Hina Khan - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Hina Khan
Pakistan Perspective, 2015
In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right i... more In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right is sometimes suppressed in the name of 'national interest' formed by a particular state ideology which in effect upholds the interests of a particular elite coalition. In such cases the exercise of election becomes rather a mundane process of electing from a monotonous lot of 'electables' without a hope for a substantive change towards a pluralistic and tolerant polity. In this context, this paper is an attempt to analyze the eligibility criteria for the members of Parliament in Pakistan as given in the Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan (1973). It seeks to answer the following questions: How far the required qualifications for the legislators as given in Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan resemble or differ from those established in other democratic systems of the world? How far Articles 62 and 63 are compatible with Article 25 which establishes the equality of all citizens of Pakistan? What are the implications of practice of these two articles for the electoral system in Pakistan? The paper is organized in three major parts which discuss the theoretical aspects, the historical background along with the rationale given to include the above mentioned articles in the constitution and their implications for the electoral process and democracy at large. The conclusion will evaluate the rationale and practicability of the two articles in the light of the research findings. The article follows a theoretical and analytical approach which includes a brief literature survey, an overview of electoral systems in some democracies around the world, reports of Election Commission Pakistan and other agencies, print and electronic media reports, and interviews with concerned people.
Historicus - Quarterly journal of Pakistan historical Society, 2023
Though Jews were residents of the Mediterranean long before the advent of the Fatimids in the reg... more Though Jews were residents of the Mediterranean long before the advent of the Fatimids in the region, emergence of the Fatimid state particularly created a comparatively more tolerant atmosphere for the former. Consequently, North Africa and then Egypt, served as a favorable ground for Jewish diaspora to establish a well-knit society. The far-reaching degree of communal autonomy enjoyed by the Jews under the Fatimid rule culminated into a Jewish society that carried out numerous welfare activities within their community in Egypt and also served as a base and refuge for Jews living in other parts of the world. The success of the Jewish civil society was mainly attributed to a devised tolerant policy of the Fatimids that centered on furnishing extensive communal autonomy with intervention limited only to security and justice matters. In this context, this study aims to apply the modern concept of a 'tolerant state policy as an imperative factor for a robust civil society' to a medieval model of state-civil society relationship viz. the Fatimid state and the Jewish civil society within its jurisdiction. Exploring the design, nature and impacts of state-policy towards the Jewish civil society manifested in the extensive welfare activities of the Jewish community it infers that state-tolerance was the major causal factor in the vitality of Jewish civil society under the Fatimids; it further explores the context in regard to much criticized 'intolerance' of Caliph-Imam al-Hakim who, for a limited period of time, reversed this attitude towards the Jews under his reign. Expounding on the aspects of communal autonomy given to the Jewish
Pakistan Perspectives, 2015
In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right i... more In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right is sometimes suppressed in the name of 'national interest' formed by a particular state ideology which in effect upholds the interests of a particular elite coalition. In such cases the exercise of election becomes rather a mundane process of electing from a monotonous lot of 'electables' without a hope for a substantive change towards a pluralistic and tolerant polity. In this context, this paper is an attempt to analyze the eligibility criteria for the members of Parliament in Pakistan as given in the Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan (1973). It seeks to answer the following questions: How far the required qualifications for the legislators as given in Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan resemble or differ from those established in other democratic systems of the world? How far Articles 62 and 63 are compatible with Article 25 which establishes the equality of all citizens of Pakistan? What are the implications of practice of these two articles for the electoral system in Pakistan? The paper is organized in three major parts which discuss the theoretical aspects, the historical background along with the rationale given to include the above mentioned articles in the constitution and their implications for the electoral process and democracy at large. The conclusion will evaluate the rationale and practicability of the two articles in the light of the research findings. The article follows a theoretical and analytical approach which includes a brief literature survey, an overview of electoral systems in some democracies around the world, reports of Election Commission Pakistan and other agencies, print and electronic media reports, and interviews with concerned people.
Pakistan Perspectives, 2017
ABSTRACT In a recent publication South Asian constitutionalism has been aptly described as ‘unsta... more ABSTRACT
In a recent publication South Asian constitutionalism has been aptly described as ‘unstable constitutionalism’ wherein wide disagreements on a single institutional design often lead to “recurring tensions that lie at the intersection of law and politics”. These disagreements seem to be more conspicuous in Pakistan with a wide variety of opinions but little interest regarding the constitutional matters. While Article 5(2) of the Constitution clearly establishes the compulsory obedience to the Constitution and law as ‘inviolable obligation of every citizen’, instances of indifference towards the sanctity of the Constitution abound. Hence constitutionalism in its own right has been reduced to a subject of occasional judicial reviews. A large part of the recent South Asian literature seems to be rather focused on comparative constitutional studies which seldom tend to imply the theoretical issues pertinent to the developing world whereas our legislators often seem to be preoccupied with day-to-day matters rather than theoretical underpinnings of the constitutional issues. Hence the solemn parliamentary debates that shaped the democratic discourse in the west are almost absent in our legislatures. In this context this paper aims at a theoretical overview of the major tenets of classical constitutionalism with an attempt to finding their implementation in Pakistan’s constitutional issues. It also seeks to trace the extent and consequences of ‘instability’ in Pakistani constitutionalism.
The paper is organized in two main sections: the first overviews the theoretical aspects of the idea of constitutionalism and its major tenets as developed over the last two centuries. The second explores the relevance of those classical concepts of constitutionalism in the political setup of Pakistan highlighting the issues and hurdles in the way. The paper depends on the existing literature on constitutionalism with particular reference to Pakistan along with interviews and discussions with relevant persons in Pakistan.
Keywords: Constitutionalism, Constitution, Rule of Law, Sovereignty, Entrenchment, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, Limited Government
Pakistan Perspectives, 2019
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
Journal of European Studies (JES), Jul 12, 2018
While negotiations for the accession of some countries to the European Union (EU) are still under... more While negotiations for the accession of some countries to the European Union (EU) are still underway, the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), initiated in 2004, is working to bring the states neighbouring the EU territory in the east and the south, to a closer economic and security coordination. Further, in 2009 the Eastern Partnership (EaP) program was inaugurated with a particular objective of coordinating with the post-Soviet states. In this context, the Soviet successor states – Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been approached, and some instruments of partnership have been signed. On the other hand, these countries also form a part of what Russia perceives as her " near abroad " , whose interests Moscow has tactically aligned with its own through many bilateral accords as well as ventures like the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In 2015, along with Belarus and Kazakhstan, Russia announced the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). In order to compete with the European Union, the organisation aims to incorporate other Eurasian states. Against the backdrop of the stated developments, with the help of the 'dualistic operational model', this paper attempts to compare the functionalist and imperialist aspects of the two endeavours (Eastern Partnership and EEU). It questions the viability of the idea of Eastern Partnership. Also, it weighs the possibilities of a confrontation between the EU and Russia, and its repercussions on the concerned states.
Pakistan Historical Society. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2016
The 25th International Pakistan History Conference was jointly organized by the Pakistan Historic... more The 25th International Pakistan History Conference was jointly organized by the Pakistan Historical Society, Department of History, University of Karachi, and the Hamdard Foundation Pakistan.The major aims of the conference were to bring to light the tremendous work in various fields of South Asian history and historiography and to provide a platform for a constructive interaction between historians.* The Conference was held for three days, 'Day One' and 'Three' (Jan. 19 and 21, 2016) at the University of Karachi and 'Day Two' (Jan. 20) at the Hamdard University Karachi's main campus. On both the venues more than one sessions were conducted simultaneously in order to accommodate all the speakers.* The Conference Executive Committee included Prof. Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan, Prof. Sharif al Mujahid, Prof. Dr. Tahera Aftab, Prof. Dr. Javed Hussain, Prof. Dr. Reza Kazmi Prof. Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed, Prof. Shama Habib, and Prof. Dr. Syed Muhammad Taha.* About 120 Ab...
Pakistan Historical Society. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2015
Present day Muslim societies across the globe appear to be inclined towards obscurantism rather t... more Present day Muslim societies across the globe appear to be inclined towards obscurantism rather than modernism.1 Some western scholars have even labelled Islam as a ?rival' of modern civil society.2 This view seems to overlook the contribution of various modernist civil society movements in many Muslim regions during the 19th century which remain relevant and thought-provoking even today. Its true that amidst the gradual encirclement of the Muslim world by European imperialist powers, a socio-political ?dark age' had descended upon the Muslim societies. However, by the late 19th century, the movement toward intellectual and socio-political awakening was resumed in many regions including India and Russia, noticeably with a Modernist approach.lt is interesting to note that by that time the earlier approaches to revive the lost glory of Islam through a retrogressive puritanism had either failed or receded in significance and impact. Hence those of Arab and Indian Wahabism and o...
Journal of European Studies, 2019
The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasi... more The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasian and the five Central Asian states viz. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kirghizstan and Tajikistan has been a highly contested region in world politics due to geo-political, cultural and economic reasons. In the post-Cold War era it became the center of euphoric expectations for the regional as well as world powers – expectations that ranged from energy to geo-strategic balances and imbalances, and to the Fukuyama brand of ‘triumph of liberal democracy’ in the region. Shattering of those dreams reduced the region’s profile in international politics. However, recently it has again emerged with a potential of politico-economic development. From the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (2015) to the continuing political and economic instability in the region, all in the backdrop of rise of China as an emerging world power, the rising Russian profile in Central Asia is again bein...
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2020
Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as we... more Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as well. Aligarh movement initiated by Sir Sayyid Ahmed khan is a typical social movement from 19th century, aimed at modernization and uplift of the Muslim community of India. It emerged in a period when the Indian Muslims were facing a sharp decline in their socio-economic and political status. This decline had created a psychology of retreat among them wherein they suspected any attempt to reform their lot. For instance, the introduction of modern education by the British rulers was adopted by the Hindu majority for obvious economic benefits. Conversely, the Muslims remained wary of modern education, particularly the English language as a conspiracy to destroy their age-old culture and religion. In this backdrop Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan’s tireless drive to inculcate modern education proved to be a miracle that transformed the Muslim middle classes for the next century. Although Aligarh moveme...
Journal of Education & Social Sciences
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2020
Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as we... more Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as well. Aligarh movement initiated by Sir Sayyid Ahmed khan is a typical social movement from 19th century, aimed at modernization and uplift of the Muslim community of India. It emerged in a period when the Indian Muslims were facing a sharp decline in their socioeconomic and political status. This decline had created a psychology of retreat among them wherein they suspected any attempt to reform their lot. For instance, the introduction of modern education by the British rulers was adopted by the Hindu majority for obvious economic benefits. Conversely, the Muslims remained wary of modern education, particularly the English language as a conspiracy to destroy their age-old culture and religion. In this backdrop Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan's tireless drive to inculcate modern education proved to be a miracle that transformed the Muslim middle classes for the next century. Although Aligarh movement has attracted tremendous scholarship, there has been virtually little attempt to theorize it as a social movement. In this context the present paper aims to study Aligarh Movement on the parameters of contemporary theories highlighting the causal dimensions of social movements. It will particularly explore the relevance of the elements of deprivation, resource mobilization, political processes, structural strain and those highlighted by the new social movement theory as causal factors in the emergence and evolution of Aligarh Movement.
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2014
The famous Brunswick Manifesto (1792) is considered as the last nail in the coffin of the French ... more The famous Brunswick Manifesto (1792) is considered as the last nail in the coffin of the French Monarchy which, after having survived the revolutionary events since 1789 was still cherishing hopes of reversal to the ancien' (ancient) regime in France. On one hand the Manifesto reflected the apparent solidarity of the conservative powers of Europe against the nascent French Revolution and on the other it served as a catalyst to the rising nationalism and war mania among the French populace. Yet little attention has been paid towards theoretical analysis of the document with respect to its motives, and desired and real consequences. In this context this paper aims at a theoretical study of the motives behind the Manifesto and the consequences it produced in relevance to the present day realpolitic. It will particularly focus on the concepts of coercive diplomacy and foreign intervention, and the reasons why both of those concepts proved self-abortive in this case. The paper has been completed with the help of primary and secondary sources available in print and online, particularly the historical databases of Fordham University, Stanford University and Eurodocs online sources of European History as well as the available material in print.
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2014
While the phenomenon of up rootedness has become a dominant feature in world's political economy,... more While the phenomenon of up rootedness has become a dominant feature in world's political economy, the region presently comprising the post-Soviet Central Asia has also been affected by mass displacements. The ancient societies-turned-young-nation states resemble a mosaic of ethnically diverse groups, living together for centuries. Particularly in the historical Ferghana Valley various ethnic groups have formed a delicate balance which whenever disturbed by natural, environmental or socio-political factors, has led to massive and often tragic human displacement. Unfortunately, despite the initial euphoria about the newly independent, resource rich Central Asia, not much interest could be generated regarding its socio-political and humanitarian issues while the region descended into the backyard of international politics during the last decade. Nevertheless, the significance of the region and the massive displacements therein can never be underestimated. This paper focuses on two causative factors of up rootedness in and around the famous Ferghana Valley geographically bordered by three Central Asian states viz. Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. It mainly focuses on displacements forced by the consequences of ethnic heterogeneity, with special reference to the role of the regional states in this context. For this purpose, the paper is organized into five main sections: the first provides literature survey highlighting the major works on uprooted populations in the region; second furnishes a historical background of displacements in Central Asia; the third section presents a mapping of up rootedness in the three states bordering Ferghana Valley; the fourth tends to identify a conceptual framework that helps understand and analyze the displacement situation in the region; while the fifth section traces the roots of up rootedness in the region following the above mentioned framework. The concluding part analyses the
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2013
Welfare state, despite facing severe neoliberal criticism, is still practiced in various forms in... more Welfare state, despite facing severe neoliberal criticism, is still practiced in various forms in many western and eastern countries. Muslims also cherish the welfare state as an Islamic injunction and proudly trace its origin to the early Islamic state of Madina (seventh century CE). On the other hand the increasing limitations of the state make an equitable supply of welfare to every citizen difficult and hence lead to the entry of civil society which then serves to ameliorate the wants of the marginalized people. In this context, this paper tends to study the concept and working of state-welfarism and its nexus with the civil society's welfare initiative with particular reference to the first three decades in the history of Pakistan. It further seeks to study how the crisis of welfare state has affected the civil society's welfare work in Pakistan during those three decades and how it is expected to work in future.
Pakistan Perspective, 2019
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
Journal of European Studies, 2019
Abstract The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three Sout... more Abstract
The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasian and the five Central Asian states viz. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kirghizstan and Tajikistan has been a highly contested region in world politics due to geo-political, cultural and economic reasons. In the post-Cold War era it became the center of euphoric expectations for the regional as well as world powers – expectations that ranged from energy to geo-strategic balances and imbalances, and to the Fukuyama brand of ‘triumph of liberal democracy’ in the region. Shattering of those dreams reduced the region’s profile in international politics. However, recently it has again emerged with a potential of politico-economic development. From the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (2015) to the continuing political and economic instability in the region, all in the backdrop of rise of China as an emerging world power, the rising Russian profile in Central Asia is again being discussed in policy-making circles. In this context, this paper offers an overview of the Eurasian concept(s) with particular reference to the Russo-Central Asian politics and policies that are likely to cause a profound impact on regional and international dynamics in the future. It’s chief argument is that due to Moscow’s growing interest, the historical Eurasian Heartland is likely to play a more decisive role in the coming decades.
Key Words: Eurasian Heartland, Russia, Central Asia, Eurasian Theories, Political Development, Economic Development
Pakistan Perspective, 2015
In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right i... more In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right is sometimes suppressed in the name of 'national interest' formed by a particular state ideology which in effect upholds the interests of a particular elite coalition. In such cases the exercise of election becomes rather a mundane process of electing from a monotonous lot of 'electables' without a hope for a substantive change towards a pluralistic and tolerant polity. In this context, this paper is an attempt to analyze the eligibility criteria for the members of Parliament in Pakistan as given in the Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan (1973). It seeks to answer the following questions: How far the required qualifications for the legislators as given in Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan resemble or differ from those established in other democratic systems of the world? How far Articles 62 and 63 are compatible with Article 25 which establishes the equality of all citizens of Pakistan? What are the implications of practice of these two articles for the electoral system in Pakistan? The paper is organized in three major parts which discuss the theoretical aspects, the historical background along with the rationale given to include the above mentioned articles in the constitution and their implications for the electoral process and democracy at large. The conclusion will evaluate the rationale and practicability of the two articles in the light of the research findings. The article follows a theoretical and analytical approach which includes a brief literature survey, an overview of electoral systems in some democracies around the world, reports of Election Commission Pakistan and other agencies, print and electronic media reports, and interviews with concerned people.
Historicus - Quarterly journal of Pakistan historical Society, 2023
Though Jews were residents of the Mediterranean long before the advent of the Fatimids in the reg... more Though Jews were residents of the Mediterranean long before the advent of the Fatimids in the region, emergence of the Fatimid state particularly created a comparatively more tolerant atmosphere for the former. Consequently, North Africa and then Egypt, served as a favorable ground for Jewish diaspora to establish a well-knit society. The far-reaching degree of communal autonomy enjoyed by the Jews under the Fatimid rule culminated into a Jewish society that carried out numerous welfare activities within their community in Egypt and also served as a base and refuge for Jews living in other parts of the world. The success of the Jewish civil society was mainly attributed to a devised tolerant policy of the Fatimids that centered on furnishing extensive communal autonomy with intervention limited only to security and justice matters. In this context, this study aims to apply the modern concept of a 'tolerant state policy as an imperative factor for a robust civil society' to a medieval model of state-civil society relationship viz. the Fatimid state and the Jewish civil society within its jurisdiction. Exploring the design, nature and impacts of state-policy towards the Jewish civil society manifested in the extensive welfare activities of the Jewish community it infers that state-tolerance was the major causal factor in the vitality of Jewish civil society under the Fatimids; it further explores the context in regard to much criticized 'intolerance' of Caliph-Imam al-Hakim who, for a limited period of time, reversed this attitude towards the Jews under his reign. Expounding on the aspects of communal autonomy given to the Jewish
Pakistan Perspectives, 2015
In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right i... more In democracies people have the inalienable right to choose their representatives but this right is sometimes suppressed in the name of 'national interest' formed by a particular state ideology which in effect upholds the interests of a particular elite coalition. In such cases the exercise of election becomes rather a mundane process of electing from a monotonous lot of 'electables' without a hope for a substantive change towards a pluralistic and tolerant polity. In this context, this paper is an attempt to analyze the eligibility criteria for the members of Parliament in Pakistan as given in the Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan (1973). It seeks to answer the following questions: How far the required qualifications for the legislators as given in Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution of Pakistan resemble or differ from those established in other democratic systems of the world? How far Articles 62 and 63 are compatible with Article 25 which establishes the equality of all citizens of Pakistan? What are the implications of practice of these two articles for the electoral system in Pakistan? The paper is organized in three major parts which discuss the theoretical aspects, the historical background along with the rationale given to include the above mentioned articles in the constitution and their implications for the electoral process and democracy at large. The conclusion will evaluate the rationale and practicability of the two articles in the light of the research findings. The article follows a theoretical and analytical approach which includes a brief literature survey, an overview of electoral systems in some democracies around the world, reports of Election Commission Pakistan and other agencies, print and electronic media reports, and interviews with concerned people.
Pakistan Perspectives, 2017
ABSTRACT In a recent publication South Asian constitutionalism has been aptly described as ‘unsta... more ABSTRACT
In a recent publication South Asian constitutionalism has been aptly described as ‘unstable constitutionalism’ wherein wide disagreements on a single institutional design often lead to “recurring tensions that lie at the intersection of law and politics”. These disagreements seem to be more conspicuous in Pakistan with a wide variety of opinions but little interest regarding the constitutional matters. While Article 5(2) of the Constitution clearly establishes the compulsory obedience to the Constitution and law as ‘inviolable obligation of every citizen’, instances of indifference towards the sanctity of the Constitution abound. Hence constitutionalism in its own right has been reduced to a subject of occasional judicial reviews. A large part of the recent South Asian literature seems to be rather focused on comparative constitutional studies which seldom tend to imply the theoretical issues pertinent to the developing world whereas our legislators often seem to be preoccupied with day-to-day matters rather than theoretical underpinnings of the constitutional issues. Hence the solemn parliamentary debates that shaped the democratic discourse in the west are almost absent in our legislatures. In this context this paper aims at a theoretical overview of the major tenets of classical constitutionalism with an attempt to finding their implementation in Pakistan’s constitutional issues. It also seeks to trace the extent and consequences of ‘instability’ in Pakistani constitutionalism.
The paper is organized in two main sections: the first overviews the theoretical aspects of the idea of constitutionalism and its major tenets as developed over the last two centuries. The second explores the relevance of those classical concepts of constitutionalism in the political setup of Pakistan highlighting the issues and hurdles in the way. The paper depends on the existing literature on constitutionalism with particular reference to Pakistan along with interviews and discussions with relevant persons in Pakistan.
Keywords: Constitutionalism, Constitution, Rule of Law, Sovereignty, Entrenchment, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, Limited Government
Pakistan Perspectives, 2019
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
Journal of European Studies (JES), Jul 12, 2018
While negotiations for the accession of some countries to the European Union (EU) are still under... more While negotiations for the accession of some countries to the European Union (EU) are still underway, the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), initiated in 2004, is working to bring the states neighbouring the EU territory in the east and the south, to a closer economic and security coordination. Further, in 2009 the Eastern Partnership (EaP) program was inaugurated with a particular objective of coordinating with the post-Soviet states. In this context, the Soviet successor states – Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been approached, and some instruments of partnership have been signed. On the other hand, these countries also form a part of what Russia perceives as her " near abroad " , whose interests Moscow has tactically aligned with its own through many bilateral accords as well as ventures like the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In 2015, along with Belarus and Kazakhstan, Russia announced the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). In order to compete with the European Union, the organisation aims to incorporate other Eurasian states. Against the backdrop of the stated developments, with the help of the 'dualistic operational model', this paper attempts to compare the functionalist and imperialist aspects of the two endeavours (Eastern Partnership and EEU). It questions the viability of the idea of Eastern Partnership. Also, it weighs the possibilities of a confrontation between the EU and Russia, and its repercussions on the concerned states.
Pakistan Historical Society. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2016
The 25th International Pakistan History Conference was jointly organized by the Pakistan Historic... more The 25th International Pakistan History Conference was jointly organized by the Pakistan Historical Society, Department of History, University of Karachi, and the Hamdard Foundation Pakistan.The major aims of the conference were to bring to light the tremendous work in various fields of South Asian history and historiography and to provide a platform for a constructive interaction between historians.* The Conference was held for three days, 'Day One' and 'Three' (Jan. 19 and 21, 2016) at the University of Karachi and 'Day Two' (Jan. 20) at the Hamdard University Karachi's main campus. On both the venues more than one sessions were conducted simultaneously in order to accommodate all the speakers.* The Conference Executive Committee included Prof. Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan, Prof. Sharif al Mujahid, Prof. Dr. Tahera Aftab, Prof. Dr. Javed Hussain, Prof. Dr. Reza Kazmi Prof. Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed, Prof. Shama Habib, and Prof. Dr. Syed Muhammad Taha.* About 120 Ab...
Pakistan Historical Society. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2015
Present day Muslim societies across the globe appear to be inclined towards obscurantism rather t... more Present day Muslim societies across the globe appear to be inclined towards obscurantism rather than modernism.1 Some western scholars have even labelled Islam as a ?rival' of modern civil society.2 This view seems to overlook the contribution of various modernist civil society movements in many Muslim regions during the 19th century which remain relevant and thought-provoking even today. Its true that amidst the gradual encirclement of the Muslim world by European imperialist powers, a socio-political ?dark age' had descended upon the Muslim societies. However, by the late 19th century, the movement toward intellectual and socio-political awakening was resumed in many regions including India and Russia, noticeably with a Modernist approach.lt is interesting to note that by that time the earlier approaches to revive the lost glory of Islam through a retrogressive puritanism had either failed or receded in significance and impact. Hence those of Arab and Indian Wahabism and o...
Journal of European Studies, 2019
The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasi... more The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasian and the five Central Asian states viz. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kirghizstan and Tajikistan has been a highly contested region in world politics due to geo-political, cultural and economic reasons. In the post-Cold War era it became the center of euphoric expectations for the regional as well as world powers – expectations that ranged from energy to geo-strategic balances and imbalances, and to the Fukuyama brand of ‘triumph of liberal democracy’ in the region. Shattering of those dreams reduced the region’s profile in international politics. However, recently it has again emerged with a potential of politico-economic development. From the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (2015) to the continuing political and economic instability in the region, all in the backdrop of rise of China as an emerging world power, the rising Russian profile in Central Asia is again bein...
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2020
Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as we... more Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as well. Aligarh movement initiated by Sir Sayyid Ahmed khan is a typical social movement from 19th century, aimed at modernization and uplift of the Muslim community of India. It emerged in a period when the Indian Muslims were facing a sharp decline in their socio-economic and political status. This decline had created a psychology of retreat among them wherein they suspected any attempt to reform their lot. For instance, the introduction of modern education by the British rulers was adopted by the Hindu majority for obvious economic benefits. Conversely, the Muslims remained wary of modern education, particularly the English language as a conspiracy to destroy their age-old culture and religion. In this backdrop Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan’s tireless drive to inculcate modern education proved to be a miracle that transformed the Muslim middle classes for the next century. Although Aligarh moveme...
Journal of Education & Social Sciences
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2020
Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as we... more Social movements are considered to be a modern phenomenon but they have existed in the past as well. Aligarh movement initiated by Sir Sayyid Ahmed khan is a typical social movement from 19th century, aimed at modernization and uplift of the Muslim community of India. It emerged in a period when the Indian Muslims were facing a sharp decline in their socioeconomic and political status. This decline had created a psychology of retreat among them wherein they suspected any attempt to reform their lot. For instance, the introduction of modern education by the British rulers was adopted by the Hindu majority for obvious economic benefits. Conversely, the Muslims remained wary of modern education, particularly the English language as a conspiracy to destroy their age-old culture and religion. In this backdrop Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan's tireless drive to inculcate modern education proved to be a miracle that transformed the Muslim middle classes for the next century. Although Aligarh movement has attracted tremendous scholarship, there has been virtually little attempt to theorize it as a social movement. In this context the present paper aims to study Aligarh Movement on the parameters of contemporary theories highlighting the causal dimensions of social movements. It will particularly explore the relevance of the elements of deprivation, resource mobilization, political processes, structural strain and those highlighted by the new social movement theory as causal factors in the emergence and evolution of Aligarh Movement.
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2014
The famous Brunswick Manifesto (1792) is considered as the last nail in the coffin of the French ... more The famous Brunswick Manifesto (1792) is considered as the last nail in the coffin of the French Monarchy which, after having survived the revolutionary events since 1789 was still cherishing hopes of reversal to the ancien' (ancient) regime in France. On one hand the Manifesto reflected the apparent solidarity of the conservative powers of Europe against the nascent French Revolution and on the other it served as a catalyst to the rising nationalism and war mania among the French populace. Yet little attention has been paid towards theoretical analysis of the document with respect to its motives, and desired and real consequences. In this context this paper aims at a theoretical study of the motives behind the Manifesto and the consequences it produced in relevance to the present day realpolitic. It will particularly focus on the concepts of coercive diplomacy and foreign intervention, and the reasons why both of those concepts proved self-abortive in this case. The paper has been completed with the help of primary and secondary sources available in print and online, particularly the historical databases of Fordham University, Stanford University and Eurodocs online sources of European History as well as the available material in print.
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2014
While the phenomenon of up rootedness has become a dominant feature in world's political economy,... more While the phenomenon of up rootedness has become a dominant feature in world's political economy, the region presently comprising the post-Soviet Central Asia has also been affected by mass displacements. The ancient societies-turned-young-nation states resemble a mosaic of ethnically diverse groups, living together for centuries. Particularly in the historical Ferghana Valley various ethnic groups have formed a delicate balance which whenever disturbed by natural, environmental or socio-political factors, has led to massive and often tragic human displacement. Unfortunately, despite the initial euphoria about the newly independent, resource rich Central Asia, not much interest could be generated regarding its socio-political and humanitarian issues while the region descended into the backyard of international politics during the last decade. Nevertheless, the significance of the region and the massive displacements therein can never be underestimated. This paper focuses on two causative factors of up rootedness in and around the famous Ferghana Valley geographically bordered by three Central Asian states viz. Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. It mainly focuses on displacements forced by the consequences of ethnic heterogeneity, with special reference to the role of the regional states in this context. For this purpose, the paper is organized into five main sections: the first provides literature survey highlighting the major works on uprooted populations in the region; second furnishes a historical background of displacements in Central Asia; the third section presents a mapping of up rootedness in the three states bordering Ferghana Valley; the fourth tends to identify a conceptual framework that helps understand and analyze the displacement situation in the region; while the fifth section traces the roots of up rootedness in the region following the above mentioned framework. The concluding part analyses the
Journal of History and Social Sciences, 2013
Welfare state, despite facing severe neoliberal criticism, is still practiced in various forms in... more Welfare state, despite facing severe neoliberal criticism, is still practiced in various forms in many western and eastern countries. Muslims also cherish the welfare state as an Islamic injunction and proudly trace its origin to the early Islamic state of Madina (seventh century CE). On the other hand the increasing limitations of the state make an equitable supply of welfare to every citizen difficult and hence lead to the entry of civil society which then serves to ameliorate the wants of the marginalized people. In this context, this paper tends to study the concept and working of state-welfarism and its nexus with the civil society's welfare initiative with particular reference to the first three decades in the history of Pakistan. It further seeks to study how the crisis of welfare state has affected the civil society's welfare work in Pakistan during those three decades and how it is expected to work in future.
Pakistan Perspective, 2019
State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes... more State-Civil Society relations in Pakistan have seldom been far from problematic and when it comes to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for women empowerment and gender equality the relations with the state become highly adverse. According to several researches gender insensitivity is often an important characteristic of fragile states. In this context, this paper seeks to explore the role of CSOs working for women empowerment in the history of Pakistan and their relationship with the state of Pakistan. It also tends to assess whether an improvement in this relationship can possibly help to diminish the fragility of the Pakistani state. The paper is based on qualitative research with an analytical approach and has been completed with the help of interviews with relevant persons and overview of related material in print and on line.
Journal of European Studies, 2019
Abstract The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three Sout... more Abstract
The famous ‘Eurasian Heartland’ roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasian and the five Central Asian states viz. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kirghizstan and Tajikistan has been a highly contested region in world politics due to geo-political, cultural and economic reasons. In the post-Cold War era it became the center of euphoric expectations for the regional as well as world powers – expectations that ranged from energy to geo-strategic balances and imbalances, and to the Fukuyama brand of ‘triumph of liberal democracy’ in the region. Shattering of those dreams reduced the region’s profile in international politics. However, recently it has again emerged with a potential of politico-economic development. From the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (2015) to the continuing political and economic instability in the region, all in the backdrop of rise of China as an emerging world power, the rising Russian profile in Central Asia is again being discussed in policy-making circles. In this context, this paper offers an overview of the Eurasian concept(s) with particular reference to the Russo-Central Asian politics and policies that are likely to cause a profound impact on regional and international dynamics in the future. It’s chief argument is that due to Moscow’s growing interest, the historical Eurasian Heartland is likely to play a more decisive role in the coming decades.
Key Words: Eurasian Heartland, Russia, Central Asia, Eurasian Theories, Political Development, Economic Development