Etymology of català, Catalunya (original) (raw)
Related papers
The relationship of the Italian and southern French Cathars, 1170-1320
1990
The problem which initially inspired this thesis is illustrated by a glance at the map. Why did the Cathars of Languedoc, when persecuted by the Inquisition, choose to flee east across the Alps into Italy? After all, had they crossed the Pyrenees and turned west, they would have reached Castile, which was free from the inquisitors. This leads to the wider question of the extent to which was Catharism a 'universal 7 Church. We know that its Catholic opponents wrote as if it were. There are several famous pieces of evidence, such as the account of the Council of Saint-Felix or the offer of help from Cremona^ to Montsegur, which suggest that the heresy had aspirations to universality. However, little work has been done to assess whether such aspirations found their way into the lives of ordinary communities of Cathars. THE AIMS The central part of this thesis is a history of the Southern French Cathars in Italy, tracing the locations of their communities, the careers of their leading figures and the motives behind their movements. Such attention is paid to the Southern French heretics because their Inquisition depositions offer the best documented example of a community ABSTRACT of Cathars from one region in Europe active in another area, and one which had its own native Cathar sects. Consequently , some idea of the extent of cooperation between the different groups of Cathars can be gained. These depositions cannot be used on their own and the degree of cooperation achieved can only be measure in the context of the wider contacts between the two societies. For this reason, the economic and cultural relations between Southern France and Italy have also been consulted. Finally, the records of Southern French and Italian Cathar communities must be set in the context of their respective heretical tradition? and for this reason the characterist ics of the Catharism taught and practised in each area has been considered. THE STATE OF KNOWLEDGE Catharism lends itself easily to two types of study: the universal overview or detailed study, usually of the sect in one town or the career of one individual. Both have been used in this work. Of the former type, the books of Jean Duvernoy, R. I. Mqore and R. Hanselli should be singled out as particularly useful for the themes considered. However, the specific literature on the relationship between Southern French and Italian Cathars is, to the best of my knowledge, limited to one article. This is E. Dupre-Thesei der's 'Le catharisme languedocien et 1'ttalie/ in
El recuerdo de la expedición de la Gran Compañía Catalana a Bizancio en la primera década del siglo XIV permanece hoy todavía vivo en la sociedad catalana. Los líderes de la Compañía y, especialmente, su promotor y comandante supremo, el mercenario aventurero de origen ítalo-germano Roger de Flor, son todavía muy famosos y están presentes no sólo en los nombres de las calles de las ciudades y pueblos de Cataluña, sino también, con cierta frecuencia, en las controversias políticas y culturales sobre las distintas visiones del pasado de la patria que mantienen las diversas familias del nacionalismo catalán. En los últimos años, coincidiendo con la celebración del séptimo centenario de la llegada del ejército mercenario al Oriente, se han publicado varias novelas y libros de viaje sobre estos episodios de la historia medieval del Imperio bizantino y la Corona de Aragón. La mayoría de estas obras han obtenido un gran éxito de público, sobre todo entre las personas interesadas por la historia nacional de Cataluña. A mi juicio, los más importantes son la novela juvenil El secret del almogàver de Daniel Closa , el libro de viajes Almogàvers, monjos i pirates: viatge a l'Orient català de Eugeni Casanova (2001) y dos obras de Francesc Puigpelat, la guía La ruta dels almogàvers: un viatge a Grècia i Turquia (2002) y la novela Roger de Flor, el lleó de Constantinoble (2004), galardonada el año 2002 con el Premio Pin i Soler de la ciudad de Tarragona. Sobre esta última obra centraré mi comunicación por dos razones distintas: en primer lugar, porque se trata, en mi opinión, de la más interesante desde el punto de vista literario e histórico y, en segundo lugar, porque el propio autor declara en el epílogo que una de sus fuentes de inspiración fue mi artículo «La Companyia Catalana i Bizanci» publicado en 1997 en el número 213 de la revista L'Avenç 1 .
Catalan Review, 2006
Previous attempts to understand the usage of the terms Catalan, Provençal, Occitan, and Limousin and the languages these designations represent have fallen short of any real analysis. Most scholars to date have either presented historical data without linguistic explication or have attempted to use the data to argue for particular political views on the question of Catalan and its many names. The present srudy of the names used for Catalan in different regions and at different times helps us understand the relationship of diglossia that existed between the Occitan and Catalan languages for about two hundred years and bears witness to the emergence of linguistic consciousness in Catalonia and in Valencia from the early Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century. It is common knowledge among scholars of Catalan that the language came to be known as llemosí and that this designation is frequent in the literature of the nineteenth and ear1y twentieth centuries. It is less evident, however, exactly how and when Limousin, a dialect of the Occitan language in southern France, came to be associated with Catalan, except that the troubadour poets are somehow to blame. The present study provides textual evidence from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries to illustrate the evolution of the term llemosí as a linguistic designation.
3 Language as Archive: Etymologies and the Remote History of Spain
After Conversion, 2000
In 1592 the Jesuit historian Juan de Mariana (1536-1624) articulated a devastating and lengthy critique against scholars who employed etymological proofs to trace the origins of people.1 He took issue with the idea that the names of places contained immutable traces of their founders. It was incorrect to assert, for instance, that the Portuguese region of Setubal was first established by the Biblical king Tubal, the grandson of Noah, on the basis of the name alone. 'What else is it' , Mariana asked, 'but nonsense and error, to reduce the origins of Spain to Latin derivation and in this way tarnish its venerable antiquity with lies and nonsensical dreams as these [scholars] do?'2 His contemporary, the grammarian Bernardo de Aldrete (1565-1645), also expressed his disapproval disparaging the etymological method as a 'risky business' , since placenames, like languages, were always subject to unpredictable change.3 Indeed, by the early seventeenth century doubts emerged in Spain regarding the reliability of the study of etymologies and their uses in historical writing. Detractors, like Mariana and Aldrete, condemned the practice, arguing that the corre-1 'Lo mismo me parece ha acontecido á muchos historiadores asi de los nuestros como de los estraños: que donde faltaba la luz de la historia, y la ignorancia de la antigüedad ponia uno como velo á los ojos para no saber cosas tan viejas y olvidadas, ellos con deseo de ilustrar y ennoblecer las gentes cuyos hechos escribian, y para mayor gracia de su escritura, y mas en particular por no dexar interpolado con lagunas el cuento de los tiempos, antes esmaltallos con la luz y lustre de grandes cosas y hazañas, por sí mismos inventaron muchas hablillas y fabulas'; Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España compuesta enmendada y añadida, por el padre Juan de Mariana; con el sumario y tabla [Lat. 1592; Spa.1601] (Madrid: Joaquín de Ibarra, 1780), vol. 1: book I, ch. VII, pp. 13-14. 2 '… porque qué otra cosa es sino desvario y desatinar, reducir tan grande antigüedad como la de los principios de España, á derivacion Latina; y juntamenta afear la venerable antigüedad con mentiras y sueños desvariados como estos hacen?' Mariana, Historia general, vol. 1: book I, ch. VII, p. 13. 3 'es negocio lleno de riezgo, i peligro tratar desto porque se camina con solo indicios, i pruevas inciertas, dependientes de palabras tan ligeras de mudarse'. Bernardo de Aldrete, Del origen y principio de la lengua castellana, ò Romance que oy se vsa en España (Rome: Carlo Vulliet, 1606), book III, ch. III, p. 284.
An etymology for the name of A Coruña
Beiträge zur Namenforschung 52
Abstract: The Galician city named A Coruña is – and was in antiquity – the most important harbor between the Mediterranean and the North Sea, both for long-distance traffic and for coastal cabotage. Many etymologies have been proposed for the name, none of them convincing. I follow Albaigès (1998: s.v.) who sees Latin Caronium (Latin and Mediaeval variants: Coronium, Corunium) as the precursor of Coruña. This finds support in the name of a near-by ancient road station named Caranico, which looks like an -ic(-um) derivative of the name of the harbor city. In the present article, Caronium is analyzed as Latinized Phoenician ’a ḳarn, Punic ’a ḳarən, meaning ‘the horn’. This etymology satisfies the Realprobe: A Coruña is situated on a promontory jutting into the Atlantic Ocean, the type of location favored by the Phoenician traders and often named ‘Horn’ in various languages, including Phoenician. The Phoenician article ha/’a is assumed to have survived as part of the name in local substrates and to have later been reinterpreted as the Galician feminine article a (< Latin illa(m)), to which then the termination -(n)ium was adjusted as -(ñ)a.
This is my third journal article on multilingual contacts, this time bringing me and the readers to the fascinating New World, where such multilingual encounters are described in great detail by missionaries. This article, of which you find the proofs, is published in Vox Latina, a wonderful journal that only publishes scholarly work in Latin. As this pdf contains the last proofs, page numbers in the publication itself are different, though the lay-out has remained the same.
RESUMEN: La historia del asentamiento antiguo en la Cataluña se refleja en su toponimia. Mientras que muchos de los nombres son ibéricos, hay también gran cantidad de nombres indoeuropeos (ni griegos ni latinos), que sugieren un asentamiento importante de habladores de una lengua indoeuropea, presumiblemente anterior a la dominación ibérica. Más sorprendente es la ausencia de topónimos célticos, no obstante la presencia de campos de urnos, cabezas cortadas, y espadas y fíbulas de tipo La Tène. Se propone que tales costumbres y artefactos pueden interpretarse de otros modos, no célticos.
On Cathars, Albigenses, and Good Men of Languedoc* 1
Journal of medieval history, 2001
Admittedly, tracing the origins of the heretical good men all the way back to the Manichaeans, though still found in all kinds of surprising places, is far less common than a century ago. 10 A subtle scholarly variation on this theme has the gnosis of Mani sneaking back ...