Andre Krouwel - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Andre Krouwel
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
Party Politics
This study compares the spatial positioning of over 200 political parties across 28 European Unio... more This study compares the spatial positioning of over 200 political parties across 28 European Union (EU) member states in two cross-national voting advice applications (VAAs) developed for the 2014 European elections: EUvox and euandi. We find that the two VAAs show highly similar results in terms of party positioning on the cultural liberal-conservative and pro-anti EU dimensions, while economic left–right placements converge less, especially concerning right-wing parties. Our analyses reveal that the higher overlap on the cultural and EU dimensions is a result, at least partially, of the inclusion of similar items used to measure these concepts, while most of the systematic divergence between the two VAAs in left–right placements stems from problematic issue-statements used in the dimensional calculations. We demonstrate how certain items can cause bias in the placements of specific party families by (1) not aligning with other statements that measure the same latent construct; (2)...
Netherlands Report Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020, 2021
This report compared the performance of The Netherlands on three sets of indicators: sustainable ... more This report compared the performance of The Netherlands on three sets of indicators: sustainable policies (economics, finance, social domain and environmental domain), quality of rule-of-law and democracy, and governance capacities.
En s’appuyant sur un corpus de données collectées grâce au Système d’Aide au Vote (SAV) de La Bou... more En s’appuyant sur un corpus de données collectées grâce au Système d’Aide au Vote (SAV) de La Boussole présidentielle, cet article analyse les dynamiques de la campagne de la primaire de la droite et du centre. Dans un contexte de polarisation des candidats lors de l’élection, François Fillon est apparu aux électeurs de la primaire comme un compromis entre les centristes réunis autour d’Alain Juppé et les soutiens de Nicolas Sarkozy, jugés plus radicaux. En outre, ce sont moins les enjeux programmatiques soulevés par le vainqueur que son image et sa présidentialité qui ont permis sa désignation, soulignant ainsi l’importance des dynamiques de campagne dans un scrutin de primaires.
CAMPAIGN DYNAMICS AND CANDIDATE SELECTION. THE FRENCH PRIMARIES OF THE RIGHT AND THE CENTRE IN THE LIGHT OF LA BOUSSOLE PRÉSIDENTIELLE® (2016-2017)
Drawing on a dataset collected through the online Voting Advice Application (VAA) of La Boussole présidentielle®, this article analyses the dynamics in the first ever primary election campaign of the French right and centre. Our analyses show that, in a context of substantial within-party polarization between candidates, François Fillon emerged as a middle-ground candidate between the relatively centrist Alain Juppé’s and the more radical right-wing stances of Nicolas Sarkozy. The article also highlights the pre-eminence of François Fillon’s image, and in particular his ability to appear “presidential” during the campaign, a major factor for his victory. Such conclusions emphasise the significance of campaign dynamics over policy issues in primary elections.
This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elec... more This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elections in ve Mediterranean region countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned along two dimensions. We trace country-speci c cleavage patterns and re ections of party system maturity in these ve countries. The cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.
This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elec... more This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major
parties in post-Arab Spring elections in five Mediterranean region
countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the
Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian
regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as
the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions
are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned
along two dimensions. We trace country-specific cleavage patterns
and reflections of party system maturity in these five countries. The
cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage
structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for
parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the
more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters
exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between
the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.
In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect th... more In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect the populist type of democracy-critique, as well as to distinguish between different types of populism. We define populism as a particular democratic ideology, thereby viewing it as more than just political tactics or communication. Populism is operationalised and analysed on the basis of party programmes of Lijst Pim Fortuyn (Netherlands), Vlaams Blok (Belgium), Die Republikaner (Germany) and Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreich (Austria). The results of our analysis lead to the preliminary conclusion that we can distinguish between several varieties of populism, depending on the way 'the people' are defined, the character of anti-establishment statements and the type of proposals for creating a direct link between citizens and government. Hence we reject the undifferentiated and promiscuous use of the concept populism. Although the quantitative character of part of our analysis enables us to draw conclusions about the extent of populism witnessed in party programmes, further research and refinement of our analytical model are necessary.
... Beside this traditional left/right dimension of politics, representing the social economic di... more ... Beside this traditional left/right dimension of politics, representing the social economic dimension in politics, we also included the GAL/TAN dimension representing the social cultural dimension in politics. ... MLA Citation: Ruigrok, Nel., van Atteveldt, Wouter., krouwel, Andre. ...
Since the 1990s many new parties have emerged in European party systems. These parties have often... more Since the 1990s many new parties have emerged in European party systems. These parties have often been labelled as populist, extreme-right or anti-system parties. This paper examines to what extent new parties have indeed adopted a different style of competition and contestation within European democracies. If so, does this imply a trend towards populism and how do these new parties impact established parties and the extant party system? The following questions are examined: Why have new parties successfully emerged? Why do new parties seem to emerge more on the 'right' than on the 'left' of the political spectrum? In addition we discuss their issue profile and their role vis-à-vis party system development. Our findings suggest that many new parties can indeed be considered as populist and rightwing radical. The issue profile of such parties is different from other (traditional) parties and this explains in part their electoral growth. This implies -amongst other things -that new, often populist, parties successfully challenge the power resources of the established 'political class'.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501760701847655, Feb 22, 2008
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 09644008 2013 794452, Jun 1, 2013
ABSTRACT The CDU can lay claim to being Europe's – if not the world's – most succ... more ABSTRACT The CDU can lay claim to being Europe's – if not the world's – most successful Christian Democratic Party. But at the beginning of the twenty-first century that means rather less than it used to. As a way of thinking, Christian Democracy, has arguably become less distinct than once it was from more secular centre-right ideologies. Whether this will save ‘people's parties’ from continuing electoral decline is a moot point, however. Moreover the chances that their numbers will be swelled by sister-parties gaining significant success in new democracies seem small indeed. This article uses a brand-new database of West European parties' positioning and their organisational and electoral performance to analyse the challenges faced by contemporary Christian Democratic parties since 1945 and compares the CDU to its sister-parties. If the CDU is the exception that proves the rule, why might that be and could it provide a beacon to which other like-minded parties can turn for inspiration? If not, just how much trouble is it in? The CDU: the exception that proves the rule or just one more instance of the same sorry tale?
Political elites in newly democratising countries create political institutions, whose nature and... more Political elites in newly democratising countries create political institutions, whose nature and functioning determine the level of legitimacy,of everyday,political decisions. With this legitimacy perceived by both the mass public as well as the competing elites, democratisers aim tocreate a stable democratic institutional regime. One of the most crucial choices democratisers face is the design of the relation between the
In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect th... more In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect the populist type of democracy-critique, as well as to distinguish between different types of populism. We define populism as a particular democratic ideology, thereby viewing it as more than just political tactics or communication. Populism is operationalised and analysed on the basis of party programmes of Lijst Pim Fortuyn (Netherlands), Vlaams Blok (Belgium), Die Republikaner (Germany) and Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreich (Austria). The results of our analysis lead to the preliminary conclusion that we can distinguish between several varieties of populism, depending on the way 'the people' are defined, the character of anti-establishment statements and the type of proposals for creating a direct link between citizens and government. Hence we reject the undifferentiated and promiscuous use of the concept populism. Although the quantitative character of part of our analysis enables us to draw conclusions about the extent of populism witnessed in party programmes, further research and refinement of our analytical model are necessary.
... Regional or local elites usually have the right nominate the candidates while party ... Addit... more ... Regional or local elites usually have the right nominate the candidates while party ... Additionally, if candidate selection takes place at the local level, national executives of most ... of centralised control is more a stable characteristic of European parliamentary democracy, rather than ...
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effecti... more The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating global health crisis. Without a vaccine or effective medication, the best hope for mitigating virus transmission is collective behavior change and support for public health interventions (e.g., physical distancing, physical hygiene, and endorsement of health policies). In a large-scale international collaboration (N = 46,450 across 67 countries), we investigated why people adopted public health behaviors and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stages of the pandemic (April-May, 2020). Results revealed that respondents who identified more strongly with their nation consistently reported engagement in public health behaviors and greater support for public health policies. We also found a small effect of political orientation, indicating that left-wing respondents were more likely to report public health behaviors and support for public health measures than right-wing respondents. We d...
Party Politics
This study compares the spatial positioning of over 200 political parties across 28 European Unio... more This study compares the spatial positioning of over 200 political parties across 28 European Union (EU) member states in two cross-national voting advice applications (VAAs) developed for the 2014 European elections: EUvox and euandi. We find that the two VAAs show highly similar results in terms of party positioning on the cultural liberal-conservative and pro-anti EU dimensions, while economic left–right placements converge less, especially concerning right-wing parties. Our analyses reveal that the higher overlap on the cultural and EU dimensions is a result, at least partially, of the inclusion of similar items used to measure these concepts, while most of the systematic divergence between the two VAAs in left–right placements stems from problematic issue-statements used in the dimensional calculations. We demonstrate how certain items can cause bias in the placements of specific party families by (1) not aligning with other statements that measure the same latent construct; (2)...
Netherlands Report Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020, 2021
This report compared the performance of The Netherlands on three sets of indicators: sustainable ... more This report compared the performance of The Netherlands on three sets of indicators: sustainable policies (economics, finance, social domain and environmental domain), quality of rule-of-law and democracy, and governance capacities.
En s’appuyant sur un corpus de données collectées grâce au Système d’Aide au Vote (SAV) de La Bou... more En s’appuyant sur un corpus de données collectées grâce au Système d’Aide au Vote (SAV) de La Boussole présidentielle, cet article analyse les dynamiques de la campagne de la primaire de la droite et du centre. Dans un contexte de polarisation des candidats lors de l’élection, François Fillon est apparu aux électeurs de la primaire comme un compromis entre les centristes réunis autour d’Alain Juppé et les soutiens de Nicolas Sarkozy, jugés plus radicaux. En outre, ce sont moins les enjeux programmatiques soulevés par le vainqueur que son image et sa présidentialité qui ont permis sa désignation, soulignant ainsi l’importance des dynamiques de campagne dans un scrutin de primaires.
CAMPAIGN DYNAMICS AND CANDIDATE SELECTION. THE FRENCH PRIMARIES OF THE RIGHT AND THE CENTRE IN THE LIGHT OF LA BOUSSOLE PRÉSIDENTIELLE® (2016-2017)
Drawing on a dataset collected through the online Voting Advice Application (VAA) of La Boussole présidentielle®, this article analyses the dynamics in the first ever primary election campaign of the French right and centre. Our analyses show that, in a context of substantial within-party polarization between candidates, François Fillon emerged as a middle-ground candidate between the relatively centrist Alain Juppé’s and the more radical right-wing stances of Nicolas Sarkozy. The article also highlights the pre-eminence of François Fillon’s image, and in particular his ability to appear “presidential” during the campaign, a major factor for his victory. Such conclusions emphasise the significance of campaign dynamics over policy issues in primary elections.
This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elec... more This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elections in ve Mediterranean region countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned along two dimensions. We trace country-speci c cleavage patterns and re ections of party system maturity in these ve countries. The cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.
This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elec... more This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major
parties in post-Arab Spring elections in five Mediterranean region
countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the
Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian
regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as
the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions
are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned
along two dimensions. We trace country-specific cleavage patterns
and reflections of party system maturity in these five countries. The
cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage
structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for
parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the
more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters
exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between
the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.
In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect th... more In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect the populist type of democracy-critique, as well as to distinguish between different types of populism. We define populism as a particular democratic ideology, thereby viewing it as more than just political tactics or communication. Populism is operationalised and analysed on the basis of party programmes of Lijst Pim Fortuyn (Netherlands), Vlaams Blok (Belgium), Die Republikaner (Germany) and Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreich (Austria). The results of our analysis lead to the preliminary conclusion that we can distinguish between several varieties of populism, depending on the way 'the people' are defined, the character of anti-establishment statements and the type of proposals for creating a direct link between citizens and government. Hence we reject the undifferentiated and promiscuous use of the concept populism. Although the quantitative character of part of our analysis enables us to draw conclusions about the extent of populism witnessed in party programmes, further research and refinement of our analytical model are necessary.
... Beside this traditional left/right dimension of politics, representing the social economic di... more ... Beside this traditional left/right dimension of politics, representing the social economic dimension in politics, we also included the GAL/TAN dimension representing the social cultural dimension in politics. ... MLA Citation: Ruigrok, Nel., van Atteveldt, Wouter., krouwel, Andre. ...
Since the 1990s many new parties have emerged in European party systems. These parties have often... more Since the 1990s many new parties have emerged in European party systems. These parties have often been labelled as populist, extreme-right or anti-system parties. This paper examines to what extent new parties have indeed adopted a different style of competition and contestation within European democracies. If so, does this imply a trend towards populism and how do these new parties impact established parties and the extant party system? The following questions are examined: Why have new parties successfully emerged? Why do new parties seem to emerge more on the 'right' than on the 'left' of the political spectrum? In addition we discuss their issue profile and their role vis-à-vis party system development. Our findings suggest that many new parties can indeed be considered as populist and rightwing radical. The issue profile of such parties is different from other (traditional) parties and this explains in part their electoral growth. This implies -amongst other things -that new, often populist, parties successfully challenge the power resources of the established 'political class'.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501760701847655, Feb 22, 2008
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 09644008 2013 794452, Jun 1, 2013
ABSTRACT The CDU can lay claim to being Europe's – if not the world's – most succ... more ABSTRACT The CDU can lay claim to being Europe's – if not the world's – most successful Christian Democratic Party. But at the beginning of the twenty-first century that means rather less than it used to. As a way of thinking, Christian Democracy, has arguably become less distinct than once it was from more secular centre-right ideologies. Whether this will save ‘people's parties’ from continuing electoral decline is a moot point, however. Moreover the chances that their numbers will be swelled by sister-parties gaining significant success in new democracies seem small indeed. This article uses a brand-new database of West European parties' positioning and their organisational and electoral performance to analyse the challenges faced by contemporary Christian Democratic parties since 1945 and compares the CDU to its sister-parties. If the CDU is the exception that proves the rule, why might that be and could it provide a beacon to which other like-minded parties can turn for inspiration? If not, just how much trouble is it in? The CDU: the exception that proves the rule or just one more instance of the same sorry tale?
Political elites in newly democratising countries create political institutions, whose nature and... more Political elites in newly democratising countries create political institutions, whose nature and functioning determine the level of legitimacy,of everyday,political decisions. With this legitimacy perceived by both the mass public as well as the competing elites, democratisers aim tocreate a stable democratic institutional regime. One of the most crucial choices democratisers face is the design of the relation between the
In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect th... more In this paper we present our method for analysing the extent to which party programmes reflect the populist type of democracy-critique, as well as to distinguish between different types of populism. We define populism as a particular democratic ideology, thereby viewing it as more than just political tactics or communication. Populism is operationalised and analysed on the basis of party programmes of Lijst Pim Fortuyn (Netherlands), Vlaams Blok (Belgium), Die Republikaner (Germany) and Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreich (Austria). The results of our analysis lead to the preliminary conclusion that we can distinguish between several varieties of populism, depending on the way 'the people' are defined, the character of anti-establishment statements and the type of proposals for creating a direct link between citizens and government. Hence we reject the undifferentiated and promiscuous use of the concept populism. Although the quantitative character of part of our analysis enables us to draw conclusions about the extent of populism witnessed in party programmes, further research and refinement of our analytical model are necessary.
... Regional or local elites usually have the right nominate the candidates while party ... Addit... more ... Regional or local elites usually have the right nominate the candidates while party ... Additionally, if candidate selection takes place at the local level, national executives of most ... of centralised control is more a stable characteristic of European parliamentary democracy, rather than ...