Herlambang P. Wiratraman | Universitas Gadjah Mada (original) (raw)

Herlambang P. Wiratraman

Education: Bachelor of Law, Faculty of Law, Universitas Airlangga Indonesia (1994-1998); Master of Arts (MA.) Human Rights and Social Development, Faculty of Graduate Studies, Mahidol University, Thailand (2005-2006); Doctorate (Dr.) Faculteit Rechtgeleerdheid, Universiteit Leiden, The Netherlands (2009-2014)

Academic Associations: Founder and member of Southeast Asian Human Rights Studies Network (SEAHRN); Chairperson of Indonesian Lecturer Association for Human Rights (SEPAHAM Indonesia), 2014-2017; Chairperson of Indonesian Association for Philosophy of Law (AFHI), 2013-2014; Director of the Center for Human Rights Law Studies (HRLS), Faculty of Law, Universitas Airlangga (2015-2020); Director of Law and Human Rights Program, LP3ES (2020-present); Scientific Committee for ALTERSEA, Observatory of Political Alternatives in Southeast Asia (Centre Asie du Sud-Est) di EHESS-Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales (2020-present)

Teachings: Constitutional Law, Human Rights, International Human Rights Law; Legislation Theory; Law and Society, Interdisciplinary Studies of Law; Law and Press Freedom; Sociology of Law

Visiting Research/Lecturer: Australian-Netherlands Research Collaboration Fellow at Asia Research Center (ARC), Murdoch University, Australia (2011); Visiting Professor at Graduate School of International Development (GSID), Nagoya University, Japan (2015); Visiting Research Fellow, Center for Asian Legal Studies, Faculty of Law the National University of Singapore (2017); Visiting Scholar at Sidney Myer Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts, the University of Melbourne (2017); Visiting Lecturer at Faculty of Law, Vietnam National University, Hanoi (2017)
Supervisors: Prof. Adriaan Bedner, Prof. Jan Michiel Otto, Prof. Walden Bello, Dr. Sriprapha Petcharamesree
Phone: (0274) 512781
Address: Constitutional Law Department, Room A.IV.12, Faculty of Law, Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), Jalan Sosio Yustisia Bulaksumur No.1, Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281

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Books by Herlambang P. Wiratraman

Without press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the... more Without press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the degree of press freedom becomes an indicator of the level of democracy in a particular country. This socio-legal study aims to clarify how the concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom have evolved in Indonesian law; how press freedom as one of the main pillars of constitutional democracy has been guaranteed or curbed by the Indonesian legal system; how press freedom has been shaped in practice; and how this can be evaluated from a rule of law perspective. The research found press freedom in Indonesia is still under pressure, despite the demise of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998. Decentralised model of governance during ‘Reformasi’ has led to new types of attacks on the press. Extra-judicial killings, physical violence, bringing criminal or civil claims against journalists and impunity of those perpetrating such acts have made it difficult for many journalists to conduct their work in a proper manner and without fear. Hence, there is still a pattern of legal and non-legal attacks against the press. The research has found that from colonial times until the present Indonesia has struggled with press freedom.

Meijersreeks; MI-239; ISBN: 9789462037335
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/30106

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In the early years of the post-Soeharto era, press freedom in Indonesia was at its peak. It was d... more In the early years of the post-Soeharto era, press freedom in Indonesia was at its peak. It was deemed progressive, especially after the adoption of human rights and guaranteed freedom of expression into the amendment of the 1945 Constitution (during 1999-2002). In 1999, articles against revocation of press permits, press censorship and press banning were adopted by the new Press Law.

This article analyzes press freedom during the post-Soeharto era using the rule of law point of view. It aims to questions whether these changes really guarantee freedom of press in reality. Also analyzed is whether changes in governance and judiciary system can effectively realize the freedom of the press, especially in relation to democratization and human rights protection. This article, however, assumes that the law system and law enforcement are not really effective. Therefore, it simply inquiries whether freedom of press in Indonesia during the post-Soeharto era has really brought about a better and freer environment than that of the Suharto era.

This paper begins with a short overview on freedom of press in the early parts of the independence time (1945-1949), during Soekarno’s regime (1949-1967), and during Soeharto rule (1967-1998). Then, this paper continues to analyze freedom of press during the post-Soeharto era.

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Wiratraman, H.P., Arizona, Y., Susilaningtyas, Yusmira, N., Latjupa, S., Rona, M. 2010. Kuasa dan Hukum: Realitas pengakuan hukum terhadap hak masyarakat adat atas sumber daya alam. in Arizona, Y. (ed) Antara Teks dan Konteks. Jakarta: HuMa, pp. 69-130.

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This thesis focuses on assessing good governance and legal reform, especially under the World Ban... more This thesis focuses on assessing good governance and legal reform, especially under the World Bank projects which have been introduced to Indonesia after the financial crisis in 1997, and analyzes its impact on human rights.

This thesis attempts to deconstruct mainstream discourse and practice of good governance in Indonesia and criticize its connection with donor-driven legal reform issues which are importantly assessed by using a human rights perspective. By deconstructing the presence and absence of the World Bank’s projects of good governance and legal reform in Indonesia, it will picture legisprudence and its legal dynamic between text and context, particularly in assessing legislation-based human rights violations. This study uses a critical legal studies method, and focuses on labor legal reform as a neo-liberal project. Interviews and several focus group discussions were used by involving about 40 people, and it was conducted in Jakarta, Surabaya and Sidoarjo.

The findings of this study indicate that the World Bank projects on good governance systematically hegemonized and softly hijacked state and non-state institutions in Indonesia, particularly through bridge institutions which mystified the power asymmetry. These institutions have reproduced ‘truth’ and ‘imperatives projects’ under loan conditionalities, especially under a legal framework for development and its doctrine of rule of law. By analyzing three waves of labor legal reform in Indonesia post crisis (1997-2006), the World Bank has dominated the discourse of good governance and its legal reform.

The absence of this discourse is the issue of state obligation under a human rights framework which is shifted to good governance. Good governance favors a market friendly strategy, or in the case of labor, so called ‘labor market flexibility’. Labor market flexibility hugely impacts the deprivation of labor rights, especially on the issue of outsourcing, liberal minimum wage, long-term contract workers, and restraining the role of the state in labor dispute mechanism. In the legisprudence perspective, legal reforms are found as tools to legitimize systematic human rights violations through legislation projects. This thesis deconstructs a ‘market friendly human rights paradigm’ under the flag of good governance and legal reform.

Thesis was selected to be published into a book, published by OHRSD-Mahidol: Bangkok, 2007

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Mengkaji Permenaker Nomor PER-03/MEN/1997 sama artinya dengan mempelajari salah satu bentuk kebi... more Mengkaji Permenaker Nomor PER-03/MEN/1997 sama artinya dengan mempelajari salah satu bentuk kebijakan pemerintah yang dikeluarkan dengan muatan politik hukum perburuhan. Politik hukum perburuhan di Indonesia sebenarnya didasari oleh paradigma perekonomian yang masih ada relasi dan interdependensi dengan kebijakan utang luar negeri Indonesia melalui Multi Development Bank’s, dimana terdapat serangkaian penyesuaian kebijakan yang harus disejalankan dengan kepentingan negara/institusi asing pemberi hutang luar negeri kita. Bentuk penyesuaian ini disebut SAP (structural Adjustment Programme). SAP yang demikian juga terimplementasi dalam dunia perburuhan di Indonesia, salah satunya berupa tuntunan pemenuhan upah buruh murah.

Dalam konteks demikian, pemerintah Indonesia yang mengedepankan porsi pembangunan selama Orde Baru justru ”terjebak” dalam paradigma perekonomian tersebut, sehingga dapat dikatakan sebagai ”korban” kapitalisme (developmentalism). Namun perlu dicatat, bahwa korban yang sebenarnya (dalam kondisi termajinalkan) dan jumlahnya mencapai jutaan manusia adalah buruh. Buruhlah yang mengalami nasib tragis dengan upah yang sedemikian rendah, sedangkan disisi lain tingkat kebutuhan hidup mengalami peningkatan yang cukup pesat.

Berpijak dalam realitas ini, penulis – melalui skripsi ini - mengkritisi sejauh mana tingkat relevan secara yuridis kebijakan penangguhan upah yang diterapkan dalam Permenaker Nomor PER-03/MEN/1997, terutama berkaitan dengan kebijakan politik hukum perburuhan dengan paradigma perekonomian Indonesia diatas.

Salah satu kesimpulan penelitian dalam skripsi ini: peraturan upah buruh di Indonesia masih menunjukkan adanya peraturan yang merugikan kepentingan buruh, yakni Kepmenaker Nomor KEP-03/MEN/1997 yang memberikan peluang kepada perusahaan untuk tidak membayar kepentingan Upah Minimum Regional yang baru, atau membayar dibawah ketentuan Upah Minimum Regional. Ini merupakan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang dilegalkan (legalized human rights violation).

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Papers by Herlambang P. Wiratraman

Society, Sep 30, 2020

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Rechtsidee, 2020

On December 9, 2020, regional elections will be held simultaneously in 270 electoral districts ac... more On December 9, 2020, regional elections will be held simultaneously in 270 electoral districts across Indonesia. However, during this period the elections will be held amid the Covid-19 pandemic. This decision raised problems because the Government seemed to clash the protection of the right to health and the right to life due to the pandemic with political rights in the name of democracy. This clash ultimately created a constitutional dilemma. Elections has the potential to create election clusters considering the number of Covid-19 spread and transmission in Indonesia is still high and has not shown a significant decline. The General Election Commission (KPU) stated that the elections would implement health protocols. Nevertheless, holding elections is not just a matter of thorough preparation, but it is high risk, and also expensive. There will be a possible low voter turnout which could affect the legitimacy of the elections results. Facing this constitutional dilemma, an altern...

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Meijersreeks; MI-239; ISBN: 9789462037335
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/30106

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Thesis was selected to be published into a book, published by OHRSD-Mahidol: Bangkok, 2007

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Society, Sep 30, 2020

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Rechtsidee, 2020

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Jaminan terhadap pelaksanaan kebebasan ini menjadi syarat penting yang memungkinkan berlangsungny... more Jaminan terhadap pelaksanaan kebebasan ini menjadi syarat penting yang memungkinkan berlangsungnya demokrasi dan partisipasi publik dalam pembuatan berbagai keputusan. Warga negara tidak dapat melaksanakan haknya secara efektif dalam pemungutan suara atau berpartisipasi dalam pembuatan kebijakan publik apabila mereka tidak memiliki kebebasan untuk mendapatkan informasi dan mengeluarkan pendapatnya serta tidak mampu untuk menyatakan pandangannya secara bebas. Kebebasan berekspresi tidak hanya penting bagi martabat individu, tetapi juga untuk berpartisipasi, serta memastikan adanya transparansi dan akuntabilitas dalam penyelenggaraan negara. Pembicaraan mengenai kebebasan berekspresi semakin mendapatkan tempat dan terbuka luas seiring dengan pesatnya inovasi dan pemanfaatan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi, khususnya internet, yang memberikan dampak radikal bagi penikmatan hak atas kebebasan berekspresi. Navi Pillay (2011) menyatakan internet merupakan tren global yang paling kuat, ...

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Routledge eBooks, Nov 7, 2022

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The Politics of Court Reform, 2019

This chapter looks at legal certainty in Indonesia’s administrative courts. It provides a brief o... more This chapter looks at legal certainty in Indonesia’s administrative courts. It provides a brief overview of the genesis and development of this branch of the Indonesian judiciary and then shifts its focus to how administrative court judges interpret and apply so-called ‘general principles of proper administration’ (hereafter ‘General Principles’). These principles are one of the two grounds for which administrative courts can review administrative decrees, the other ground being the violation of a statute or regulation. The choice of these principles as a way of discussing legal certainty is deliberate: from the start of the administrative court system, it was the intention of the legislator and the Supreme Court to develop these principles by means of judicial precedent. This is highly unusual in Indonesian legal practice, where legislative and executive lawmaking have always been dominant and little space is left for judge-made law. In other words, if ever there has been a field of law in Indonesia in which the judiciary is well-positioned to take the lead in developing consistent legal rules, it is in this one. Despite positive developments in the conditions for consistent interpretation, this objective has not been achieved yet – although the situation is better than in the civil and criminal courts.

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Higher Education

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Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights, 2017

Political transition of post Soeharto's authoritarian regime has been deeply influenced by a ... more Political transition of post Soeharto's authoritarian regime has been deeply influenced by a decentralised model of governance, which affected to more serious attacks to the journalism works. The extra-judicial killing, physical violence, criminalising against journalism, and other attacks through formal judicial process or other forms, included impunity system, have shown uneasy situation for journalist at field or members of the press to perform journalistic works. Violence against journalists at field in decentralised Indonesia has been more influenced by the role of political-economy contestation at the local level, rather than the influence of situation and policies at national level. The law enforcement to protect journalist at works seems easily deniable and disregarded due to law system itself that does not give significance effect. The court has been used to collapsing media, silencing opposition, retaliating, and terrorising journalism works. My research shows that the...

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Rule of Law and Development: Formation, Implementation and Improvement of Law and Governance in D... more Rule of Law and Development: Formation, Implementation and Improvement of Law and Governance in Developing Countrie

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LKiS eBooks, Dec 1, 2017

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Federal Law Review

Indonesia’s politics has changed dramatically during Jokowi’s administration. Numbers of scholars... more Indonesia’s politics has changed dramatically during Jokowi’s administration. Numbers of scholars argued this situation turns to a ‘new model of authoritarianism’ or declining democracy. The situation is generally referred to as the strengthening of authoritarian politics. Meanwhile, in such situation, the role of the judiciary is the key to balancing power in authoritarian politics. However, in reality, efforts to encourage constitutional struggle through the judiciary will easily reverse the situation to lose its independence. The court could play a significant role in authoritarian politics. This phenomenon has been called the ‘judicialisation of authoritarian politics’. This article dissects how the process of authoritarian political institutionalisation through law and the courts has occurred in the two decades after Suharto’s reforms. Then it examines how civil society changes and the democracy movement have made it possible to advance constitutional rights in the context of I...

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LAW REFORM, 2013

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Journal of Asian Social Science Research

This article addresses the question of how the constitution drafters considered the existence of ... more This article addresses the question of how the constitution drafters considered the existence of a plural legal system in Indonesia, especially the adat judicial system. There are several sociological arguments for constitutional pluralism, empirical and normative claims, and the necessity of formalizing adat court. Constitutional pluralism identifies the phenomenon of a plurality of constitutional sources and claims of final authority which create a context for potential constitutional conflicts that are not hierarchically regulated. Hence, this article argues that ‘constitutionalizing’ does not mean ‘formalization’, or even ‘structuring the adat court under the state formal judicial system’. This should be critically assessed not merely on recognition, but also on protection, especially to exercise fundamental values of social significance. It considers the concepts of ‘self-recognition based adat court’ and ‘regional recognition based adat court’ as important in defending univers...

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Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada, 2020

Berbasis riset lapangan di sejumlah kampus, melihat praktik pengajaran dan penelitian hukum di pe... more Berbasis riset lapangan di sejumlah kampus, melihat praktik pengajaran dan penelitian hukum di pendidikan tinggi hukum Indonesia. Artikel ditujukan bukan untuk menjelaskan pertentangan antara normatif dan empiris dalam penelitian hukum, melainkan menjelaskan mengapa pertentangan tersebut mengeras dan menjadi tantangan dalam mengembangkan pendekatan interdisipliner. Artikel menunjukkan temuan bahwa pertentangan mengeras karena keduanya menjadikan seperti doktrin layaknya beragama.

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Yuridika, 2021

This paper explores the similarities and differences in Indonesia and Canada regarding the consti... more This paper explores the similarities and differences in Indonesia and Canada regarding the constitutionally protected freedom of expression. While one may expect that both countries do not have much in common from a general standpoint, both do have several similarities in their approach to the interpretation and application of that freedom. The exercise of freedom of expression is also examined through the spectrum of jurisprudential examples from both countries, more specifically in the context of ‘hate speech’, ‘artistic expression’ and ‘language expression’.In addition, the social reality of both countries underlying the freedom of expression is uncovered. Further, the limitations imposed in both countries on that fundamental freedom are also discussed. Learning from the exercise that consisted in this paper to compare relevant laws of two countries, and despite the differences between their respective legal traditions, this study argues that freedom of expression, in two differe...

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Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 2018

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Yuridika, May 28, 2012

A crime against humanity is a part of the most serious crimes concerned by international communit... more A crime against humanity is a part of the most serious crimes concerned by international community. The law against this crime is widely accepted, because it is categorized as ‘hostis humanis generis’. Nevertheless, this concept and international laws of crime against humanity are defined and adopted differently by many countries, including under Indonesian laws. This paper analizes comparatively the concept and provisions which are based on international statutes, jurisprudence in ICTY and ICTR and Indonesian Human Rights Court Law, especially the provision of “other inhumane acts”. It also examines whether the different concepts would make legal concequences in implementing progressively its law enforcement in Indonesia.

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Untuk menjadi negara hukum, negara harus mempunyai pilar utama, salah satunya pers yang bebas. Pe... more Untuk menjadi negara hukum, negara harus mempunyai pilar utama, salah satunya pers yang bebas. Pers yang bebas mampu mengontrol pemerintah dengan mengungkap penyimpangan yang terjadi. Rakyat dapat mengawasi dan mengoreksi kesalahan itu dan mendorong perubahan. Pemerintah sering mengatakan, kebebasan pers akan selalu dijunjung dan tidak ada pembredelan lagi. Kenyataannya, sekarang pers ditekan dan kebebasannya berkurang. Masih banyak wartawan dihalang-halangi dan bahkan dianiaya saat bertugas. Pemerintah juga malah menuding pers membesar-besarkan persoalan ketika hubungan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dan Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia memburuk. Ada resistensi dari pemerintah terhadap pers bebas.

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