Miguel Carrasquer Vidal - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
PIE Phonology by Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
A re-evaluation of the origin of the Latin gerund and gerundive in the light of the 'Kortlandt-ef... more A re-evaluation of the origin of the Latin gerund and gerundive in the light of the 'Kortlandt-effect' and the 'stative' in *-eh1.
The PIE class of r/n-heteroclitics suggests a sound law *-n > *-r, i.e. denasalization of /n/ in ... more The PIE class of r/n-heteroclitics suggests a sound law *-n > *-r, i.e. denasalization of /n/ in absolute final position. Traces of this ancient sound law can also be seen in the verbal endings. The sound law was not unconditional, because it was blocked after /m/ or /ŋ/.
Despite Hirt's announcement that Brugmann's law 1 was dead 2 , it still remains in full force today.
Classical Armenian uses the morpheme -kʽ to mark:
PIE Nominals by Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
A look at different phenomena in PIE (and Anatolian in particular) in the light of the notions of... more A look at different phenomena in PIE (and Anatolian in particular) in the light of the notions of animacy, definiteness and split-ergativity: the ‘absolutive’ (NA n.) case in *-Ø, o-stem *-om, the ergative suffix *-énts in Anatolian (and perhaps Latin and Slavic), i-mutation in Luwian, the neuter suffix -sa in Luwian, the PIE s-stem neuters.
The fact that IE nominals show a number of distinctive Ablaut patterns was first studied by Peder... more The fact that IE nominals show a number of distinctive Ablaut patterns was first studied by Pedersen and Kuiper, and was further developed by the 'Erlangen school' (Rix, Schindler, etc.). Today, the existence of such inflectional patterns is generally accepted, although there remain a number of disagreements on the exact number of categories, how they should be named, and exactly which reconstructed words inflect according to which patterns.
A re-evaluation of the origin of the Latin gerund and gerundive in the light of the 'Kortlandt-ef... more A re-evaluation of the origin of the Latin gerund and gerundive in the light of the 'Kortlandt-effect' and the 'stative' in *-eh1.
The PIE class of r/n-heteroclitics suggests a sound law *-n > *-r, i.e. denasalization of /n/ in ... more The PIE class of r/n-heteroclitics suggests a sound law *-n > *-r, i.e. denasalization of /n/ in absolute final position. Traces of this ancient sound law can also be seen in the verbal endings. The sound law was not unconditional, because it was blocked after /m/ or /ŋ/.
Despite Hirt's announcement that Brugmann's law 1 was dead 2 , it still remains in full force today.
Classical Armenian uses the morpheme -kʽ to mark:
A look at different phenomena in PIE (and Anatolian in particular) in the light of the notions of... more A look at different phenomena in PIE (and Anatolian in particular) in the light of the notions of animacy, definiteness and split-ergativity: the ‘absolutive’ (NA n.) case in *-Ø, o-stem *-om, the ergative suffix *-énts in Anatolian (and perhaps Latin and Slavic), i-mutation in Luwian, the neuter suffix -sa in Luwian, the PIE s-stem neuters.
The fact that IE nominals show a number of distinctive Ablaut patterns was first studied by Peder... more The fact that IE nominals show a number of distinctive Ablaut patterns was first studied by Pedersen and Kuiper, and was further developed by the 'Erlangen school' (Rix, Schindler, etc.). Today, the existence of such inflectional patterns is generally accepted, although there remain a number of disagreements on the exact number of categories, how they should be named, and exactly which reconstructed words inflect according to which patterns.
The PIE o-stem gen. sg. ending *-osjo strongly suggests that the underlying structure of the o-st... more The PIE o-stem gen. sg. ending *-osjo strongly suggests that the underlying structure of the o-stem paradigm is:
In most IE languages that can provide the required information, the paradigm of the *eh 2 -stem n... more In most IE languages that can provide the required information, the paradigm of the *eh 2 -stem nouns and adjectives can be reconstructed straightforwardly as follows:
A 1c *tuk-é- → 1o *tud-é-, 1i *si-sd-é- P 1d *ḱéi-e- → 1n *bhér-e-
In Kloekhorst 2008, under the lemma -šša-, we find a discussion of the Hittite imperfective suffi... more In Kloekhorst 2008, under the lemma -šša-, we find a discussion of the Hittite imperfective suffix which appears in the following verbs: īšša-i / īšš-'to do, make', ḫalzišša-i / ḫalzišš-'to call' , šišša-i / šišš-'to (im)press' and u̯ arrišša-i / u̯ arrišš-'to help'. The last verb is attested only late, and might be a loan from Luwian, so we will not consider it further.
Rethinking the k-aorists and k-perfects...
Origin and development of the PIE middle.
In this paper, the influence of the 'lost' 3pl verbal forms on the 3sg in East Baltic is explored.
In this paper, I present a number of hypotheses about the prehistory of the Proto-Indo-European v... more In this paper, I present a number of hypotheses about the prehistory of the Proto-Indo-European verb, mostly dealing with the origins and development of the PIE h2e-conjugation.
Proto-Indo-European (PIE) inherited two conjugational systems, usually referred to as the miconju... more Proto-Indo-European (PIE) inherited two conjugational systems, usually referred to as the miconjugation and the hi-conjugation, after the endings of the respective first person present forms in Hittite.
The Slavic imperfect (as many other IE imperfects) is an innovation that does not directly go bac... more The Slavic imperfect (as many other IE imperfects) is an innovation that does not directly go back to a PIE verbal paradigm.
In 'Problems in PIE verbal morphology', I claimed that seven PIE verbal categories have their roo... more In 'Problems in PIE verbal morphology', I claimed that seven PIE verbal categories have their roots in the perfective *h2e-conjugation.
Unlike the Tocharian nominal system, which has innovated and eroded to the point of being only of... more Unlike the Tocharian nominal system, which has innovated and eroded to the point of being only of minor importance for the reconstruction of the PIE nominal system, the Tocharian verb seems to have maintained many inherited features of the PIE verbal system, and is highly relevant to its reconstruction. Like that of Hittite and the other Anatolian languages, the Tocharian verbal system in some respects is difficult to reconcile with the so-called "Indo-Greek" verbal system that had been postulated for PIE in the classical reconstructions of Brugmann et al.
Ever since Johanna Narten's 1968 paper, the scholarly community has largely, but not universally,... more Ever since Johanna Narten's 1968 paper, the scholarly community has largely, but not universally, accepted the notion that PIE possessed a category of verbs with *ē root vocalism in the strong forms (present singular) and *e vocalism in the weak forms (present du. and pl., middle, optative). As is customary with new discoveries, the enthusiasts have tried to use "Narten phenomena" to explain issues far outside of the original scope of the theory, the sceptics have tried to deny the very existence of "Narten presents", and the majority have tried, with different degrees of success, to integrate the new discovery within their pre-existing frameworks.
The Latin perfect system, whereby the language opposes a full-fledged system of perfect, pluperfe... more The Latin perfect system, whereby the language opposes a full-fledged system of perfect, pluperfect and future perfect (the former two with indicative and subjunctive forms) to the present (ind. and subj.), imperfect (ind. and subj.) and future of the so-called "infectum" (non-perfect), is a Latin innovation with respect to Proto-Indo-European (PIE). The origin of the perfect system has been long debated. In the following I will try to outline a simple solution to the problem.
In an unpublished Yale dissertation (1970), Eric D. Francis drew attention to the fact that in Gr... more In an unpublished Yale dissertation (1970), Eric D. Francis drew attention to the fact that in Greek, sequences of the resonants *i and *u followed by a laryngeal show different reflexes depending on the nature of the laryngeal. In its most simple form, Francis' law states that in (Pre-)Greek:
A modest proposal to explain the lack of Winter-lengthening in Slavic voda 'water'
The przegłos lechicki (PL, ‘Lechitic umlaut’) is a phenomenon whereby in the Lechitic languages (... more The przegłos lechicki (PL, ‘Lechitic umlaut’) is a phenomenon whereby in the Lechitic languages (Polabian, Pomeranian/Kashubian and Polish) certain vowels change their quality when followed by a ‘hard’ (non-palatalized) dental consonant (t, d, s, z, n, r, ł). The przegłos has been interpreted as evidence for the open quality of Proto-Slavic (PS) *ě = /ɛ̄/ or /ǣ/, at least in the variant ancestral to Lechitic, because the umlauted reflex of *ě is /ˊa/ vs. unaffected /ˊe/. But given the effects of PL on the so-called ‘syllabic sonorants’ *l̥(ʹ) and *r̥(ʹ), I shall try to show that different interpretations are also possible. The reflexes of the ‘syllabic sonorants’ themselves, and those of the jers (*ъ and *ь), in umlauting and non-umlauting position also present a number of problems.
A couple of years ago, Baltu filoloģija published a critique by Kortlandt of Olander's views on t... more A couple of years ago, Baltu filoloģija published a critique by Kortlandt of Olander's views on the origin and development of the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigms 1 . While preparing his reply to Kortlandt 2 , Olander and I discussed some matters over private e-mail, among other things the accentuation of Russian ljúdjam, ljúdjax and détjam, détjax, mentioned in Kortlandt's critique. We were both unhappy with the accent retraction from final jers, skipping medial ones not preceded by j, as postulated by Kortlandt (lju j > lju j , but lju > ljú , lju > ljú ), mainly because of the fact that jers did receive the stress in the similar cases of ót c > ot c and ol c > ol c , and the fact that the forms ljȗ , ljȗ etc. lack the neoacute and are in fact enclinomena. However, we never did hit upon a satisfactory counterproposal at the time 3 .
In the following presentation, I will try to outline a theory of how the three Common Slavic acce... more In the following presentation, I will try to outline a theory of how the three Common Slavic accent paradigms (a, b and c) can be derived from accentual patterns in Proto-Indo-European, for both nouns/adjectives and verbs. A central assumption will be that Balto-Slavic had three accent paradigms, not two, as is usually assumed.
The PIE word for '9' is usually reconstructed as *néu̯ n̥ . This is consistent with Ved. náva, Av... more The PIE word for '9' is usually reconstructed as *néu̯ n̥ . This is consistent with Ved. náva, Av. nava, PGmc. *niw(w)un (Gothic niun, OE nigon, OS nigun, OFr. niugun, ON niu, OHG niun), Alb. nëndë, Lat. novem, OIr. nói n-, Welsh naw, Toch AB ñu, etc.
The etymology of Catalunya and català remains an unsolved mystery. There are obviously a large nu... more The etymology of Catalunya and català remains an unsolved mystery. There are obviously a large number of proposals, but none of them are totally convincing.
L'etimologia de Catalunya i català roman un enigma per resoldre. Òbviament, hi ha un gran nombre ... more L'etimologia de Catalunya i català roman un enigma per resoldre. Òbviament, hi ha un gran nombre de propostes, però cap d'elles és del tot convencent.
While Basque is not usually considered to be related to Afro-Asiatic or a member of Nostratic, an... more While Basque is not usually considered to be related to Afro-Asiatic or a member of Nostratic, and most of the effort has gone into proving (in my opinion, unconvincingly so far) that Basque is most closely related to the (North) Caucasian languages, if we focus on the Basque personal markers, the parallels with Afro-Asiatic are undeniable:
Works on Nostratic, or other "long-range" linguistic comparison, are often subjected to criticism... more Works on Nostratic, or other "long-range" linguistic comparison, are often subjected to criticisms to the effect that the etymologies adduced in them all too often involve too liberal shifts in meaning, obscure or erroneous word forms, which are cut up into 'morphemes' in random ways, and involving irregular sound correspondences. This is all true, to a certain extent. As to the last point, however, I feel that the criticism is somewhat misdirected. The problem is often not that the sound correspondences between different words in different languages are too irregular; the problem is that the system of correspondences, as summarized in lengthy tables at the start or at the end of the work, is too simplistic.
In most Ancient Semitic languages, a phenomenon can be observed whereby -n (nunation) or -m (mima... more In most Ancient Semitic languages, a phenomenon can be observed whereby -n (nunation) or -m (mimation) is suffixed to certain forms ('states') of the noun.
A list and interpretation of ancient Basque verbs (*e-(ra-)-ROOT-(DAT)-i)
In the following, I present some thoughts on possible etymologies for a number of Basque words. T... more In the following, I present some thoughts on possible etymologies for a number of Basque words. These range from internal reconstructions, borrowings or parallels with other languages, to crazy long-range comparisons. Some seem plausible to me, others merely possible, and some are definitely unprovable 1 .
wa-na-ka-te-ro te-me-no wanakteron temenos "The estate of the king" to-so-jo pe-ma WHEAT 30 tosso... more wa-na-ka-te-ro te-me-no wanakteron temenos "The estate of the king" to-so-jo pe-ma WHEAT 30 tossojo sperma PUROS 30 "so much seed: 30 units of wheat" ra-wa-ke-si-jo te-me-no WHEAT 10 gesion temenos PUROS 10 "The estate of the lawagetas: 10 units of wheat" A millennium later, the Cypriot syllabary uses no logograms at all.