a strategic alliance with the US, whereas Hamas is in conflict with Israel, and is designated by the US as a terrorist group. This thesis traces the interactions between Hamas and Egypt during the 2006-2014 period, with a focus on the Mubarak era. The dissertation’s main aim is not only to present how and when asymmetry and strategic differences between Hamas and Egypt were reflected in their relations, but also to explain why and how on certain occasions their interactions took on the form of tactical cooperation. Hence, I show that small or quasi-states in the contemporary Middle East are in position to extract political gains from larger neighbouring state actors even in the presence of strategic differences. This thesis contextualises the situations it discusses through Omni Balancing Theory (OBT), which understands an actor’s foreign policy as the outcome of the efforts of its leader to survive politically by balancing between external and internal threats. In this regard, Egypt’s approach towards Hamas and vice versa at a given time is seen as the result of a cost-benefit calculation that has assessed the value of simultaneous foreign and domestic threats. Accordingly, the dissertation looks at Hamas-Egypt relations through three lenses: firstly, through the impact of international and regional pressures; secondly, through cross-border interactions; and thirdly, through the effect of domestic pressures. Finally, the thesis separately discusses the course of Hamas-Egypt relations between February 2011 and August 2014. This is due to the density of the political developments during this period. To be precise, the three weak post-Mubarak Egyptian governments faced quite diverse threats the dealing of which generated considerable fluctuations in Cairo’s approach towards Hamas

The Journal of North African Studies, 2016

lence. The example of ‘Abd al-Qādir allows Cherif to argue for the validity of a unique blend of ... more lence. The example of ‘Abd al-Qādir allows Cherif to argue for the validity of a unique blend of Islamic thought and universal humanism. It is difficult not to share Cherif’s hopes for a future of dialogue and mutual respect and his book certainly presents an inspiring example in the life of ‘Abd al-Qādir. That said, the book suffers from repetition, including the retelling of the same story or quotation in multiple chapters. In addition, Cherif presents ‘Abd al-Qādir as entirely infallible. The narrative of the Emir’s life would benefit from some critical analysis of his actions, without risk of diminishing his exemplary life story. Finally, it must be said that the book contains some very grand claims, including designating ‘Abd al-Qādir as the founder of both the modern concept of human rights and the Algerian state. The validity of these claims is assumed rather than demonstrated. Of course, the book is not a work of history and the author does not pretend to be anything less than overtly political in making these claims. Despite these issues, the book offers an inspiring narrative of respect and humanity. Through the story of the life of the Emir ‘Abd al-Qādir, Cherif makes a powerful case for the need for interfaith and intercultural dialogue in the present.