Niko Hatakka | University of Helsinki (original) (raw)

Journal Articles by Niko Hatakka

Politics and Governance, 2021

This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the Finns Party's (Perussuomalaiset [PS... more This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the Finns Party's (Perussuomalaiset [PS]) formal organisation and how it operates in practice. Following the framework of this thematic issue, to what extent does the PS's organisation follow the mass-party model and how centralised is the party in its internal decision-making? Analysis of party documents, association registries, and in-depth interviews with 24 party elite representatives reveal that the PS has developed a complex organisational structure and internal democracy since 2008. However, the power of members in regard to the party's internal decision-making remains limited, despite the party's leadership having facilitated a more horizontal and inclusionary organisational culture after 2017. The study reveals how the party combines radically democratic elements of its leadership selection and programme development with a very high level of centralisation of formal power in the party executive, and how the party organisationally relies on a vast and autonomous but heterogeneous network of municipal associations. The article also discusses how PS elites perceive the advantages of having a wide and active organisation characterised by low entry and participation requirements, and how party-adjacent online activism both complements and complicates the functioning of the formal party organisation.

Bernhard Forchtner (ed.) The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. Routledge, 2019

Information, Communication & Society, 2019

This article analyses civic monitoring that targets online radical right populist anti-immigratio... more This article analyses civic monitoring that targets online radical right populist anti-immigration activism in Finland to discuss whether outsourcing monitoring to platform users is a feasible means to respond to exclusionary-populist online communication. For several reasons, the widely discussed – and potentially harmful – phenomena related to the emancipation of radical right populist online counterpublics have proved difficult to control. First of all, using exclusionary and antagonistic rhetoric or spreading disinformation is not illegal, which makes policing it ineffective. Second, journalistic scrutiny tends to increase the salience of radical right agendas without significantly curbing their appeal. Third, social media companies have passed down responsibility for monitoring extremism on their platforms to users. As an option, it has been suggested that users could organize to push potentially harmful content to the margins of online publics. The study reveals that the materiality of online antiimmigration action allows it to be monitored by anti-racist activists to a certain extent, and that online action aimed at resisting online radical right activism ranges from civil counter-arguing and pursuing of deliberation to anti-racist hate speech and naming-and-shaming campaigns. There are notable caveats that undermine the efficacy and viability of civic monitoring as a means of watching over radical right populist online action. The main problems are related to the connective and potentially anti-populist nature of the civic monitoring – allowing it to be counter-surveilled and used as fuel for populist online communication – and potential danger and harm to the activists involved.

Ennen ja nyt. Historian tietosanomat. 2/2018, 2018

Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan Twitter-aihetunnisteen #suomi100 ympärille muodostunutta vuorova... more Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan Twitter-aihetunnisteen #suomi100 ympärille muodostunutta vuorovaikutusta verkostoanalyysimenetelmiä hyödyntäen. Tavoitteena on tutkia digitaalisen historiakulttuurin yhtenäisyyttä: muodostuiko ylätason teemaltaan varsin väljän ja Suomi 100 Finland -organisaation omasta viestintätavoitteesta syntyneen aihetunnisteen alaisuuteen ”kuplia”, joita erottaa nimenomaisesti niiden sisällöllinen eroavaisuus? Menetelmänä tukeuduimme verkostoanalyysin tarjoamaan klusterointimenetelmään, jonka avulla analysoimme tviittien aihetunnisteiden yhteiskäytön perusteella muodostettua kollokaatioverkostoa. Tulosten mukaan digitaalinen historiakulttuuri mahdollistaa eri menneisyyden julkisten muotojen politisoimista. #Suomi100-keskustelun historiakulttuuri kuitenkin myös kytkeytyy vahvasti osaksi viimeistään 1990-luvulla vakiintunutta hegemonista ja perinteistä itsenäisyyden muistamisen kulttuuria, jossa korostuvat itsenäisyyspäivän vieton eri traditiot. Tulokset myös osoittavat, että verkostoanalyysi sopii menetelmäksi myös tutkimusasetelmiin, joissa tutkimuskohde ei itsessään ole luonnollinen verkosto.

Laura Basu & Steve Schifferes & Sophie Knowles (eds) The Media and Austerity. Comparative Perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge, 2018

This chapter investigates the role of social media in the populist remediation of financial crisi... more This chapter investigates the role of social media in the populist remediation of financial crisis journalism. Crises provide populist parties with discursive windows of opportunity, but we know little about the process in which the mediated salience of economic recession or crisis – especially when coverage is highly elite-driven – becomes appropriated to contribute to populist political communication. The chapter analyses how politicians from two nationalist-populist parties – UKIP and the Finns Party – have utilized news-sharing on Facebook to construct grievances, to attribute blame, and to mobilize support in the context of the Euro crisis during 2010–2015. The analysis suggests that social media have provided populist politicians with alternative means for rewiring the ideological contents of mainstream news through selective news-sharing and active challenging of news frames. This contributes to making the news flow to more resonant and compatible with populist demands of replacing elites with representatives of the people.

Discourse & Society, Jan 30, 2017

This article provides an analysis and typology of the discursive strategies nationalist-populist ... more This article provides an analysis and typology of the discursive strategies nationalist-populist anti-immigration parties use when responding to racism accusations in mainstream news. The typology is based on a three-party comparative analysis of statements given in national public service media by the representatives of three electorally successful Northwestern European populist parties – the UK Independence Party, the Finns Party and the Sweden Democrats. When responding to racism accusations, populist parties use both submissive and confrontational sets of discursive strategies in varying combinations to communicate an ambivalent attitude towards racism. This ambivalence is communicated both on the level of an individual speaker utilizing several strategies and on the level of multiple speakers communicating contradictory messages. The comparative analysis suggests that country-specific contexts, and the statuses of both the persons under accusation and the responders giving statements, affect to what extent responses to racism accusations tend to be confrontational.

New Media & Society, Aug 10, 2017

This article portrays the relationship of populist parties, far-right online action and journalis... more This article portrays the relationship of populist parties, far-right online action and journalistic media by analysing the consequences of a Finnish populist party mobilizing resources created in an online community of anti-immigration activists. How have the traditionally centre-left-populist Finns Party’s attempts of utilizing the far-right-leaning online network Hommaforum contributed to the mediated negotiation over the party’s identity? The study analyses discursive exchanges between Finnish political journalists, the party leader Timo Soini and Hommaforum activists pertaining to the party’s affiliation with racism and extremism during 2008–2015. As a case study, the article discusses the implications of online action diffusing into institutionalized politics and the public sphere. The study suggests that due to the inherent publicness, and connective nature and political smearing-applicability of controversial online action, the mobilization of online resources forces traditional organizations to use considerable communicative resources to compensate for the loss of centralized control over communicating party identity.

Book Chapters by Niko Hatakka

In Elina Melgin & Aki Huhtinen (eds) Hallitsematon Viestintä. ProCom ry, 24–33., 2020

Tekstissä esitetään, miksi nykyisessä mediaympäristössä poliittisten puolueiden ja järjestöjen ul... more Tekstissä esitetään, miksi nykyisessä mediaympäristössä poliittisten puolueiden ja järjestöjen ulkoisella viestinnällä pystytään vain rajallisesti määrittämään, mitä organisaatioiden edustama ”me” edustaa, sekä miksi tämä tulisi huomioida poliittisten organisaatioiden ja liikkeiden viestintää suunniteltaessa ja toteutettaessa 2020-luvulla.

The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. Edition: 1st. Chapter: 9. Publisher: Routledge, 2019

This chapter analyses the (anti-)environmental communication of the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset... more This chapter analyses the (anti-)environmental communication of the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset, PS) - a rural-populist anti-establishment party turned a radical-right populist anti-immigration party. We provide both an overview of the Finns Party's environmental communication and a closer analysis of the performative aspects of Finnish populist anti-environmentalism in the media.

Niemi & Houni (eds) Media ja populismi. Työkaluja kriittiseen journalismiin., Tampere: Vastapaino, 2018.

Niemi & Houni (eds) Media ja populismi. Työkaluja kriittiseen journalismiin. Tampere: Vastapaino, 2018., 2018

Journalismikritiikin vuosikirja 2013, 2013

Pernaa and Railo (eds) Jytky. Eduskuntavaalien 2011 mediajulkisuus., 2012

Journalismin perussuomalainen uudelleentulkinta sosiaalisessa mediassa J ournalististen tiedotusv... more Journalismin perussuomalainen uudelleentulkinta sosiaalisessa mediassa J ournalististen tiedotusvälineiden ja sosiaalisen median välille on syntynyt vuorovaikutteinen ja aktiivinen, mutta vasta vähän tutkittu intermediaalinen suhde. Tämä suhde on osa mediakentän niin sanottua konvergenssikulttuuria, jossa vanhan ja uuden median kohdatessa sisällöt kiertävät viestimestä ja yhtey destä toiseen 1 . Sosiaalinen media ja perinteiset tiedotusvälineet on aikaisemmin usein nähty toistensa kilpailijoina. On jopa ajateltu, että verkkopohjainen viestintä tulisi haastamaan tai jopa syrjäyttämään perinteisen journalistisen tiedonväli tyksen 2 . Kilpailuasetelmaan liittynyt vastakkainasettelu on sittemmin hälventynyt. Journalistinen ja sosiaalinen media ovat kehittyneet toisiaan tukeviksi julkisen tilan osiksi 3 , joiden välinen vuorovaikutus toimii kumpaankin suuntaan 4 . Vielä ei kuitenkaan ole pyritty tutkimaan sitä, mitä journalistiselle julkisuudelle tapahtuu, kun se päätyy sosiaalisessa mediassa osaksi poliittisten sidosryhmien ideologis sävytteistä viestintää.

Pernaa and Railo (eds) Jytky. Eduskuntavaalien 2011 mediajulkisuus., 2012

Pernaa, Niemi & Pitkänen (eds) Mielikuvavaalit. Kevään 2007 eduskuntavaalien mediailmiöt, 2007

Books by Niko Hatakka

Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2 Media systems of the 21st century have be... more Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2

Media systems of the 21st century have been described as “hybrid”, referring to flows of information being increasingly disseminated, circulated, consumed, and interacted with in overlapping publics at various times by multiple actors with multiple voices. This research describes how the hybridisation of the media system affects populism as a political logic of articulation and how we should take this into consideration when researching populism as a political communication phenomenon. The main research question relates to the interconnection between populism as a logic of articulating a chain of equivalence and the hybrid media environment in which populist communication is being performed and reacted to by multiple actors with various agendas: What does it mean for the articulation of “the people” when anybody can speak or be perceived to speak in its name?

The research uses a discourse-theoretical approach to analyse mediated interactions between populist-party representatives, journalists, and citizen activists pertaining to populist radical right communication taking place in online counterpublics. The study’s main argument is that the logics of the hybrid media system affect what populist political communication ends up articulating – thus having an effect also on the form and viability of populist movements as a means for political change. The research arrives at four main conclusions. First, due to the hybridisation of the media system, it would be analytically beneficial to regard populist political communication as technologically, organisationally, ideologically, and stylistically hybrid. Second, out of the heterogeneous populist political communication emancipated by online counterpublics, it is likely that its least-appreciated elements will become the defining characteristic of affiliated organisational vehicles in mainstream publics. Third, public scrutiny arising from party organisations being affiliated with extreme online communication is most efficiently deflected by populist leaders by heightening the boundary of difference between the people and the elite. As the logics of the hybrid media system will make populist chains of equivalence brittle unless populist leaders adopt confrontational strategies for responding to critique, thus fourth, populist parties tend to gravitate towards becoming normalising agents for reciprocal antagonism and anti-pluralism. This makes populist logic less conducive to being a corrective for democracy.

The thesis consists of four research articles and a theoretical introduction that engages in depth with literature on populism, its relationship with media, and the role of online publics in facilitating political action. The four sub-studies investigate populist radical right online communication and different actors’ reactions to it in Finland, Sweden, and the UK, but the focus of the introduction is on the Finnish case. The first article analyses social media as platforms for populist remediation of political news. The second article compares populist parties’ media strategies for responding to racism accusations related to online hate speech. The third article discusses the political consequences and the necessary discursive negotiation caused by populist-party organisations trying to mobilise resources created in controversial online communities. And the fourth article investigates networked civic monitoring of online populist radical right counterpublics.

Other by Niko Hatakka

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2020

Further information on the project can be found here:

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2020

Politics and Governance, 2021

Bernhard Forchtner (ed.) The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. Routledge, 2019

Information, Communication & Society, 2019

Ennen ja nyt. Historian tietosanomat. 2/2018, 2018

Laura Basu & Steve Schifferes & Sophie Knowles (eds) The Media and Austerity. Comparative Perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge, 2018

Discourse & Society, Jan 30, 2017

New Media & Society, Aug 10, 2017

In Elina Melgin & Aki Huhtinen (eds) Hallitsematon Viestintä. ProCom ry, 24–33., 2020

The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. Edition: 1st. Chapter: 9. Publisher: Routledge, 2019

Niemi & Houni (eds) Media ja populismi. Työkaluja kriittiseen journalismiin., Tampere: Vastapaino, 2018.

Niemi & Houni (eds) Media ja populismi. Työkaluja kriittiseen journalismiin. Tampere: Vastapaino, 2018., 2018

Journalismikritiikin vuosikirja 2013, 2013

Pernaa and Railo (eds) Jytky. Eduskuntavaalien 2011 mediajulkisuus., 2012

Pernaa, Niemi & Pitkänen (eds) Mielikuvavaalit. Kevään 2007 eduskuntavaalien mediailmiöt, 2007

Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2 Media systems of the 21st century have be... more Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2020

Further information on the project can be found here:

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2020

Media & viestintä, Dec 7, 2017

Helsingin Sanomat, May 21, 2017

Policy Network Observatory, 2014

Uutistamo, Jun 10, 2015

Ellica / Shutterstock.com eijastuvat 10.06.2015 -Lukuaika 5 minuuttia Kimmo Elo -Dosentti -Turun ... more Ellica / Shutterstock.com eijastuvat 10.06.2015 -Lukuaika 5 minuuttia Kimmo Elo -Dosentti -Turun yliopisto, Politiikan tutkimuksen laitos -Åbo Akademi, Saksan laitos Niko Hatakka -VTM, tohtorikoulutettava -Eduskuntatutkimuksen keskus Syrjäisiä pomorikyliä uhkaa kaivostoiminta Vastaava vinouma voidaan havaita hashtagien kohdalla (Kuva 3). #vaalit2015 tunnisteen lisäksi samassa twiitissä käytettiin usein jotain muuta tunnistetta. Joka kymmenes twiittaus mainitsi jonkin top 20 -taulukon hashtageista. Tunnisteita käytettiin liittämään puheenaiheet ennen kaikkea puolueisiin, vaali-illan vaiheisiin ja eri paikkakunnilla koetun vaalijännityksen ja sen purkautumisen aiheuttamiin tunteisiin, kuten #toivoon, #riemuun ja #vitutukseen. Jopa kaksi kolmesta hashtagista kuitenkin mainittiin vain kerran. Ainoastaan kerran käytettyjen hashtagien kohdalla kyse oli monesti käyttäjien keksimistä hassuttelu-tai protestitunnisteista, esim. #1991taas, #70isback tai #öööö. Analysoimme puolueisiin kohdistunutta Twitter-kiinnostusta tarkastelemalla puolue-hashtagien vetovoimaa verkostoanalyysin avulla (Kuva 4). Verkostossa on huomioitu kaikki kahdeksan eduskuntapuoluetta, joiden hashtagit erottuvat vihreinä solmuina. Puolue-tunnisteiden koko on suhteutettu niihin kohdistettujen twiittausten lukumäärään. Twitter-käyttäjät on esitetty keltaisina solmuina ja kuvion selkeyttämiseksi on suodatettu pois käyttäjät, jotka lähettivät vain yhden puolue-hashtagilla varustetun twiitin. Verkoston visualisointi perustuu algoritmiin, joka pyrkii tuomaan esiin verkostoon liittyvät klikit tai klusterit ryhmittelemällä samaan klikkiin kuuluvat solmut lähelle toisiaan.

DocPoint Paper 2016, 2016

Enemmän kuin tuhat sanaa pajunköyttä  huhtikuu 11, 2014  Uncategorized nthata Visuaalisen infor... more Enemmän kuin tuhat sanaa pajunköyttä  huhtikuu 11, 2014  Uncategorized nthata Visuaalisen informaation ja totuuden suhde on internetissä ongelmallinen. Valokuvat kertovat maailmasta myös kuvan rajauksen ulkopuolella, mutta ilman oikeaa taustatietoa valokuvan informaatio saattaa viedä harhaan. Mediakuluttajilla on netissä kuvien tulkkeina ja tulkintojen kriitikoina erityisen paljon vastuuta.

Media, Culture & Society

Populism has become a widely used concept in both academia and the media. The term’s popularity h... more Populism has become a widely used concept in both academia and the media. The term’s popularity has encouraged scholars to question how it is applied and to theorize on the consequences of its use. However, there is little empirical research on the temporal and cross-country changes in the use of the term in the public sphere. This article analyses the significations given to the terms ‘populism’ and ‘populist’ in six countries’ daily newspapers over a period of nearly two decades. It presents the results of a quantitative content analysis of texts ( N = 3252) published in legacy daily papers in Finland, Sweden, the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Turkey in the years 2000–2018. The article shows how the salience, meanings and perceived repercussions of ‘populism’ change over time and vary between the countries. The study reveals how, towards the end of the 2010s, the term is increasingly used in the context of right-wing populism and as a reference to politica...

The Media and Austerity, 2018

The Far Right and the Environment, 2019

Media systems of the 21st century have been described as “hybrid”, referring to flows of informat... more Media systems of the 21st century have been described as “hybrid”, referring to flows of information being increasingly disseminated, circulated, consumed, and interacted with in overlapping publics at various times by multiple actors with multiple voices. This research describes how the hybridisation of the media system affects populism as a political logic of articulation and how we should take this into consideration when researching populism as a political communication phenomenon. The main research question relates to the interconnection between populism as a logic of articulating a chain of equivalence and the hybrid media environment in which populist communication is being performed and reacted to by multiple actors with various agendas: What does it mean for the articulation of “the people” when anybody can speak or be perceived to speak in its name? The research uses a discourse-theoretical approach to analyse mediated interactions between populist-party representatives, j...

Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2 Media systems of the 21st century have been... more Download at: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-29-7793-2 Media systems of the 21st century have been described as “hybrid”, referring to flows of information being increasingly disseminated, circulated, consumed, and interacted with in overlapping publics at various times by multiple actors with multiple voices. This research describes how the hybridisation of the media system affects populism as a political logic of articulation and how we should take this into consideration when researching populism as a political communication phenomenon. The main research question relates to the interconnection between populism as a logic of articulating a chain of equivalence and the hybrid media environment in which populist communication is being performed and reacted to by multiple actors with various agendas: What does it mean for the articulation of “the people” when anybody can speak or be perceived to speak in its name? The research uses a discourse-theoretical approach to analyse mediated interactions between populist-party representatives, journalists, and citizen activists pertaining to populist radical right communication taking place in online counterpublics. The study’s main argument is that the logics of the hybrid media system affect what populist political communication ends up articulating – thus having an effect also on the form and viability of populist movements as a means for political change. The research arrives at four main conclusions. First, due to the hybridisation of the media system, it would be analytically beneficial to regard populist political communication as technologically, organisationally, ideologically, and stylistically hybrid. Second, out of the heterogeneous populist political communication emancipated by online counterpublics, it is likely that its least-appreciated elements will become the defining characteristic of affiliated organisational vehicles in mainstream publics. Third, public scrutiny arising from party organisations being affiliated with extreme online communication is most efficiently deflected by populist leaders by heightening the boundary of difference between the people and the elite. As the logics of the hybrid media system will make populist chains of equivalence brittle unless populist leaders adopt confrontational strategies for responding to critique, thus fourth, populist parties tend to gravitate towards becoming normalising agents for reciprocal antagonism and anti-pluralism. This makes populist logic less conducive to being a corrective for democracy. The thesis consists of four research articles and a theoretical introduction that engages in depth with literature on populism, its relationship with media, and the role of online publics in facilitating political action. The four sub-studies investigate populist radical right online communication and different actors’ reactions to it in Finland, Sweden, and the UK, but the focus of the introduction is on the Finnish case. The first article analyses social media as platforms for populist remediation of political news. The second article compares populist parties’ media strategies for responding to racism accusations related to online hate speech. The third article discusses the political consequences and the necessary discursive negotiation caused by populist-party organisations trying to mobilise resources created in controversial online communities. And the fourth article investigates networked civic monitoring of online populist radical right counterpublics.

In this paper, we focus on generating complex robotic trajectories by merging sequential motion p... more In this paper, we focus on generating complex robotic trajectories by merging sequential motion primitives. A robotic trajectory is a time series of positions and orientations ending at a desired target. Hence, we first discuss the generation of converging pose trajectories via dynamical systems, providing a rigorous stability analysis. Then, we present approaches to merge motion primitives which represent both the position and the orientation part of the motion. Developed approaches preserve the shape of each learned movement and allow for continuous transitions among succeeding motion primitives. Presented methodologies are theoretically described and experimentally evaluated, showing that it is possible to generate a smooth pose trajectory out of multiple motion primitives.

In recent years, populist anti-immigration parties have gained wide media publicity and impressiv... more In recent years, populist anti-immigration parties have gained wide media publicity and impressive electoral success throughout Western Europe. The willingness of these parties to change prevailing immigration policies has created publicity challenges for the party leaders, as time and again the actions and statements of such party’s members, candidates and even leaders have resulted in the public accusations of racism. In this article, we scrutinize the discursive strategies used by three populist party leaders—Nigel Farage of the UK Independence Party, Timo Soini of the Finns Party and Jimmie Akesson of the Sweden Democrats—to manage racism accusations in the news. The research material consists of the online news published in the studied countries’ national broadcasting companies (i.e., the BBC, YLE and SVT, from 2010 to 2015) web sites.

Information, Communication & Society, 2019

This article analyses civic monitoring that targets online radical right populist anti-immigratio... more This article analyses civic monitoring that targets online radical right populist anti-immigration activism in Finland to discuss whether outsourcing monitoring to platform users is a feasible means to respond to exclusionary-populist online communication. For several reasons, the widely discussedand potentially harmfulphenomena related to the emancipation of radical right populist online counterpublics have proved difficult to control. First of all, using exclusionary and antagonistic rhetoric or spreading disinformation is not illegal, which makes policing it ineffective. Second, journalistic scrutiny tends to increase the salience of radical right agendas without significantly curbing their appeal. Third, social media companies have passed down responsibility for monitoring extremism on their platforms to users. As an option, it has been suggested that users could organize to push potentially harmful content to the margins of online publics. The study reveals that the materiality of online anti-immigration action allows it to be monitored by anti-racist activists to a certain extent, and that online action aimed at resisting online radical right activism ranges from civil counter-arguing and pursuing of deliberation to anti-racist hate speech and naming-and-shaming campaigns. There are notable caveats that undermine the efficacy and viability of civic monitoring as a means of watching over radical right populist online action. The main problems are related to the connective and potentially anti-populist nature of the civic monitoringallowing it to be counter-surveilled and used as fuel for populist online communicationand potential danger and harm to the activists involved.

New Media & Society, 2016

This article portrays the relationship of populist parties, far-right online action and journalis... more This article portrays the relationship of populist parties, far-right online action and journalistic media by analysing the consequences of a Finnish populist party mobilizing resources created in an online community of anti-immigration activists. How have the traditionally centre-left-populist Finns Party’s attempts of utilizing the far-right-leaning online network Hommaforum contributed to the mediated negotiation over the party’s identity? The study analyses discursive exchanges between Finnish political journalists, the party leader Timo Soini and Hommaforum activists pertaining to the party’s affiliation with racism and extremism during 2008–2015. As a case study, the article discusses the implications of online action diffusing into institutionalized politics and the public sphere. The study suggests that due to the inherent publicness, connective nature and political smearing-applicability of controversial online action, the mobilization of online resources forces traditional...

Discourse & Society, 2017

Paper presented at the 2015 PSA Conference, Sheffield, March 30, 2015.