Emily L Blout | Georgetown University (original) (raw)
Books by Emily L Blout
Joins a select few as a go-to book on communication technology in Iran. Blout's extensive researc... more Joins a select few as a go-to book on communication technology in Iran. Blout's extensive research enriches our understanding of key inflection points in Iran's recent history and offers vital lessons for national security practitioners and policymakers today.
Bloomsbury, 2023
Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of med... more Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of media in the Islamic Republic–skirting the line between embracing Western communications technologies and rejecting them, between condemning social networking sites as foreign treachery and promoting themselves on Facebook. How does a regime that originally derived its hegemony from the ability to mass communicate its ideology protect its ideological dominance in a media environment defined by hybridity, hyper-connectivity, and near constant change? More broadly, what is the role of media in the construction and maintenance of power in Iran?
This book addresses these questions by examining the institutions, policies, and discourses of two political regimes over the course of nearly eight decades. Drawing from over 3,000 primary source documents and digital artifacts in Persian and English, including formerly classified material hidden deep in the archives, this book offers a history of media in Iran across political regimes and media paradigms– from the public's first encounter with mass communication in the 1940s, to the dawn of digital media in the 1990s, to internet and mobile telephony today.
At the same time, the book trains a keen eye on contemporary politics. With foundations in sociology and political science, Media and Power in Modern Iran offers trenchant insight into the present ruling establishment– a political regime born from what has become known as the "first televised revolution."
Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of med... more Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of media in the Islamic Republic–skirting the line between embracing Western communications technologies and rejecting them, between condemning social networking sites as foreign treachery and promoting themselves on Facebook. How does a regime that originally derived its hegemony from the ability to mass communicate its ideology protect its ideological dominance in a media environment defined by hybridity, hyper-connectivity, and near constant change? More broadly, what is the role of media in the construction and maintenance of power in Iran?
This book addresses these questions by examining the institutions, policies, and discourses of two political regimes over the course of nearly eight decades. Drawing from over 3,000 primary source documents and digital artifacts in Persian and English, including formerly classified material hidden deep in the archives, this book offers a history of media in Iran across political regimes and media paradigms– from the public's first encounter with mass communication in the 1940s, to the dawn of digital media in the 1990s, to internet and mobile telephony today.
At the same time, the book trains a keen eye on contemporary politics. With foundations in sociology and political science, Media and Power in Modern Iran offers trenchant insight into the present ruling establishment– a political regime born from what has become known as the "first televised revolution."
Chapters by Emily L Blout
Media and Power in Modern Iran: Mass Communication, Ideology, and the State, 2023
Today, in the eyes of the ruling regime, mass communication and power are closely bound. To under... more Today, in the eyes of the ruling regime, mass communication and power are closely bound. To understand this relationship, we must begin at the beginning of the mass communication age with the birth of radio. In this genesis story, we start to uncover a pattern of development which links the practice and industry of mass communication to the security of the regime (nezam) and the power of the state (dowlat).
This chapter begins with the introduction of radio in the 1930s and its continued growth as a machinery of war and geopolitics in Iran during and after the Second World War. Next, I argue that the Shah’s decision to markedly expand radio broadcasting and infrastructure in the 1950’s was informed by the observed military and propaganda applications of the medium during the Cold War and occurred amid changing socio-economic conditions and large-scale government initiatives that punctuated the next two decades. The second half of the chapter looks at the influence of the US military in Iran’s nascent radio and television sector. Drawing from new primary research, it tells the story of the Armed Forces Radio and Television Service (AFRTS) in Iran, and the birth and short life of Televizion-e Iran (Iran Television), the nation’s first television service. It points to evidence that suggests that the US diplomatic and military mission played a role in the demise of Iran’s commercial television industry and in the regime’s decision to create the state television and radio monopoly, National Iranian Radio and Television (NIRT).
Media and Power in Modern Iran: Mass Communication, Ideology, and the State, 2023
Marshall McLuhan famously wrote that the medium is the message. The crisis of satellite TV shows ... more Marshall McLuhan famously wrote that the medium is the message. The crisis of satellite TV shows the truth of that maxim. The big domed dishes poking out windows and perched on rooftops proclaimed a foreign technology had arrived, one that was funneling foreign messages and culture into the homes of Iranians across the country. This chapter examines the public debate over how to respond to the new technology, the market surrounding it, and the challenge it posed to a government intent on maintaining its long-coveted monopoly over the airways.
I begin with an overview of Direct Broadcast Satellite (DBS) technology
and how it differed from Iran’s existing system of terrestrial broadcasting. As
a matter of background and context, I offer data points about the DBS market
and the challenge it posed for the state television monopoly. Following a brief chronology of the public debate, I examine the arguments of those opposed to legislation that would prohibit satellite ownership and broadcasting, as well as those of its champions. The champions prevailed and legislation prohibiting dish ownership was passed in 1994. The chapter concludes by considering the challenge DBS posed to the existing power dynamic and the reforms aimed at making IRIB products more competitive in Iran’s rapidly globalizing media marketplace.
Papers by Emily L Blout
Foreign Policy, 2023
On the one-year anniversary of the killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini at the hands of Iran’s mora... more On the one-year anniversary of the killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini at the hands of Iran’s morality police, many are asking why the protest movement—the largest in nearly four decades—failed to bring about the changes it demanded and the revolution the diaspora called for. What we should be asking, instead, is why the regime succeeded. In this essay, we turn to the lessons of the fall of the Shah to better understand the actions of the supreme leader and the Islamic Republic regime (nezam).
The Liberal Patriot, 2024
The antisemitic wave unleashed by October 7 and the war that followed has not yet subsided, as ev... more The antisemitic wave unleashed by October 7 and the war that followed has not yet subsided, as evidenced most recently in abhorrent developments on college campuses and ugly rhetoric at protests.
That antisemitism exists at this scale is disturbing enough. But arguably worse is the largely unappreciated prospect that certain countries stoke the fires of hate in the media and online deliberately for their own benefit. The question is to what end. Could such activity not be simply ideological, but also strategic? When we look at the activities of Iran and other nations like China, the answer is yes.
The Liberal Patriot , 2023
Propaganda isn’t a fake news article or a deliberately poor-quality meme, nor is it disinformatio... more Propaganda isn’t a fake news article or a deliberately poor-quality meme, nor is it disinformation or misinformation—though these are all tactics of information warfare. Propaganda is a communication, often a story, geared to a large audience designed to influence perspectives and inspire actions that support the interests and objectives of its creator. Good propaganda works through framing and narrative; it is attractive and even entertaining. It evokes emotion and, if done well, colors the way one sees the world and evaluates a particular situation. In the weeks since the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel on October 7, we’ve seen propaganda in action.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2021
The Communication Review, 2017
The Communication Review, 2017
ABSTRACT The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishme... more ABSTRACT The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. During the 2009 presidential election and its aftermath, state broadcast media and members of the country’s conservative political factions used the term as a euphemism for the spread of foreign ideas, culture, and influences through information communication technology. The target of soft war, according to this usage, was Iranian culture and national identity—the very underpinnings of the modern nation-state. While some have deemed soft war a relatively new discourse associated with the contested presidential election of 2009, this article argues that soft war is in fact the latest iteration of a long-standing myth of foreign conspiracy. It promotes a Manichean view of the world in which foreign powers are continuously working to violate Iranian sovereignty through informational and cultural means.
SAIS Review of International Affairs, 2015
Tehran believes itself to be embroiled in a “soft war.” “Countering the soft war is the main prio... more Tehran believes itself to be embroiled in a “soft war.” “Countering the soft war is the main priority for us today,” said Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei soon after the disputed presidential elections of 2009. “In a soft war the enemy tries to make use of advanced cultural and communication tools to spread lies and rumors.” What is this “soft war?” How did it emerge in Iranian discourse? This paper will trace the genesis of the term in Iranian politics from pre-revolutionary Iran to 2012. It will argue that the “soft war” is the latest iteration of a long-standing myth, in which outside powers seek to dominate Iranian identity and sovereignty through cultural means.
War on the Rocks , 2021
For more than a century, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion has been used to advance a powerful ... more For more than a century, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion has been used to advance a powerful and persistent antisemitic myth: that Jews are plotting to take over the world. From Adolf Hitler to Henry Ford, rabid antisemites have championed the fabricated text as a historical document and published it widely. So what is this nearly 120-year-old lie doing in the hands of a Capitol Police officer in 2021?
STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 2021
The “Unite the Right” rally that subsumed Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017 will be remembered fo... more The “Unite the Right” rally that subsumed Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017 will be remembered for its haunting torch-lit rally, massive display of neo-Nazi and white nationalist paraphernalia, bloody riots, and murderous car attack. Despite extensive media coverage, a comprehensive, scholarly, synthetic study of the planning and execution of the Unite the Right (UtR) has yet to emerge. Drawing from a repository of 5,000 primary texts and digital artifacts and using the lens of symbolic interactionism and levels of analysis theory, this study details the event as manifested in three theatres: symbolically mediated, systems-technical, and physical. Three findings are discussed: first, the “event” was centrally organized as a simulacrum of a military campaign; second, the agitational propaganda and information warfare was extensive and designed to publicize, recruit, and terrorize; and third, the city of Charlottesville suffered two cyberattacks timed for meaningful symbolic interaction with movement actors and public officials. Based on these three findings, the authors offer the term “immersive terrorism” to describe the extended, transmediated, multi-theatre nature of the UtR terror campaign.
Atlantic Council, 2020
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) has a problem. It is less powerful than it would ... more Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) has a problem. It is less powerful than it would have us believe. In attempting to bridge the gap between its real power and the image of power it hopes to project, it makes mistakes. Big mistakes, like shooting down a civilian airliner. The purported killing of CIA operative Mike D’Andrea—better known as “Ayatollah Mike” or the “Prince of Darkness”—can be seen, in part, as the IRGC's attempt to repair the damage to their credibility.
Responsible Statecraft, 2020
Like many of his generation, Trump’s conception of Iran is indelibly linked to the experience of ... more Like many of his generation, Trump’s conception of Iran is indelibly linked to the experience of the U.S.-Iran hostage crisis. Viewed through this lens, killing Iran’s top general was just the medicine for a president frightened by Iran hostage crisis redux and bent on exacting revenge.
Iran Wire, 2019
In what has been deemed the “most important conquest of the revolution,” on February 11, 1979, Ir... more In what has been deemed the “most important conquest of the revolution,” on February 11, 1979, Iranian activists seized control of the headquarters of the National Iranian Radio and Television Service (NIRT), and, with it, command over all Tehran-based radio and television broadcasting. In the days and months prior, Tehran had waffled between martial law and a civilian caretaker government under Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar. Then, 10 days after Khomeini’s triumphant, masterfully staged return to Iran after 15 years of exile, the Shah’s caretaker government fell, along with the Imperial Army’s justification for continued occupation of the headquarters of NIRT, the state broadcasting monopoly.
The Tehran headquarters had continued to operate during the last throes of the revolution, and some staff had remained on the job to oversee a limited schedule of programming. Still others chose to quit in protest. They organized several days of general strikes, one of many public-sector strikes that brought the economy under the Shah to a standstill.
Ali Hosseini was among the employees who refused to work under the military occupation. But on February 11, 1979, Hosseini, along with a band of armed revolutionaries, returned to NIRT and demanded the military relinquish control to the state. Tanks were filmed leaving the NIRT compound later that day. At 6 pm that evening, Hosseini took to the airwaves to proclaim their conquest: “This is the voice of Tehran, the voice of true Iran, the voice of revolution."
This was the voice of revolution, but was it an “Islamic” revolution?
As we look back at four decades of politics and change in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it is worth remembering (or perhaps discovering for the first time) the truly popular nature of the revolution at its origination. It is equally worth remembering how the people's revolution was co-opted by Khomeini’s faction of religious nationalists — a process that Michael Fischer once dubbed “the second revolution” of 1979.
While the paradigm offered by anti-Semitism—that the regime is solely motivated by an intractable... more While the paradigm offered by anti-Semitism—that the regime is solely motivated by an intractable hatred of Jews—is certainly one method for interpreting Iranian rhetoric, additional explanations should be examined to ensure US national security strategy is based on a complete, global understanding of Iranian behavior and the geostrategic operating environment in the Middle East.
It will argue that the Iranian regime, as represented by the Supreme Leader, has used anti- Zionist and anti-Semitic mass communications for the purpose of "strategic influence." This study defines “strategic influence” as: affecting or attempting to affect the political behavior of an adversary through systematic transmission of ideas and opinions to a target audience, foreign or domestic.
The Conversation, 2017
Iranian presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi is an important newcomer to electoral politics. L... more Iranian presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi is an important newcomer to electoral politics.
Last year, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed Raisi custodian of the shrine of Imam Reza and chairman of the foundation that manages its extensive complex. This is no minor post. The foundation nets the regime billions of dollars.
The shrine of Imam Ali Reza in Mashhad, Iran. Iahsan, CC BY-SA
Before this year, Raisi had never campaigned for public office or debated in the national political spotlight. His inexperience has shown. In the three live nationally televised debates, he lacked charisma, sticking closely to his talking points.
While highly visible with the ability to influence public opinion and steer some aspects of national and foreign policy, the Iranian president’s power is limited. The majority of power, including that over foreign policy, national security and media, rests with the supreme leader.
Given the little he has to gain from the uncertain venture, why would Raisi decide to join a crowded field to run against the relatively popular incumbent Hassan Rouhani?
Joins a select few as a go-to book on communication technology in Iran. Blout's extensive researc... more Joins a select few as a go-to book on communication technology in Iran. Blout's extensive research enriches our understanding of key inflection points in Iran's recent history and offers vital lessons for national security practitioners and policymakers today.
Bloomsbury, 2023
Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of med... more Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of media in the Islamic Republic–skirting the line between embracing Western communications technologies and rejecting them, between condemning social networking sites as foreign treachery and promoting themselves on Facebook. How does a regime that originally derived its hegemony from the ability to mass communicate its ideology protect its ideological dominance in a media environment defined by hybridity, hyper-connectivity, and near constant change? More broadly, what is the role of media in the construction and maintenance of power in Iran?
This book addresses these questions by examining the institutions, policies, and discourses of two political regimes over the course of nearly eight decades. Drawing from over 3,000 primary source documents and digital artifacts in Persian and English, including formerly classified material hidden deep in the archives, this book offers a history of media in Iran across political regimes and media paradigms– from the public's first encounter with mass communication in the 1940s, to the dawn of digital media in the 1990s, to internet and mobile telephony today.
At the same time, the book trains a keen eye on contemporary politics. With foundations in sociology and political science, Media and Power in Modern Iran offers trenchant insight into the present ruling establishment– a political regime born from what has become known as the "first televised revolution."
Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of med... more Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of media in the Islamic Republic–skirting the line between embracing Western communications technologies and rejecting them, between condemning social networking sites as foreign treachery and promoting themselves on Facebook. How does a regime that originally derived its hegemony from the ability to mass communicate its ideology protect its ideological dominance in a media environment defined by hybridity, hyper-connectivity, and near constant change? More broadly, what is the role of media in the construction and maintenance of power in Iran?
This book addresses these questions by examining the institutions, policies, and discourses of two political regimes over the course of nearly eight decades. Drawing from over 3,000 primary source documents and digital artifacts in Persian and English, including formerly classified material hidden deep in the archives, this book offers a history of media in Iran across political regimes and media paradigms– from the public's first encounter with mass communication in the 1940s, to the dawn of digital media in the 1990s, to internet and mobile telephony today.
At the same time, the book trains a keen eye on contemporary politics. With foundations in sociology and political science, Media and Power in Modern Iran offers trenchant insight into the present ruling establishment– a political regime born from what has become known as the "first televised revolution."
Media and Power in Modern Iran: Mass Communication, Ideology, and the State, 2023
Today, in the eyes of the ruling regime, mass communication and power are closely bound. To under... more Today, in the eyes of the ruling regime, mass communication and power are closely bound. To understand this relationship, we must begin at the beginning of the mass communication age with the birth of radio. In this genesis story, we start to uncover a pattern of development which links the practice and industry of mass communication to the security of the regime (nezam) and the power of the state (dowlat).
This chapter begins with the introduction of radio in the 1930s and its continued growth as a machinery of war and geopolitics in Iran during and after the Second World War. Next, I argue that the Shah’s decision to markedly expand radio broadcasting and infrastructure in the 1950’s was informed by the observed military and propaganda applications of the medium during the Cold War and occurred amid changing socio-economic conditions and large-scale government initiatives that punctuated the next two decades. The second half of the chapter looks at the influence of the US military in Iran’s nascent radio and television sector. Drawing from new primary research, it tells the story of the Armed Forces Radio and Television Service (AFRTS) in Iran, and the birth and short life of Televizion-e Iran (Iran Television), the nation’s first television service. It points to evidence that suggests that the US diplomatic and military mission played a role in the demise of Iran’s commercial television industry and in the regime’s decision to create the state television and radio monopoly, National Iranian Radio and Television (NIRT).
Media and Power in Modern Iran: Mass Communication, Ideology, and the State, 2023
Marshall McLuhan famously wrote that the medium is the message. The crisis of satellite TV shows ... more Marshall McLuhan famously wrote that the medium is the message. The crisis of satellite TV shows the truth of that maxim. The big domed dishes poking out windows and perched on rooftops proclaimed a foreign technology had arrived, one that was funneling foreign messages and culture into the homes of Iranians across the country. This chapter examines the public debate over how to respond to the new technology, the market surrounding it, and the challenge it posed to a government intent on maintaining its long-coveted monopoly over the airways.
I begin with an overview of Direct Broadcast Satellite (DBS) technology
and how it differed from Iran’s existing system of terrestrial broadcasting. As
a matter of background and context, I offer data points about the DBS market
and the challenge it posed for the state television monopoly. Following a brief chronology of the public debate, I examine the arguments of those opposed to legislation that would prohibit satellite ownership and broadcasting, as well as those of its champions. The champions prevailed and legislation prohibiting dish ownership was passed in 1994. The chapter concludes by considering the challenge DBS posed to the existing power dynamic and the reforms aimed at making IRIB products more competitive in Iran’s rapidly globalizing media marketplace.
Foreign Policy, 2023
On the one-year anniversary of the killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini at the hands of Iran’s mora... more On the one-year anniversary of the killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini at the hands of Iran’s morality police, many are asking why the protest movement—the largest in nearly four decades—failed to bring about the changes it demanded and the revolution the diaspora called for. What we should be asking, instead, is why the regime succeeded. In this essay, we turn to the lessons of the fall of the Shah to better understand the actions of the supreme leader and the Islamic Republic regime (nezam).
The Liberal Patriot, 2024
The antisemitic wave unleashed by October 7 and the war that followed has not yet subsided, as ev... more The antisemitic wave unleashed by October 7 and the war that followed has not yet subsided, as evidenced most recently in abhorrent developments on college campuses and ugly rhetoric at protests.
That antisemitism exists at this scale is disturbing enough. But arguably worse is the largely unappreciated prospect that certain countries stoke the fires of hate in the media and online deliberately for their own benefit. The question is to what end. Could such activity not be simply ideological, but also strategic? When we look at the activities of Iran and other nations like China, the answer is yes.
The Liberal Patriot , 2023
Propaganda isn’t a fake news article or a deliberately poor-quality meme, nor is it disinformatio... more Propaganda isn’t a fake news article or a deliberately poor-quality meme, nor is it disinformation or misinformation—though these are all tactics of information warfare. Propaganda is a communication, often a story, geared to a large audience designed to influence perspectives and inspire actions that support the interests and objectives of its creator. Good propaganda works through framing and narrative; it is attractive and even entertaining. It evokes emotion and, if done well, colors the way one sees the world and evaluates a particular situation. In the weeks since the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel on October 7, we’ve seen propaganda in action.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2021
The Communication Review, 2017
The Communication Review, 2017
ABSTRACT The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishme... more ABSTRACT The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. During the 2009 presidential election and its aftermath, state broadcast media and members of the country’s conservative political factions used the term as a euphemism for the spread of foreign ideas, culture, and influences through information communication technology. The target of soft war, according to this usage, was Iranian culture and national identity—the very underpinnings of the modern nation-state. While some have deemed soft war a relatively new discourse associated with the contested presidential election of 2009, this article argues that soft war is in fact the latest iteration of a long-standing myth of foreign conspiracy. It promotes a Manichean view of the world in which foreign powers are continuously working to violate Iranian sovereignty through informational and cultural means.
SAIS Review of International Affairs, 2015
Tehran believes itself to be embroiled in a “soft war.” “Countering the soft war is the main prio... more Tehran believes itself to be embroiled in a “soft war.” “Countering the soft war is the main priority for us today,” said Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei soon after the disputed presidential elections of 2009. “In a soft war the enemy tries to make use of advanced cultural and communication tools to spread lies and rumors.” What is this “soft war?” How did it emerge in Iranian discourse? This paper will trace the genesis of the term in Iranian politics from pre-revolutionary Iran to 2012. It will argue that the “soft war” is the latest iteration of a long-standing myth, in which outside powers seek to dominate Iranian identity and sovereignty through cultural means.
War on the Rocks , 2021
For more than a century, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion has been used to advance a powerful ... more For more than a century, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion has been used to advance a powerful and persistent antisemitic myth: that Jews are plotting to take over the world. From Adolf Hitler to Henry Ford, rabid antisemites have championed the fabricated text as a historical document and published it widely. So what is this nearly 120-year-old lie doing in the hands of a Capitol Police officer in 2021?
STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 2021
The “Unite the Right” rally that subsumed Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017 will be remembered fo... more The “Unite the Right” rally that subsumed Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017 will be remembered for its haunting torch-lit rally, massive display of neo-Nazi and white nationalist paraphernalia, bloody riots, and murderous car attack. Despite extensive media coverage, a comprehensive, scholarly, synthetic study of the planning and execution of the Unite the Right (UtR) has yet to emerge. Drawing from a repository of 5,000 primary texts and digital artifacts and using the lens of symbolic interactionism and levels of analysis theory, this study details the event as manifested in three theatres: symbolically mediated, systems-technical, and physical. Three findings are discussed: first, the “event” was centrally organized as a simulacrum of a military campaign; second, the agitational propaganda and information warfare was extensive and designed to publicize, recruit, and terrorize; and third, the city of Charlottesville suffered two cyberattacks timed for meaningful symbolic interaction with movement actors and public officials. Based on these three findings, the authors offer the term “immersive terrorism” to describe the extended, transmediated, multi-theatre nature of the UtR terror campaign.
Atlantic Council, 2020
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) has a problem. It is less powerful than it would ... more Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) has a problem. It is less powerful than it would have us believe. In attempting to bridge the gap between its real power and the image of power it hopes to project, it makes mistakes. Big mistakes, like shooting down a civilian airliner. The purported killing of CIA operative Mike D’Andrea—better known as “Ayatollah Mike” or the “Prince of Darkness”—can be seen, in part, as the IRGC's attempt to repair the damage to their credibility.
Responsible Statecraft, 2020
Like many of his generation, Trump’s conception of Iran is indelibly linked to the experience of ... more Like many of his generation, Trump’s conception of Iran is indelibly linked to the experience of the U.S.-Iran hostage crisis. Viewed through this lens, killing Iran’s top general was just the medicine for a president frightened by Iran hostage crisis redux and bent on exacting revenge.
Iran Wire, 2019
In what has been deemed the “most important conquest of the revolution,” on February 11, 1979, Ir... more In what has been deemed the “most important conquest of the revolution,” on February 11, 1979, Iranian activists seized control of the headquarters of the National Iranian Radio and Television Service (NIRT), and, with it, command over all Tehran-based radio and television broadcasting. In the days and months prior, Tehran had waffled between martial law and a civilian caretaker government under Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar. Then, 10 days after Khomeini’s triumphant, masterfully staged return to Iran after 15 years of exile, the Shah’s caretaker government fell, along with the Imperial Army’s justification for continued occupation of the headquarters of NIRT, the state broadcasting monopoly.
The Tehran headquarters had continued to operate during the last throes of the revolution, and some staff had remained on the job to oversee a limited schedule of programming. Still others chose to quit in protest. They organized several days of general strikes, one of many public-sector strikes that brought the economy under the Shah to a standstill.
Ali Hosseini was among the employees who refused to work under the military occupation. But on February 11, 1979, Hosseini, along with a band of armed revolutionaries, returned to NIRT and demanded the military relinquish control to the state. Tanks were filmed leaving the NIRT compound later that day. At 6 pm that evening, Hosseini took to the airwaves to proclaim their conquest: “This is the voice of Tehran, the voice of true Iran, the voice of revolution."
This was the voice of revolution, but was it an “Islamic” revolution?
As we look back at four decades of politics and change in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it is worth remembering (or perhaps discovering for the first time) the truly popular nature of the revolution at its origination. It is equally worth remembering how the people's revolution was co-opted by Khomeini’s faction of religious nationalists — a process that Michael Fischer once dubbed “the second revolution” of 1979.
While the paradigm offered by anti-Semitism—that the regime is solely motivated by an intractable... more While the paradigm offered by anti-Semitism—that the regime is solely motivated by an intractable hatred of Jews—is certainly one method for interpreting Iranian rhetoric, additional explanations should be examined to ensure US national security strategy is based on a complete, global understanding of Iranian behavior and the geostrategic operating environment in the Middle East.
It will argue that the Iranian regime, as represented by the Supreme Leader, has used anti- Zionist and anti-Semitic mass communications for the purpose of "strategic influence." This study defines “strategic influence” as: affecting or attempting to affect the political behavior of an adversary through systematic transmission of ideas and opinions to a target audience, foreign or domestic.
The Conversation, 2017
Iranian presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi is an important newcomer to electoral politics. L... more Iranian presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi is an important newcomer to electoral politics.
Last year, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed Raisi custodian of the shrine of Imam Reza and chairman of the foundation that manages its extensive complex. This is no minor post. The foundation nets the regime billions of dollars.
The shrine of Imam Ali Reza in Mashhad, Iran. Iahsan, CC BY-SA
Before this year, Raisi had never campaigned for public office or debated in the national political spotlight. His inexperience has shown. In the three live nationally televised debates, he lacked charisma, sticking closely to his talking points.
While highly visible with the ability to influence public opinion and steer some aspects of national and foreign policy, the Iranian president’s power is limited. The majority of power, including that over foreign policy, national security and media, rests with the supreme leader.
Given the little he has to gain from the uncertain venture, why would Raisi decide to join a crowded field to run against the relatively popular incumbent Hassan Rouhani?
European Journal of Communication, 2014
The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishment of the... more The term soft war (jang-e narm) has become a common phrase within the ruling establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. During the 2009 presidential election and its aftermath, state broadcast media and members of the country’s conservative political factions used the term as a euphemism for the spread of foreign ideas, culture, and influences through information communication technology. The target of soft war, according to this usage, was Iranian culture and national identity—the very underpinnings of the modern nation-state. While some have deemed soft war a relatively new discourse associated with the contested presidential election of 2009, this article argues that soft war is in fact the latest iteration of a long-standing myth of foreign conspiracy. It promotes a Manichean view of the world in which foreign powers are continuously working to violate Iranian sovereignty through informational and cultural means.
For state and non-state actors in the Middle East, the dual imperatives of ontological security a... more For state and non-state actors in the Middle East, the dual imperatives of ontological security and territorial sovereignty has rendered media an impor- tant site of contestation, if not conquest. This special issue of The Communication Review investigates questions concerning power, legitimacy, and sovereignty in hypermedia space.
NOW ACCEPTING PAPERS FOR 2017 SPECIAL EDITION This special issue of The Communication Review wil... more NOW ACCEPTING PAPERS FOR 2017 SPECIAL EDITION
This special issue of The Communication Review will address issues relating to hypermedia in the production of history and news in political and military conflict. Of particular interest is how digital media products and activities may be testing the boundaries—or exploiting the changes—in popular conceptions of “news” and “primary source” information.
We borrow the term “hypermedia space” from Ronald Deibert (1997) and Marwan Kraidy (2006, 2010, 2016) to describe today's near instantaneous, highly networked, trans-mediated, global communication environment.
From Tunisia to South Korea, from the United States to Russia, today's communication technology is allowing individuals to watch and participate in political developments occurring continents away. Equipped only with a mobile phone, an eyewitness can make an audio-visual recording of an event and disseminate it around the world, semi-anonymously and within minutes. Yet the same communication technology that is serving as the great equalizer in society and politics is also vulnerable to more nefarious usages. It is enabling individuals, groups, and states to wage war, execute violence, and alter the historical record on a whole new scale.
Contributing papers will address questions related to hypermedia in the production of news reports, historical narratives, and outcomes in domestic, national, and international conflict. Of particular interest is how hypermedia products and transactions may be testing the boundaries-- or exploiting the changes—in traditional standards of “news” and “primary" evidence. Related lines of inquiry include (but are not limited to):
- How communication practices relate to concrete, material situations and notions of trust and authenticity
- Distinctions between propaganda and public relations
- Distinctions between news and political spectacle
- Representations of progress and stasis in protracted and/or asymmetrical conflict
- Efforts of states and/or non-state actors to alter the historical record and/or collective memory in hypermedia space
- Consequences of ”new media" and "new war” for state sovereignty and international law
The deadline for full manuscript submission is February 1st, 2017.
Submissions, abstracts, and inquiries should be sent via email to Dr. Blout at blout@american.edu or bloutau@gmail.com
BOOK REVIEW: Persian Service: The BBC and British Interests in Iran, Annabelle Sreberny and Masso... more BOOK REVIEW: Persian Service: The BBC and British Interests in Iran, Annabelle Sreberny and Massoumeh Torfeh, I.B. Tauris, London, 2013, 256 pp.
In Persian Service: The BBC and British Interests in Iran, media scholar Annabelle Sreberny and former BBC producer Massoumeh Torfeh describe a delicate dance between the BBC Persian Service and the Iranian government. The history of the Persian Service is presented through a number of flashpoints in Iranian history in which the broadcaster played, or was accused of playing, a role in the outcome: the occupation of Iran and removal of Shah Reza Pahlavi in 1941; the crisis over the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the CIA-orchestrated coup of 1953; the fall of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the Islamic Revolution of 1979; the Soviet, and later NATO, occupation of Afghanistan; and finally, the contested 2009 presidential election and its aftermath. Using primary sources, including Foreign Office papers, BBC Written Archive documents and personal interviews, Persian Service presents the untold story of the BBC Persian Service at critical junctures in Anglo-Iranian history.
This is the program for the symposium I organized at Georgetown University in late April. 2023 on... more This is the program for the symposium I organized at Georgetown University in late April. 2023 on antisemitic conspiracy narratives and propaganda with a focus on the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion (circa 1903) and its legacy. Read more at www.aprllab.org
George Mason University , 2017
The 2017 Conference on Character Assassination in Theory and Practice took place at George Mason ... more The 2017 Conference on Character Assassination in Theory and Practice took place at George Mason University’s Arlington Campus from March 3-5, 2017 and welcomed U.S. and international researchers from nearly 30 colleges and universities, studying different aspects of character assassination. The three-day CARP 2017 conference featured critical input from practitioners in crisis management, journalism, and public relations. Keynote speaker Eric Dezenhall offered a practitioner’s view of modern crisis management within a new media environment. A panel discussion on character assassination in today’s media landscape featured practitioners from The Hill, Washington Examiner, POLITICO, and other organizations