florin anghel - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by florin anghel
Historical Yearbook, Oct 30, 2023
Annals of the „Ovidius” University of Constanta – Political Science Series, Dec 27, 2022
This article seeks to identify the reasons behind Poland's decision to adopt a new law on the res... more This article seeks to identify the reasons behind Poland's decision to adopt a new law on the restitution of confiscated properties in 2021, although another law already stipulated the historical conditions for addressing the legacy of the Holocaust in 2018. The two laws were conceived on the premise that Nazi Germany bore almost exclusive responsibility for the Holocaust. The most recent law intended to regulate a segment of the valuable Warsaw real estate market which had been affected by numerous public scandals during the past two decades. Enacted on August 14, 2021, the new law blocked the former owners and their legal successors not only from recovering their former estates, but also from receiving rightful compensation. Legislators considered that the law had to conform to a 2015 ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal, which imposed limits on appeals against administrative decisions set between 10 and 30 years. Although the law concerns an administrative act, it also reflects the political disputes over the nation's historical memory and, in particular, one of the most tragic periods in the history of Poland: 1939-1945.
Fakülte dergisi, 2014
The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and coo... more The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and cooperation between the SouthEastern Europe. The reasons, highly pragmatical, have contributed significantly to shaping an important regional power in the late interwar period, that promoted the concept formulated by Ataturk-"Turkey is an element of force and international peace." After a mandatory review of the past and prospects of bilateral relations, a concept has been theorized in Ankara and Bucharest on a long term. The Romanians' decisions have outlined some of the coordinates from the Romanian-Turkish relations from 1927-1928 that would promote bilateral and regional interests ensuring flexibility. Pictures are clearly marked in the two capitals, even before the Balkan Entente (in 1934) built a strategic axis that should have been very active, functional and pragmatic. The concepts of peace and neutrality, promoted by Bucharest and Ankara would remain foreign policy dogmas until the general European War, in 1941, even with the risk of cancelling the alliances concluded during the two interwar periods.
Acta Marisiensis, Dec 1, 2021
The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis... more The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis, and then to U.S.S.R., following the regulation of the territorial statute of South Dobrudja on September 7 th 1940, through the Treaty from Craiova. After the Red Army has entered Bulgaria, on September 8 th 1944, an unusual fact has intervened between Bucharest and Sofia, from the perspective of Kremlin's influence, of course: the priority of Bulgarian political, ideological and diplomatic factors over the Romanian ones, unprecedented fact in the history of almost seven decades of the modern bilateral relations. The lack of human and ideological resources of the Romanian Communist Party has become obvious during the not even declared competition with the Bulgarian Communists and their leader, Georgi Dimitrov. The Communist Bulgaria has become a model that Romanian communists do not only seriously took into account, yet, at least the year King Mihai I has abdicated (1947), they zestfully were also studying and copying, as the case may have been. Being a so-called People's Republic even since September 1946, following a falsified popular referendum, Bulgaria has undertaken during the next months to coordinate plans of internal and external politics of Romania. In order to finalize a "Bulgarian way" in Romania, the government led by Petru Groza and the media of propaganda, and mainly the press official of the
Su bibliogr.: p. 295-300„Istoria Lituaniei” (Lithuania’s History) is the result of a pioneering e... more Su bibliogr.: p. 295-300„Istoria Lituaniei” (Lithuania’s History) is the result of a pioneering editing approach of the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies, an organization that, during the last few years, has had noticeable initiatives supporting the research on the Baltic Sea area. This action is all the more praiseworthy as the Romanian authors involved in this publishing enterprise are the best experts in the history of this geographic region, and Zigmantas Kiaupa, a university professor at the University of Vilnius, who has been working for the National Archives of this country for many decennia, is one of the most respected Lithuanian historians and the author of a synthesis on the Lithuanian history, well received by the Lithuanian and the international public. The monograph signed by these four authors comprises five analysis chapters, an introduction and a chapter of conclusions, all these being well structured in order to attain the goals proposed, namely of...
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Sep 1, 2014
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies calls for submission of articles in all fields... more The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies calls for submission of articles in all fields which are intertwined with the aims of The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies such as: history of Baltic and Nordic Europe; Baltic and Nordic Europe in International Relations; Baltic and Nordic Cultures and Civilizations; economics and societies of Baltic and Nordic Europe; relations between Romania and the Baltic and Nordic Europe
HISTORICAL YEARBOOK, 2017
Studii şi materiale de istorie contemporană (SMIC), 2020
Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia
The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis... more The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis, and then to U.S.S.R., following the regulation of the territorial statute of South Dobrudja on September 7th 1940, through the Treaty from Craiova. After the Red Army has entered Bulgaria, on September 8th 1944, an unusual fact has intervened between Bucharest and Sofia, from the perspective of Kremlin’s influence, of course: the priority of Bulgarian political, ideological and diplomatic factors over the Romanian ones, unprecedented fact in the history of almost seven decades of the modern bilateral relations. The lack of human and ideological resources of the Romanian Communist Party has become obvious during the not even declared competition with the Bulgarian Communists and their leader, Georgi Dimitrov. The Communist Bulgaria has become a model that Romanian communists do not only seriously took into account, yet, at least the year King Mihai I has abdicated (1947), they zestfully...
Annales d'Université "Valahia" Târgovişte. Section d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, 2008
This article approaches background of the alliance between Romania and Poland in the complex circ... more This article approaches background of the alliance between Romania and Poland in the complex circumstances of the remaking of the political and ideological map of East-Central Europe in the aftermath of World War I. Poland was deeply involved in the process and a war broke out between Warsaw and Moscow, regarded with reserve in Bucharest. From a larger spam of possibilities, a compromise was reached and a political-military alliance concluded between Poland and Romania in March 1921. The new alliance had no roots in historical continuity or tradition. The mutual attitude towards Moscow prevailed in the general framework of relations. Poland's regained independence and the unification of all territories inhabited by the Romanians into one State-Greater Romania (after the plebiscites of 1918 March 27/Bessarabia, November 28/Bukovina, December 1/Transylvania) called for the establishment of a new type of relations in the geographical and political space between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. Research work into the Romanian archives showed that the official recognition of the Polish State by Romania was announced in January 1919. In a previously unpublished letter addressed on January 12, 1919 to Ion I. C. Brătianu, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Polish Premier Ignacy Paderewski voiced the interest of Warsaw in finding a common way of establishing "friendly relations" which would promote the "grandiose work of civilization in Europe". In quoted mentioned text, Paderewski also underlined: "The avantgarde of Western culture, Romania and Poland, in collaboration with the great civilized democracies, will work together to implement the great project of organizing new Europe, where political and social pacification are guarantees and preexistent conditions of the decisive triumph of the principles of justice and right" (
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2010
Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuan... more Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuania shared no strategic interests or common regional politics. Although the Bucharest diplomacy insistently asked Warsaw to debate over its Baltic policy, at the end the Romanian-Polish anti-Soviet alliance became one of the most important pieces of so-called “cordon sanitaire” geopolitics, which included Baltic and Black Seas regions countries, but no Lithuania. Both states became locked in cold relations with no contacts and no recognition (until August 1924), which was due to regional politics, but contrary to common interests. The diplomatic relations, officially opened in August 1924, lacked any practical political consequences. The Kaunas coup d’état of December 1926 had little political and media impacts in Bucharest and, in the rarely definitions of Antanas Smetona new nationalist regime, most of Romanians condemned it (contrary with their attitude towards the coup d’état of Warsa...
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2010
The economic expression of the Romanian-Polish military and political alliance undoubtedly had to... more The economic expression of the Romanian-Polish military and political alliance undoubtedly had to be represented by the rebirth of the Baltic-Pontic commercial road, as the flow of products coming into and towards the Polish space had been artificially directed, during the 19th century, as a result of understandable political and economic interests, towards the North and the Adriatic Seas, instead of the Baltic and Black Seas. A Polish commercial road towards the Balkans obviously comprised economic, financial and strategic components. One of them referred to building an alternative to the continental routes dominated by Germany (Rhine, Main, Danube); the aim was chiefly to break a dangerous monopoly in the region of Central Europe and the Baltic area. Foreign commerce on the two relations did not enjoy, in any period between the two world wars, a spectacular evolution and never reached an important point. The arguments are based on strictly economic and financial elements: 1. Roman...
Slavic Review, 2021
mobilization. However, in the interwar period, ethnic tensions increased as a result of the natio... more mobilization. However, in the interwar period, ethnic tensions increased as a result of the nationalizing efforts of the Polish state and the terrorist actions of a militant subgroup of Ukrainian nationalists. During the first Soviet occupation, a process of Sovietization and Ukrainization began, which also affected the terminal. Zayarnyuk points to the paradox whereby the previously strong solidarity and bargaining power of the railway workers was undermined in a state that called itself the state of workers and peasants. During the Second World War, the station played an important role as a transportation hub for Soviet mass deportations and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, with trains transporting Jewish victims to the death camps. After the war, the Polish population was forced to leave the city. This also meant that the mostly Polish workforce on the railway was replaced by Ukrainian and Russian workers. Throughout the Soviet period, the station was crippled by financial problems that delayed but did not prevent its expansion and modernization. Attempts to make it profitable failed, but new ticket sale machines were introduced, and a train control system was established. The availability and accessibility of sources determined the content covered. For the Soviet period Zayarnyuk writes a lot about modernization, not so much about the life of workers and travelers, but this does not take anything away from the book. It is an excellent, well-written, and well-researched monograph. Railway enthusiasts will find it enthralling but it is also a very good introduction to the spatial, cultural, and social history of this fascinating city.
Tratatul de colaborare, bună vecinătate şi amiciţie între România şi U.R.S.S., semnat la Moscova,... more Tratatul de colaborare, bună vecinătate şi amiciţie între România şi U.R.S.S., semnat la Moscova, la 5 aprilie 1991, de către preşedinţii Ion Iliescu şi Mihail Gorbaciov, înlocuia vechiul tratat, încheiat în 1970 şi valabil până în 1995. Conform noului document, România şi U.R.S.S. se considerau, în relaţiile lor reciproce, precum şi în ansamblul comunităţii internaţionale, în orice situaţie, drept state prietene (art.1). Erau reafirmate inviolabilitatea frontierelor şi integritatea teritorială (art.3), semnatarele obligându-se să nu participe la nicio alianţă îndreptată una împotriva celeilalte, să nu permită ca teritoriul lor să fie folosit de către un stat terţ în scopul comiterii unei agresiuni împotriva celeilalte părţi, să nu pună la dispoziţia unei terţe ţări căile şi mijloacele de comunicaţie şi să nu sprijine în niciun fel un asemenea stat care ar fi intrat într-un conflict armat cu cealalată parte contractantă (art. 4). În plus, potrivit articolului 20, cele două părţi se ...
The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and coo... more The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and cooperation between the South-Eastern Europe. The reasons, highly pragmatical, have contributed significantly to shaping an important regional power in the late interwar period, that promoted the concept formulated by Ataturk – “Turkey is an element of force and international peace.” After a mandatory review of the past and prospects of bilateral relations, a concept has been theorized in Ankara and Bucharest on a long term. The Romanians’ decisions have outlined some of the coordinates from the Romanian –Turkish relations from 1927-1928 that would promote bilateral and regional interests ensuring flexibility. Pictures are clearly marked in the two capitals, even before the Balkan Entente (in 1934) built a strategic axis that should have been very active, functional and pragmatic. The concepts of peace and neutrality, promoted by Bucharest and Ankara would remain foreign policy dogmas until...
Historical Yearbook, Oct 30, 2023
Annals of the „Ovidius” University of Constanta – Political Science Series, Dec 27, 2022
This article seeks to identify the reasons behind Poland's decision to adopt a new law on the res... more This article seeks to identify the reasons behind Poland's decision to adopt a new law on the restitution of confiscated properties in 2021, although another law already stipulated the historical conditions for addressing the legacy of the Holocaust in 2018. The two laws were conceived on the premise that Nazi Germany bore almost exclusive responsibility for the Holocaust. The most recent law intended to regulate a segment of the valuable Warsaw real estate market which had been affected by numerous public scandals during the past two decades. Enacted on August 14, 2021, the new law blocked the former owners and their legal successors not only from recovering their former estates, but also from receiving rightful compensation. Legislators considered that the law had to conform to a 2015 ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal, which imposed limits on appeals against administrative decisions set between 10 and 30 years. Although the law concerns an administrative act, it also reflects the political disputes over the nation's historical memory and, in particular, one of the most tragic periods in the history of Poland: 1939-1945.
Fakülte dergisi, 2014
The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and coo... more The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and cooperation between the SouthEastern Europe. The reasons, highly pragmatical, have contributed significantly to shaping an important regional power in the late interwar period, that promoted the concept formulated by Ataturk-"Turkey is an element of force and international peace." After a mandatory review of the past and prospects of bilateral relations, a concept has been theorized in Ankara and Bucharest on a long term. The Romanians' decisions have outlined some of the coordinates from the Romanian-Turkish relations from 1927-1928 that would promote bilateral and regional interests ensuring flexibility. Pictures are clearly marked in the two capitals, even before the Balkan Entente (in 1934) built a strategic axis that should have been very active, functional and pragmatic. The concepts of peace and neutrality, promoted by Bucharest and Ankara would remain foreign policy dogmas until the general European War, in 1941, even with the risk of cancelling the alliances concluded during the two interwar periods.
Acta Marisiensis, Dec 1, 2021
The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis... more The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis, and then to U.S.S.R., following the regulation of the territorial statute of South Dobrudja on September 7 th 1940, through the Treaty from Craiova. After the Red Army has entered Bulgaria, on September 8 th 1944, an unusual fact has intervened between Bucharest and Sofia, from the perspective of Kremlin's influence, of course: the priority of Bulgarian political, ideological and diplomatic factors over the Romanian ones, unprecedented fact in the history of almost seven decades of the modern bilateral relations. The lack of human and ideological resources of the Romanian Communist Party has become obvious during the not even declared competition with the Bulgarian Communists and their leader, Georgi Dimitrov. The Communist Bulgaria has become a model that Romanian communists do not only seriously took into account, yet, at least the year King Mihai I has abdicated (1947), they zestfully were also studying and copying, as the case may have been. Being a so-called People's Republic even since September 1946, following a falsified popular referendum, Bulgaria has undertaken during the next months to coordinate plans of internal and external politics of Romania. In order to finalize a "Bulgarian way" in Romania, the government led by Petru Groza and the media of propaganda, and mainly the press official of the
Su bibliogr.: p. 295-300„Istoria Lituaniei” (Lithuania’s History) is the result of a pioneering e... more Su bibliogr.: p. 295-300„Istoria Lituaniei” (Lithuania’s History) is the result of a pioneering editing approach of the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies, an organization that, during the last few years, has had noticeable initiatives supporting the research on the Baltic Sea area. This action is all the more praiseworthy as the Romanian authors involved in this publishing enterprise are the best experts in the history of this geographic region, and Zigmantas Kiaupa, a university professor at the University of Vilnius, who has been working for the National Archives of this country for many decennia, is one of the most respected Lithuanian historians and the author of a synthesis on the Lithuanian history, well received by the Lithuanian and the international public. The monograph signed by these four authors comprises five analysis chapters, an introduction and a chapter of conclusions, all these being well structured in order to attain the goals proposed, namely of...
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Sep 1, 2014
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies calls for submission of articles in all fields... more The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies calls for submission of articles in all fields which are intertwined with the aims of The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies such as: history of Baltic and Nordic Europe; Baltic and Nordic Europe in International Relations; Baltic and Nordic Cultures and Civilizations; economics and societies of Baltic and Nordic Europe; relations between Romania and the Baltic and Nordic Europe
HISTORICAL YEARBOOK, 2017
Studii şi materiale de istorie contemporană (SMIC), 2020
Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia
The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis... more The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis, and then to U.S.S.R., following the regulation of the territorial statute of South Dobrudja on September 7th 1940, through the Treaty from Craiova. After the Red Army has entered Bulgaria, on September 8th 1944, an unusual fact has intervened between Bucharest and Sofia, from the perspective of Kremlin’s influence, of course: the priority of Bulgarian political, ideological and diplomatic factors over the Romanian ones, unprecedented fact in the history of almost seven decades of the modern bilateral relations. The lack of human and ideological resources of the Romanian Communist Party has become obvious during the not even declared competition with the Bulgarian Communists and their leader, Georgi Dimitrov. The Communist Bulgaria has become a model that Romanian communists do not only seriously took into account, yet, at least the year King Mihai I has abdicated (1947), they zestfully...
Annales d'Université "Valahia" Târgovişte. Section d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, 2008
This article approaches background of the alliance between Romania and Poland in the complex circ... more This article approaches background of the alliance between Romania and Poland in the complex circumstances of the remaking of the political and ideological map of East-Central Europe in the aftermath of World War I. Poland was deeply involved in the process and a war broke out between Warsaw and Moscow, regarded with reserve in Bucharest. From a larger spam of possibilities, a compromise was reached and a political-military alliance concluded between Poland and Romania in March 1921. The new alliance had no roots in historical continuity or tradition. The mutual attitude towards Moscow prevailed in the general framework of relations. Poland's regained independence and the unification of all territories inhabited by the Romanians into one State-Greater Romania (after the plebiscites of 1918 March 27/Bessarabia, November 28/Bukovina, December 1/Transylvania) called for the establishment of a new type of relations in the geographical and political space between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. Research work into the Romanian archives showed that the official recognition of the Polish State by Romania was announced in January 1919. In a previously unpublished letter addressed on January 12, 1919 to Ion I. C. Brătianu, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Polish Premier Ignacy Paderewski voiced the interest of Warsaw in finding a common way of establishing "friendly relations" which would promote the "grandiose work of civilization in Europe". In quoted mentioned text, Paderewski also underlined: "The avantgarde of Western culture, Romania and Poland, in collaboration with the great civilized democracies, will work together to implement the great project of organizing new Europe, where political and social pacification are guarantees and preexistent conditions of the decisive triumph of the principles of justice and right" (
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2010
Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuan... more Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuania shared no strategic interests or common regional politics. Although the Bucharest diplomacy insistently asked Warsaw to debate over its Baltic policy, at the end the Romanian-Polish anti-Soviet alliance became one of the most important pieces of so-called “cordon sanitaire” geopolitics, which included Baltic and Black Seas regions countries, but no Lithuania. Both states became locked in cold relations with no contacts and no recognition (until August 1924), which was due to regional politics, but contrary to common interests. The diplomatic relations, officially opened in August 1924, lacked any practical political consequences. The Kaunas coup d’état of December 1926 had little political and media impacts in Bucharest and, in the rarely definitions of Antanas Smetona new nationalist regime, most of Romanians condemned it (contrary with their attitude towards the coup d’état of Warsa...
The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2010
The economic expression of the Romanian-Polish military and political alliance undoubtedly had to... more The economic expression of the Romanian-Polish military and political alliance undoubtedly had to be represented by the rebirth of the Baltic-Pontic commercial road, as the flow of products coming into and towards the Polish space had been artificially directed, during the 19th century, as a result of understandable political and economic interests, towards the North and the Adriatic Seas, instead of the Baltic and Black Seas. A Polish commercial road towards the Balkans obviously comprised economic, financial and strategic components. One of them referred to building an alternative to the continental routes dominated by Germany (Rhine, Main, Danube); the aim was chiefly to break a dangerous monopoly in the region of Central Europe and the Baltic area. Foreign commerce on the two relations did not enjoy, in any period between the two world wars, a spectacular evolution and never reached an important point. The arguments are based on strictly economic and financial elements: 1. Roman...
Slavic Review, 2021
mobilization. However, in the interwar period, ethnic tensions increased as a result of the natio... more mobilization. However, in the interwar period, ethnic tensions increased as a result of the nationalizing efforts of the Polish state and the terrorist actions of a militant subgroup of Ukrainian nationalists. During the first Soviet occupation, a process of Sovietization and Ukrainization began, which also affected the terminal. Zayarnyuk points to the paradox whereby the previously strong solidarity and bargaining power of the railway workers was undermined in a state that called itself the state of workers and peasants. During the Second World War, the station played an important role as a transportation hub for Soviet mass deportations and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, with trains transporting Jewish victims to the death camps. After the war, the Polish population was forced to leave the city. This also meant that the mostly Polish workforce on the railway was replaced by Ukrainian and Russian workers. Throughout the Soviet period, the station was crippled by financial problems that delayed but did not prevent its expansion and modernization. Attempts to make it profitable failed, but new ticket sale machines were introduced, and a train control system was established. The availability and accessibility of sources determined the content covered. For the Soviet period Zayarnyuk writes a lot about modernization, not so much about the life of workers and travelers, but this does not take anything away from the book. It is an excellent, well-written, and well-researched monograph. Railway enthusiasts will find it enthralling but it is also a very good introduction to the spatial, cultural, and social history of this fascinating city.
Tratatul de colaborare, bună vecinătate şi amiciţie între România şi U.R.S.S., semnat la Moscova,... more Tratatul de colaborare, bună vecinătate şi amiciţie între România şi U.R.S.S., semnat la Moscova, la 5 aprilie 1991, de către preşedinţii Ion Iliescu şi Mihail Gorbaciov, înlocuia vechiul tratat, încheiat în 1970 şi valabil până în 1995. Conform noului document, România şi U.R.S.S. se considerau, în relaţiile lor reciproce, precum şi în ansamblul comunităţii internaţionale, în orice situaţie, drept state prietene (art.1). Erau reafirmate inviolabilitatea frontierelor şi integritatea teritorială (art.3), semnatarele obligându-se să nu participe la nicio alianţă îndreptată una împotriva celeilalte, să nu permită ca teritoriul lor să fie folosit de către un stat terţ în scopul comiterii unei agresiuni împotriva celeilalte părţi, să nu pună la dispoziţia unei terţe ţări căile şi mijloacele de comunicaţie şi să nu sprijine în niciun fel un asemenea stat care ar fi intrat într-un conflict armat cu cealalată parte contractantă (art. 4). În plus, potrivit articolului 20, cele două părţi se ...
The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and coo... more The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and cooperation between the South-Eastern Europe. The reasons, highly pragmatical, have contributed significantly to shaping an important regional power in the late interwar period, that promoted the concept formulated by Ataturk – “Turkey is an element of force and international peace.” After a mandatory review of the past and prospects of bilateral relations, a concept has been theorized in Ankara and Bucharest on a long term. The Romanians’ decisions have outlined some of the coordinates from the Romanian –Turkish relations from 1927-1928 that would promote bilateral and regional interests ensuring flexibility. Pictures are clearly marked in the two capitals, even before the Balkan Entente (in 1934) built a strategic axis that should have been very active, functional and pragmatic. The concepts of peace and neutrality, promoted by Bucharest and Ankara would remain foreign policy dogmas until...