Journal of Regional Security | Faculty of Political Sciences Belgrade (original) (raw)

Vol 12, No 1(2017) by Journal of Regional Security

The EU is a major funder of migration projects around the world. There is a relationship of inter... more The EU is a major funder of migration projects around the world. There is a relationship of interdependence between the EU and international organizations, with the former offering funding and the latter offering implementation capacity. This paper explores this relationship in more detail. In particular, it explores how these international organizations are involved in the EU funds beyond implementation. This paper employs an organization theory approach to explain this central role of international organizations. This article argues that these organizations carefully navigate between the 'company' and 'political' organizational types. Moreover, the Commission and these organizations can be better conceptualized as forming a 'partial' organization. This holds implications for transparency and accountability in this area of growing spending. Three organizations are looked at in the context of this paper: The International Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD).

Vol 11, No 2 (2016) by Journal of Regional Security

This piece looks to backwards and forwards to what feminist work in security was, is, and could b... more This piece looks to backwards and forwards to what feminist work in security was, is, and could be, pairing a historical sociology with a forward-looking view of the future(s) of the field. It begins with thinking about feminist studies of security before FSS as a foundation for the discussion, then traces different claims to core identities of FSS. It then looks at divergent strands of FSS, as well as omissions and critiques. Rather than looking to reconcile those different accounts, it asks what can be taken from them to engage potential futures for FSS, and its contribution to feminisms and/or studies of security.

Peace operations are increasingly multi-dimensional and are affecting ever more aspects of life a... more Peace operations are increasingly multi-dimensional and are affecting ever more aspects of life at the grassroots level. While this evolution is necessary, it has created a tension in the field of legitimacy. Indeed, how can the United Nations possibly legitimise its actions in a domain traditionally subject to domestic laws and norms? International and domestic standards of legitimacy are clashing but neither of them is fully adapted to the particular case of peace operations. This article outlines a third approach to legitimacy centred on the UN Charter which incorporates the views of the entire legitimacy constituency of peace operations deployed in volatile environments.

I present a discussion of the current state of liberal internationalism as it relates to internat... more I present a discussion of the current state of liberal internationalism as it relates to international organisations. I maintain that the literature focuses too much on liberal internationalism instead of non-liberal internationalism. is is problematic because non-liberal states are increasingly becoming important players in the international system, as is the case with Russia and China. I argue that non-liberal states have a variety of approaches in their dealings with international institutions that can enable them to maximise their net gains from institutions. These are: 1) keep using the liberal institution, 2) utilise institutional àla cartism (forum shop- ping), 3) create an anti-liberal institution, or 4) opt out of institutions all together. Scholars and practitioners alike should acknowledge that international institutions can be a vehicle whereby non-liberal states maximise their power and diminish the power and influence of liberal states.

The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed independent states, which emerged in its place, to c... more The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed independent states, which emerged in its place, to construct their own alignments. The choice of the case for empirical analysis had been made based on several unique characteristics. Orthodox Alliance Theory had almost never properly addressed alignments in the post-Soviet space due to the lack of access to information during the Soviet period – along with the structure of the state: only Soviet alignment policies were taken into consideration, instead of those of its constituent republics as well – and modest interest of alliance theorists in the region. Continued disintegration of the post-Soviet space, which has not stopped with the collapse of the Soviet Union but keeps fragmenting further, creates a unique setting for researching the adequacy of Alliance Theory's classic assumptions as well as developing new approaches. This work traces the development of the post-Soviet system of collective security and its subsequent transformation into a series of bilateral security relations , along with the shortfall of multilateralism.

Vol 11, No 1 (2016) by Journal of Regional Security

This project reflects on the ambivalence of the EU member states in their relationships with the ... more This project reflects on the ambivalence of the EU member states in their relationships with the new institutional arm of European diplomacy – the European External Action Service, headed by the High Representative. While trapped in rhetorical support for stronger and better-coordinated EU foreign policy, the member states show little willingness to equip the newcomer with political mandate and room for action, and provide a case in point for the post-Maastricht integration paradox. The main aim of this paper is to shed light on the reasons for this paradoxical behaviour. Taking into consideration the timeline 2009−2014, the article looks at patterns and dynamics of the mutual cooperation between the EEAS selected member states (Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom).

Since the 1990s, Turkey and the European Union (EU) have each increasingly pursued active foreign... more Since the 1990s, Turkey and the European Union (EU) have each increasingly pursued active foreign policies in the Western Balkans, aimed at establishing peace, stability, and security in the region. Over the past few years, Turkey's active foreign policy approach has been frequently labelled as " Neo-Ottomanism ". Against this backdrop of deteriorating relations between the EU and Turkey, Turkey has been attempting to use its soft power potential to consolidate its political, economic, and cultural influence in the Western Balkans. Thearticleexplores the factors contributing to and hindering Turkish influence in the region. It then analyzes factors behind Turkey's renewed activism within the context of recent developments in EU-Turkey relations. Drawing onan extensive series ofelite interviews conducted in Turkey, the United Kingdom, Serbia, and Bosnia from 2011 to 2013, the article concludes with an examination of whether Turkey and the EU may best be regarded as strategic partners or competitors in the region.

Throughout the past decade the policy of the European Union (EU) towards its eastern neighbours h... more Throughout the past decade the policy of the European Union (EU) towards its eastern neighbours has avoided focusing on security issues. However, the Ukraine crisis had had a deep impact on the EU's foreign policy and its approach towards post-Soviet space. It has highlighted that the EU's eastern neighbourhood is characterised by intense geopolitical competition with Russia. The crisis also underscored the weakness of the EU's low politics approach towards the post-Soviet space and Russia. On the other hand, Russia's actions in Ukraine have made the member states more willing to act together and recognise Russia as a security threat. In this context, the article argues that while the EU has not always viewed its relations with Russia and the post-Soviet space in traditional geopolitical terms, the shape of the regional geopolitical structure has always influenced its policy towards the region. Moreover, the article shows how the EU has gradually embraced geopolitical competition for influence in the post-Soviet space with Russia and even confrontation with Moscow.

The tale I wish to recount in this keynote address goes to the heart of some of the challenges cu... more The tale I wish to recount in this keynote address goes to the heart of some of the challenges currently facing the European Union. It is a tale of how a set of assumptions were elevated to the level of self evident truths and pursued to a point where good things turn stale, or perhaps – sour. When we look back upon the process that led to the forming of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its defense dimension, the CSDP, one cannot avoid noting the fact that while all agreed that the EU should have such policies, remarkably little thought went into what they should be about.

Vol 10, No 2 (2015) by Journal of Regional Security

This article aims to expand narrative analysis in International Relations (IR) by exploring narra... more This article aims to expand narrative analysis in International Relations (IR) by exploring narratives in mutual dialogue. The purpose is to move narrative analysis away from mostly static approaches that focus on speech or other performative acts, toward a more dynamic approach that focuses on narrative interaction and dialogue. While the logic of what narratives actually do in politics builds on existing work within the IR linguistic turn, I emphasize the process by which the content and rearrangement of narratives depends on their mutual dialogue, which makes narratives co-constitutive of each other. Examples of political narratives – specifically the competing narratives of genocide – in the former Yugoslavia and its successor states illustrate these dynamics. The Yugoslav space offers a great laboratory to examine narratives in dialogue as this is where competing state autobiographies bounced against each other, adapted, and transformed into powerful tales that justified (if not directly produced) state partition and mass atrocity.

Many optimists believed that the “Arab Spring” was a ripe moment for regional radiant Turkey with... more Many optimists believed that the “Arab Spring” was a ripe moment for regional radiant Turkey with its pro-active stance that could trigger “demonstrative e ect” and transform the con ict-ridden Middle Eastern (in) security complex into a pluralistic security community. However, those expectations on Turkey’s capabilities to transform the region have fallen short as Middle East re-entered into turmoil. In this light, the article aims to conduct an academic inquiry into the reasons that curtailed Turkey of priming the pump for a regional security community in the region. It argues that international system (structural), sub-systemic (regional), and nally that of agential factors (Turkey’s own domestic embodiment) hindered Turkey’s e orts to transform the Middle East into security community. It concludes that three main hindrances (that of systemic, sub-systemic and domestic) which altogether, but particularly the latter, render Turkey to fall short in restoring peace and stability back to the Middle East at the time of Arab uprisings.

The end of the Cold War has had profound effect on deterrence theory and practice. Contrary to th... more The end of the Cold War has had profound effect on deterrence theory and practice. Contrary to the perceived belief that deterrence was a dead concept after the demise of the Cold War rivalries, it lives, even grabs more attentions with recent developments in international relations. During the entire Cold War period, deterrence had been studied within a systemic context in which nuclear superpowers operated in a bipolar world. In the post-Cold War era, with a renewing interest in deterrence theory and practice, deterrence at regional level appears to be more pertinent to new security environment. However, current literature on the concept does not pay adequate attention to deterrence at this level. In this sense, Regional Security Complex Theory(RSCT) has an important explanatory power for resolving regional dynamics in which deterrence practice is generally shaped. This article aims to bridge the gap between deterrence studies and regions, as a level of analysis, by integrating RSCT within the wider deterrence discussion.

The 'greater Nordic space' between Great Britain, Germany and Russia has over time varied with th... more The 'greater Nordic space' between Great Britain, Germany and Russia has over time varied with the balance of power. The Baltic States e.g. have been in and out of the space, rejoining by regaining sovereignty after the end of the Cold War. Russia's actions in Ukraine and beyond during 2014 mark the end of the Post-Cold War period and its aspiration to peaceful integration. The small states of the greater Nordic space are now rediscovering their inescapable geopolitical nearness to Russia. Drawing on RSCT and Nordic-Baltic integration literature, the article contributes to understanding the Northern European part of the Euro-Russian Regional Security Complex. Theoretically, the article links RSCT and integration logics through the twin concepts of a 'security region' (given outside-in as one part of a negatively defined RSC), and a 'political region' (created inside-out under the shield provided by the security region). To link the two concepts, Heidegger's idea of Geworfenheit, or thrownness, is employed to capture how the states of the greater Nordic space are always already subject to the dynamics underlying that space and how this condition affects the states' interpretation of their changing surroundings, including translation into political regionality. Empirically, the article therefore argues that Russia's new foreign policy has created a greater Nordic space 'security region' – supported by the United States – that is paving the way for new integration initiatives to a strengthened 'political region' inside the space, possibly as a 'greater Nordic region' .

Vol 10, No 1 (2015) by Journal of Regional Security

Keynote speech at the academic event of the Belgrade Security Forum, 30 September 2014.

The events in Ukraine in 2013–2014 will have long-lasting ramifications for the future of interna... more The events in Ukraine in 2013–2014 will have long-lasting ramifications for the future of international security being in essence the end of a post Cold War order. While the scale of Russia’s involvement in Ukraine is still debated, the discursive construction of Ukrainian crisis in Russian media undeniably draws heavily on the World War II narrative of fascism. Representing Euromaidan participants as being on the ‘wrong side of history’ helps bolster an existential threat frame that resonates extremely well on the Post-Soviet space. This paper explores the digital memory of fascism on Russian social media in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine by analysing debates on Russian segments of social networks, such as Twitter, Livejournal.com and Vkontakte.com.

Just as norm-complying states adapt their practices to expected behaviors, post-conflict states ... more Just as norm-complying states adapt their practices to expected behaviors, post-conflict states are forced to adapt their practices and rhetoric to better resist pressures to comply with particular norms. Building on this insight, this paper analyzes three mechanisms through which the ruling elite in present day Serbia strategically constructed commemorative arenas for the purpose of dealing with the opposing demands and norms made both on the international as well as the national level: 1) de-contextualization of memory contents, 2) creation of social narratives of suffering and 3) promotion of the Holocaust memory as a screen memory. These are strategies of silencing which prevent public debate, representation, negotiation and are intended to reduce the tension between the contradicting demands at the international and the domestic levels. I suggest that the gap between the local and global forces and the changing role of the state, makes it possible for memory content to become a currency, a means of achieving certain real or symbolic benefits.

In 2009, the Government of the Republic of Macedonia announced the Skopje 2014 Project, a projec... more In 2009, the Government of the Republic of Macedonia announced the Skopje 2014 Project, a project that envisioned an urban reconstruction of the city through a series of monuments of historical and religious figures, as well as various public buildings resembling neo-classical, or neo-baroque style. The Project was the culmination of a wider nation-building project initiated several years earlier that became known as “antiquisation” that sought to reconstruct and redefine Macedonian national identity, in which the uppermost importance was given to the figure of Alexander the Great. The nation-building project stressed a linear continuity of Macedonian national identity from antiquity to the present thereby emphasizing the nation’s unceasing existence and affirmation throughout the centuries. But what were the underlying causes that shaped the nation-building project? How have historical, political and other factors influenced the nation-building project in Macedonia? And why was ancient Macedonia chosen as the narrative around which the nation-building project could take place? These are the questions that the present article will attempt to answer. The aim of this article is to examine the complex interplay between security policy and nation-building, in the Macedonian context. More specifically, it will argue that the current nation-building project in Macedonia has been developed as a response to internal and external perceived identity threats. Namely, ever since declaring independence the Republic of Macedonia has been facing a double societal security dilemma – an external, stemming from the country’s immediate neighbors who constantly dispute the existence of a distinct Macedonian national identity, and an internal reflected in the constant challenges of the character of the State, by the country’s ethnic Albanian community. In response, the nation-building project sought to address these concerns.

Memory is an organizing phenomenon for both individuals and societies. Memory allows us to organi... more Memory is an organizing phenomenon for both individuals and societies. Memory allows us to organize our past, foster an identity and ensure our belonging to a group1. Memory plays a central role in the shaping of contemporary identities because it helps us re-construct our identity in relation to our past and other people’s past. How does the memory of war shape the second generation’s identity? By using data collected in 26 families of war survivors from Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper examines how the identity of the second generation is being shaped by their parents’ war experience.

Vol 9, No 2 (2014) by Journal of Regional Security

This article examines Serbia’s capacities to participate in civilian peace operations,including t... more This article examines Serbia’s capacities to participate in civilian peace operations,including the analysis of legislation regulating international cooperation and contribution to peace operations. Furthermore, based on interviews with representatives of various institutions, it also addresses the key practical challenges that these institutions are currently facing in civilian contribution. It examines the roles of relevant stakeholders, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the military and thepolice, with potential participants from other branches of government also included in this analysis. The research sample also included local persons working by contract for international organizations in Serbia, in order to examine the capacities they possess. Several challenges and opportunities for further development of existing frameworks were detected therein. Initial interest expressed by various “civil” ministries to contribute to peace operations (Ministry of Foreign Trade, Ministry of Justice) could contribute to building of CIVCAP. Also, existing institutions, such as Office for cooperation with CSOs andGovernmental Department of Human Resources Management could be easily turned into rosters of potential candidates for peace operations. The article argues that a huge potential exists in Serbia,however, its adequate use is prevented by the lack of clear foreign policy goals and coherent government policy. In this regard, the article recommends the government to increase the existing training capacities, coordinate the efforts of various stakeholders and establish two potential rosters of experts.

Over the past several years the United Nations has increasingly emphasized the role that civili... more Over the past several years the United Nations has increasingly emphasized the role that civilian capacities can play in post-conflict peacebuilding and called for member states to provide expertise. This special issue of the Journal of Regional Security will explore the civilian capacities of the Western Balkans countries and whether there is political will to respond to the call to deploy civilian capacities to UN peace operations and other international organizations. Looking at how Western Balkan countries train, roster and deploy civilian capacities, it will also explore whether increased cooperation in this area could be considered as a security community practice, nurturing bilateral relations and building cooperation in the Western Balkan region. The article finds that there is still a great gap between the expressed policy intent of providing civilian capacities to peace support operations, and putting it into practice. There is also lack of a strategic consideration of how the training and deployment of civilian capacities to peace operations could build legitimacy in international organizations and enhance regional cooperation among the states in the Western Balkans. The article recommends the initiation of a regional dialogue on training and rostering of civilian capacities, realizing synergies and furthering regional cooperation.

Keynote speech at the academic event of the Belgrade Security Forum, 30 September 2014.

Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has gone from being a receiver to providing assistanceto post-confli... more Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has gone from being a receiver to providing assistanceto post-conflict countries. Through its experience with rebuilding the country after conflict, BiH can make relevant and useful contributions to further peacebuilding and sustainable development in other countries. This article details current contributions BiH is making to international peace operations, maps the civilian capacities BiH could contribute in the future, and provides recommendations on how this could be implemented with regards to training, rostering and deployment of civilian capacities. Successful training, rostering and deployment of civilian capacities from BiH could be replicated at the Western Balkans level and bear witness to the development of security communities in BiH and the region.

This article gives an overview of the current Croatian policies as well as the legal and institut... more This article gives an overview of the current Croatian policies as well as the legal and institutional framework related to the deployment of civilians in peace operations. It aims to explore the challenges and opportunities for further development of the existing framework to support the current political interest for civilian capacities that exists in Croatia. The article argues that most of the present state activities related to deployment of civilians in peace operations are a result of EU and NATO accession processes. It also explores the challenges in the mindset of decision and policy makers in understanding Croatia more as a security provider, rather than security receiver and questions to what extent, or how fast, the post-conflict state may be transformed into an important player in the peace building arena. The challenges are analysed through state implementation of international development cooperation as a foreign policy tool.

Macedonia is lacking a strategy for civilian contribution to peace operations. There have been in... more Macedonia is lacking a strategy for civilian contribution to peace operations. There have been initiatives and sporadic attempts to address the issue but these were never intertwined into a coherent policy. Civilian participation in peace operations remains on the radar of Macedonia’s authorities and would largely benefit from external involvement in the form of provision of guidance both at strategic and operational levels. In times of austerity, blockade of EU and NATO processes and withdrawal from Afghanistan, putting an emphasis of civilian contributionsto peace operations may be viewed as a natural continuation of Macedonia’s input to international peace and security. This paper aims to assess the developments related to Macedonia’s contribution to peace operations through civilian means by mapping its potential capacities and areas of expertise. It therefore outlines and recommends the development of civilian components for peace operations and post-conflict societies growing out of the experience that Macedonia has had in policing, crisis management and media training.

The question that this paper sets outs to answer is whether Montenegro is prepared for participat... more The question that this paper sets outs to answer is whether Montenegro is prepared for participation in peace support operations with civilian capacities. Montenegro currently participates in four peace support missions under UN, NATO and EU auspices, almost exclusively with armed troops. The police is starting to deploy its officers to missions, while the civil protection units have not yet been formed and the representatives of other institutions have so far not participated in any missions. The key finding of this paper is that Montenegro is at the very start of developing its policy in the area of civilian participation in the peace support missions. Political will to engage in developing CIVCAP exists. However, it does not seem to stem from an inherent need of the country or to be a choice made on the basis of evaluation of hitherto policy in this area. Montenegro has started to conduct activities aimed at establishing CIVCAP exclusively as one of the specifically outlined steps in the NATO integration process. The incentive to pursue this goal is not yet strong and the process of developing CIVCAP has not yet been institutionalized. The legal framework, though regulating the military participation in relatively elaborate detail, does not deal with civilian capacities at all. The concept of CIVCAP suitable for Montenegro is still being debated in the administration with no clear idea on what direction to take and very little knowledge about the comparative experiences in this regard. The process is quite challenging for a small state with limited capacities and strong donor support for initial steps is crucial for its success.

African and external approaches to security governance and reform have come to stress the importa... more African and external approaches to security governance and reform have come to stress the importance of local, national and regional ownership, embodied at the national level by the concept of “local ownership” of Security Sector Reform and in the recourse to regional and sub-regional security mechanisms as “African solutions to African problems”. While a normative consensus on this idea seems to have emerged in the policy sphere, we ask what traits can be discerned in the national and regional discourses and practices of security governance that might be plausibly considered specifically African. This article thus explores the discourses and practices of attempts to link aspects of security governance to specific times and places at the national and regional levels in Africa. Tracing the discursive recourse to identity across four eras of modern African history, we argue that specifically African traits of security governance at national and regional levels can be discerned in institutional legacies of repression and poor security governance, as well as the discursive commitment to norms of human security at the regional level, as embodied in the African Peace and Security Architecture.

New and novel military structures have emerged across the region in the context of externally dri... more New and novel military structures have emerged across the region in the context of externally driven post-conflict defence reform. As the post-conflict narrative gives way to new domestic, regional and international challenges and opportunities, elements of the process remain unresolved. This paper will argue that in order to establish a sustainable and efficient military platform three emerging and interrelated lacunae need to be addressed: knowledge deficits in civilian-military relations; ownership cleavages as a result of adherence to Euro-Atlantic integration; and legitimacy of military function beyond the post-conflict context.

In post-conflict zones, there is a need to better understand the role of civil society in buildin... more In post-conflict zones, there is a need to better understand the role of civil society in building the legitimacy of reformed police institutions. Northern Ireland provides an instructive case in this regard, as community involvement and civilian oversight of policing structures were prominent in the reform process. While much has been achieved since the 1999 Independent Commission on Policing, the question of police legitimation is still largely unresolved. In order for police reform to be fully realized, and to ensure that everyday legitimacy is established, more attention must be paid to building relationships between the police and local communities.

The study of the democratisation of intelligence in former authoritarian regimes and, more broadl... more The study of the democratisation of intelligence in former authoritarian regimes and, more broadly, the relationship between intelligence and democracy, has hitherto concentrated on state intelligence services. The article challenges the utility of this state-centric model and considers the significance of corporate and para-state sectors of intelligence including their multiple interactions with states. ‘Securitism’ is developed as a model of these interactions which can be used in the analysis of contemporary intelligence governance and the profound challenges posed to the possibility of democratic control and oversight.

Definitional properties of the security community’s “dependable expectations of peaceful change” ... more Definitional properties of the security community’s “dependable expectations of peaceful change” exist whenever neither side makes further violence unimaginable. School education in the Western Balkans intensifies the thinking that hostility and conflicts are natural and immutable and makes understanding of war as something inevitable and justified. In this article I draw on Pinar Bilgin’s claim that unfulfilled potential in terms of knowledge and ideas that already exist in the region could help popularize the cause for a security community and facilitate its creation. By adopting immanent critique, a methodological orientation of the Welsh School, in the analysis of the Balkan Conferences (1930–1933) I demonstrate that factual manipulation of history has historically been frequently adopted by Balkan state elites in their permanent desire to build hegemony around ethno-centrism. It was briefly proposed at the Second and Third Conferences that new history textbooks that would overcome ethnocentrism and deepen the trust between the Balkan populations should be introduced in order to achieve rapprochement. In this article I argue that community-minded emancipatory education which adopts multi-perspective methodology and reflective pedagogy harbor crucial potential for further promotion of sustainable peace, facilitating trust in the Western Balkans and inducing the citizens to think of themselves as belonging to a single region.

The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues tha... more The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009-2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.

In the paper, the authors use the practice approach to untangle the nature of the EU’s practice o... more In the paper, the authors use the practice approach to untangle the nature of the EU’s practice of international peace mediation (IPM). Drawing on the recent practice turn in international relations scholarship, Bourdieu’s well-known concept of habitus is employed in order to elicit the background knowledge and values that constitute and transform this practice. In this regard, the EU’s practice of international peace mediation is examined through the lens of general peace mediation norms, as well as through the rules, norms, identity and culture that are specific to the European Union. Three cases are used for this endeavor: (1) the EU support for the Aceh peace process in Indonesia (2004–2008); (2) the EU engagement in the Russian-Georgian war (2008–2012); and (3) the mediating role which the EU has undertaken in the recent dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia (2011–2013).

Many have observed the early phases of regional security community development in the Western Ba... more Many have observed the early phases of regional security community development
in the Western Balkans over the past decade. Much of this research has focuses on elite-level, government to government and government to International Organization cooperation. Yet, for security community to become a reality, it must also develop at the public-level. In the Western Balkans, it remains to be seen just how deep this new sense of community reaches. Based on fieldwork and surveys conducted in 2007 and 2008, a crucial moment for the region, we argue that public-level security community is inconsistent and in some areas is all together lacking. It is our position that programs advanced in the Western Balkans must concentrate not just on elite institution building, but also on community building within and between the individual countries of the region.

This study argues that the post-Cold War changes in Turkish foreign and security policy (FSP) can... more This study argues that the post-Cold War changes in Turkish foreign and security policy (FSP) can best be understood as the regionalization of strategic and security outlook in Turkey. Here regionalization refers to two interrelated processes: first, the process whereby security interest definitions and threat perceptions in Turkey have gained an increasingly regional character, and second the process whereby Turkey has increasingly defined itself as an activist regional power. Yet, the current study takes issue with the widespread assumption that regionalist activism of Turkish FSP can only be appropriated to the recent Justice and Development Party governments. Rather, it argues that the regionalist activism observed in the 2000s should be conceived as the second regionalist turn in Turkish FSP. The first wave of regionalization began soon after the end of the Cold War and developed in parallel to the rise of the ‘region’ as a new unit of security in global politics. This study compares and contrasts these two regionalist eras with a view to exploring the post-Cold War regionalization of FSP in Turkey

International Relations theorists and international administrations have both started to employ ... more International Relations theorists and international administrations have both started
to employ an approach from organizational theory, the Community of Practice approach. In
this paper I investigate how International Relations scholars have translated the concept as a
theory useful for conducting practice theory research, and how international administrations have translated it into a governmental technology. To study the translation process I focus on the translation work of three actors, that is Etienne Wenger, Emanuel Adler and Jean-Marie Guéhenno. Over the course of this analysis, I connect what is seemingly unconnected: IR theory and international administrations. Based on this analysis I ask what the implications of such a “dual use” of a concept in science and administration are.

This paper analyzes the potential for maintaining the post-August War 2008 status quo in Abkhazia... more This paper analyzes the potential for maintaining the post-August War 2008 status quo in Abkhazia and explores possible transformation scenarios of the existing situation. The present study will attempt to investigate the remaining seeds of prospective conflict, as the current reality might contain some potential for the eruption of violence; namely: the construction of the Sochi Olympic complex which irritates Georgians and Circassians as well as portion of Abkhazians; the North Caucasian new policy line, initiated and followed by the central Georgian authorities: and Georgia’s recognition of the Russian Genocide of Circassians in the 19th century, which should become leverage against the Russian Federation in the wider Caucasus region. All of these aspects make up the present security dilemma in the region. It is interesting to see whether changes in the Abkhazian-Georgian and Abkhazian-Russian relations could be expected in the foreseeable future.

Twenty years since the onset of the wars of Yugoslav secession, the countries of the Western Balk... more Twenty years since the onset of the wars of Yugoslav secession, the countries of the Western Balkans continue to nurture narratives of the past that are mutually exclusive, contradictory, and irreconcilable. In this essay, I argue that there is a direct link between ways in which different states remember their pasts and obstacles to the building of long-term regional security community in the region. I propose that remembrance of the past and historical justice for past wrongs shape choices policymakers make, by making some options seem unimaginable, while others inevitable. The power that narratives of past violence and injustice hold onpolicymakers is particularly significant as the region advances toward European integration. The efforts to “clean up” the past – through education reform and memorialization projects– should not be thought of as secondary initiatives, but as critically needed steps in pursuit of regional stability based on sustainable security community.

This paper sheds light on the Europeanisation of Western Balkan states’ multilateral diplomacy in... more This paper sheds light on the Europeanisation of Western Balkan states’ multilateral diplomacy in the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). More specifically, it enquires into the politics of declaratory alignment of six Western Balkan states. It analyses the frequency at which those states have aligned themselves with the statements of the European Union (EU) between 2004 and 2011, and researches qualitatively the motives of their alignment. The paper finds that the declaratory behaviour of most Western Balkan states in the OSCE has become distinctively convergent with EU positions. Although conditionality certainly fosters alignment, the paper shows that socialisation is a more powerful mechanism of diffusion for most Western Balkan states; that emulation should not be neglected amongst small-sized countries; and that coercion and, interestingly, persuasion do not play a significant role.

The conflict in the Western Sahara is one of the oldest and most neglected. It is a conflict that... more The conflict in the Western Sahara is one of the oldest and most neglected. It is a conflict that moves yet fails to transform. It includes a number of internal and external traits, a high involvement of external actors and, apparently, no real desire to negotiate, impeding the disputing parties from transforming their initial positions that render this conflict frozen. It is a conflict in which, despite decades of negotiations and the expressed desire to reach a resolution (whether by autonomy, annexation or independence), economic and political interests, identities and the influence of foreign relations seem to obstruct rather than contribute to the conflict transformation. This article offers arguments that explain the Western Sahara conflict as a frozen one, and argues that acknowledgment of this reality is necessary to enable a conflict transformation that would contribute to the security of the region of North Africa.

This paper examines some of the challenges involved in recent efforts to create a new community o... more This paper examines some of the challenges involved in recent efforts to create a new community of practice that brings together – within the domain of peacebuilding – NATO and humanitarian actors. In recognition of the need to promote systematic cooperation
between the alliance and the humanitarian community, NATO has launched several initiatives aimed at constructing a domain of shared knowledge and common procedures, and, on this basis, cultivating mutual trust and a sense of membership in the same community between representatives of the alliance and members of the NGO community. While these initiatives have enjoyed a certain degree of success, at the deeper level the process of forging a new community of practice among these actors remains challenging and fraught with tension. This process has been rendered particularly complicated by the fact that some of the new initiatives challenge fundamental assumptions about self-identity and purpose both in NATO and within the humanitarian community. Indeed, efforts to construct a new community of practice in the domain of peacebuilding both reflect and contribute to intense debates and contestations within the Atlantic Alliance as well as among NGOs about their evolving identities and, linked to that, appropriate logics of action in the future.

The article will explore the possible emergence of a civilian capacity community in Serbia compri... more The article will explore the possible emergence of a civilian capacity community in Serbia comprised of Serbian policymakers, researchers and practitioners who are interested in peace support operations and willing to deploy Serbian experts through multilateral organizations such as the European Union, United Nations and the Organization of Security
and Co-operation in Europe. Having recently undergone a security sector reform, Serbia can offer to share relevant experience and expertise with these organizations through secondment or direct hire, in order to support the countries experiencing complex crises or those that are emerging from conflict. Serbian expertise can serve to soften some of the criticism leveled against peace support operations and provide relevant expertise to those in the field.

This article examines the impact of NATO enlargement on security and democratization in East Cen... more This article examines the impact of NATO enlargement on security and
democratization in East Central Europe in order to draw lessons for aspirants in the Western Balkans. I analyze some of the main arguments of Neo-realists and Neo-liberal Institutionalists on the role of international institutions like the EU and NATO for increasing stability and security, and for fostering cooperation among states. While neither theory wins, the article finds evidence to support some of the main propositions of both the Realist and the Institutionalist schools of thought. The theoretical analysis is then used to draw policy recommendations about the continuing enlargement of NATO and the Euro-Atlantic perspective for the Western Balkan states.

This paper seeks to analyze Israel’s emerging strategic alliance with the Balkan countries, not ... more This paper seeks to analyze Israel’s emerging strategic alliance with the Balkan
countries, not only as an “alternative” to Turkey, but rather expose how interest-driven policies
are rapidly shaping deepening political, military & intelligence cooperation with Cyprus,
Greece, Romania and Bulgaria. At the backdrop of Israel’s quest to form alternative alliances
with non-Middle Eastern states close to its geographical vicinity, is its apparent interests in
exporting newly discovered energy riches to European markets. Aside from commercial aspects
driving Israel’s relations with Greece and Cyprus, it remains unclear how viable a Balkan-Israel
alliance can be without some sort of Turkish-Israeli rapprochement.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, in addition to the political and ec... more Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, in addition to the political and economic orders, the structure of civil-military relations also began to change. The paper will provide an insight into the patterns of civil-military relations from a historical perspective. The main argument of the paper is that even though serious and mostly successful first generation reforms are made in the field of democratic civil-military relations, there are still some problems regarding the second generation reforms. In order to address these problems, the evolution of civil-military relations in the post-Communist era will be analyzed with a focus on successes and failures. After sorting out current problems, it will secondly try to answer the question what should be done in order to establish a more democratic structure of civil-military relations.

Research concerned with language and meanings is often thought to be less useful and less policy-... more Research concerned with language and meanings is often thought to be less useful and less policy-relevant than research utilising instrumental approaches. This article explores how a deeper understanding of the variety of meanings about ‘gender security’ in relation to Security Council Resolution 1325 can be useful to practitioners. An analysis of three initiatives related to SCR 1325 in Serbia demonstrates that different post-conflict personal-political imaginations leadtoverydifferentinterpretationsof‘gendersecurity’,shapingthesubsequentpolicydesigned to implement SCR 1325. Investigating how (potentially conflicting) ‘gender security’ policy is made is useful to practitioners as it enables us to go some way towards creating a policy that would be meaningful and significant to all stakeholders.

The article discusses some of the implications of the post-1989 inclusion of the problem of organ... more The article discusses some of the implications of the post-1989 inclusion of the problem of organized crime into the international security agenda. The analysis uses the case of Bulgaria where organized crime was identified and handled as national security threat in late 1990s in conditions of a shrinking social role of the state. This prompted a continuous and all pervasive institutional and legislative reform with limited results which led to a growing distrust in the Bulgarian institutions.

The paper focuses on the role of social capital reconstruction after an ethnic conflict, addressi... more The paper focuses on the role of social capital reconstruction after an ethnic conflict, addressing the importance of citizenship (re-)building for the political and economic development. Exploring the lessons learned from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the paper identifies several levels, at which policy efforts should be directed in order to ensure achievement of expected outcomes. Social capital is a complex mechanism that enables coherence and functioning of any societal system and especially of a state. If elements of social capital do not match, if the macro-level of social capital does not embrace a relevant micro-level, the system is in risk of failure and collapse. When a social capital of a political unit (e.g. state) is in focus, it could be regarded as a security factor. The findings can be applied to assess developments and to evaluate the stability risk in newly emerging states and countries in transition to democracy.