Gabriel Goodliffe | Instituto Tecnologico Autonomo de Mexico (original) (raw)
Papers by Gabriel Goodliffe
The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, Sep 14, 2014
Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022
Varieties of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe, 2013
JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 2020
This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European a... more This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European and domestic influences informed the principal parties’ campaigns and impacted voter choices. It then assesses the election’s European and domestic implications. It is argued that the election confirmed the fundamental reordering of the French party system around an “integration-versus-demarcation” cleavage that turned around pro- versus anti-European sentiments externally and liberal versus illiberal attitudes domestically. Though reflecting an improved result for an incumbent president’s party, at the European level the fractured parliament yielded by the election stands to complicate Macron’s federalizing ambitions for the European Union. In turn, domestically, the 2019 European election heralds a period of sociopolitical turbulence that not only threatens to derail Macron’s reformist agenda during the second half of his term but to jeopardize his 2022 reelection prospects.
Lecciones del pasado y perspectivas del futuro. El estatus historico de la Union Europea como imp... more Lecciones del pasado y perspectivas del futuro. El estatus historico de la Union Europea como imperio y sus implicaciones en su evolucion ha oscilado entre las formas liberales y hegemonicas. Ahora, a la luz de la crisis de la eurozona y la de la migracion, es necesario examinar las iteraciones anteriores a estas dispensaciones imperiales para analizar la progresion historica de la Union y sugerir vias para su desarrollo
Choice Reviews Online, 2015
French Politics, 2015
This article explains the victory of the Front National (FN) in the May 2014 European elections i... more This article explains the victory of the Front National (FN) in the May 2014 European elections in France. Taking issue with standard academic accounts that conceive of the latter as 'second-order' elections, it argues that the FN won by harnessing voters' growing anxiety about European integration as an electoral issue. First, the article contends that, on the backdrop of worsening unemployment and social crisis, Europe assumed unprecedented salience in both national and European elections. In turn, it argues that by staking out a Europhobe position in contrast to the mainstream parties and the radical left, the FN claimed effective 'ownership' over the European issue, winning the bulk of the Eurosceptic vote to top the electoral field.
The International Spectator
For Europe, the Iran nuclear deal is a bittersweet story. Between 2003 and 2015, the Europeans pl... more For Europe, the Iran nuclear deal is a bittersweet story. Between 2003 and 2015, the Europeans played an important role in facilitating US-Iran nuclear diplomacy and eventually the agreement itself. After former US President Trump decided to exit the deal and revert to maximum economic pressure in 2018, the Europeans tried to recreate room for US-Iran engagement. While unsuccessful, they have nonetheless managed to remain relevant for both sides. The prospect of normalised economic relations with Europe has provided Iran with an incentive not to pursue nuclear weapons. As for the US, the nuclear deal – which still exists formally thanks to Europe – is the only framework available for re-engaging Iran in nuclear diplomacy, a prospect the new administration of Joe Biden has pledged to consider. Dismissing Europe’s efforts as ineffectual is therefore inaccurate since, in defending the nuclear deal, the Europeans have preserved a diplomatic bridge for US-Iranian re-engagement.
The International Spectator, 2012
Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ an... more Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the Europe...
This dissertation attempts to account for the resurgence of the Far Right in France since the est... more This dissertation attempts to account for the resurgence of the Far Right in France since the establishment of democracy in the country in the final quarter of the nineteenth Century. Taking to task historical treatments of this political phenomenon for their failure to specify the conditions and ...
Journal of Common Market Studies, 2020
This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European a... more This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European and domestic influences informed the principal parties’ campaigns and impacted voter choices. It then assesses the election’s European and domestic implications. It is argued that the election confirmed the fundamental reordering of the French party system around an “integration-versus-demarcation” cleavage that turned around pro- versus anti-European sentiments externally and liberal versus illiberal attitudes domestically. Though reflecting an improved result for an incumbent president’s party, at the European level the fractured parliament yielded by the election stands to complicate Macron’s federalizing ambitions for the European Union. In turn, domestically, the 2019 European election heralds a period of sociopolitical turbulence that not only threatens to derail Macron’s reformist agenda during the second half of his term but to jeopardize his 2022 reelection prospects.
009. Convergence and Resistance in European Economies, 2010
The financial crisis of 2008-2009 stands as a crucial litmus test of the robustness and performan... more The financial crisis of 2008-2009 stands as a crucial litmus test of the robustness and performance of the varieties-of-capitalism thesis, which stipulates that national models of capitalism are distinguishable from one another by particular sets of political-economic institutions, resulting in varying patterns of economic development, social outcomes, and forms of political behavior. Yet it might be argued that this crisis marks the culmination of a more protracted empirical examination of this thesis, particularly as concerns the central analytical distinction it drawns between the coordinated or statist economies of continental Europe and Japan on the one hand, and the liberal Anglo-Saxon economies on the other. The proposition that the anemic performance of the former would continue to be offset by the greater economic security and equality they provide their societies thanks to the non-market institutions of economic regulation they have evolved has come under serious challenge...
Introduction: In The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi develops a critique of the nineteenth and... more Introduction: In The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi develops a critique of the nineteenth and twentieth liberal project to create a self-regulating market economy in terms of both its economic and political ramifications. This critique focuses first and foremost on his analysis of the dysfunction of the interwar gold standard, broken down in terms of its international and national articulations. Internationally, Polanyi conceived the gold standard as an institutional mechanism that created and extended the free market economic system across the globe. Politically, it constituted the anchor underpinning the Pax Britannica of the second half of the nineteenth century and, during a fleeting moment in the second half of the 1920s, the liberal Europe of Locarno. At the domestic level, the gold standard served as the policing agent of economic liberalism that went hand in hand with constitutional liberalism as the twin institutional foundations of the 19th century social order. Accord...
Relaciones México-Estados Unidos en 2021: ¿un punto de transición?, 2021
The International Spectator, 2013
Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras
Este ensayo desarrolla una explicación de clase y cultura sobre el persistente resurgimiento de l... more Este ensayo desarrolla una explicación de clase y cultura sobre el persistente resurgimiento de la derecha radical en Francia. Su principal afirmación es que la derecha radical es mejor entendida como una tradición política continua cuyo apelativo puede ser rastreado en las modalidades y consecuencias de la modernización económica y política del país desde mediados del siglo XIX. Se analizan los valores económicos y políticos específicos propios de los miembros de esta categoría social para ayudar a explicar su prolongada atracción hacia el excluyente y autoritario discurso y programas de la derecha radical francesa
The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, Sep 14, 2014
Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022
Varieties of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe, 2013
JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 2020
This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European a... more This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European and domestic influences informed the principal parties’ campaigns and impacted voter choices. It then assesses the election’s European and domestic implications. It is argued that the election confirmed the fundamental reordering of the French party system around an “integration-versus-demarcation” cleavage that turned around pro- versus anti-European sentiments externally and liberal versus illiberal attitudes domestically. Though reflecting an improved result for an incumbent president’s party, at the European level the fractured parliament yielded by the election stands to complicate Macron’s federalizing ambitions for the European Union. In turn, domestically, the 2019 European election heralds a period of sociopolitical turbulence that not only threatens to derail Macron’s reformist agenda during the second half of his term but to jeopardize his 2022 reelection prospects.
Lecciones del pasado y perspectivas del futuro. El estatus historico de la Union Europea como imp... more Lecciones del pasado y perspectivas del futuro. El estatus historico de la Union Europea como imperio y sus implicaciones en su evolucion ha oscilado entre las formas liberales y hegemonicas. Ahora, a la luz de la crisis de la eurozona y la de la migracion, es necesario examinar las iteraciones anteriores a estas dispensaciones imperiales para analizar la progresion historica de la Union y sugerir vias para su desarrollo
Choice Reviews Online, 2015
French Politics, 2015
This article explains the victory of the Front National (FN) in the May 2014 European elections i... more This article explains the victory of the Front National (FN) in the May 2014 European elections in France. Taking issue with standard academic accounts that conceive of the latter as 'second-order' elections, it argues that the FN won by harnessing voters' growing anxiety about European integration as an electoral issue. First, the article contends that, on the backdrop of worsening unemployment and social crisis, Europe assumed unprecedented salience in both national and European elections. In turn, it argues that by staking out a Europhobe position in contrast to the mainstream parties and the radical left, the FN claimed effective 'ownership' over the European issue, winning the bulk of the Eurosceptic vote to top the electoral field.
The International Spectator
For Europe, the Iran nuclear deal is a bittersweet story. Between 2003 and 2015, the Europeans pl... more For Europe, the Iran nuclear deal is a bittersweet story. Between 2003 and 2015, the Europeans played an important role in facilitating US-Iran nuclear diplomacy and eventually the agreement itself. After former US President Trump decided to exit the deal and revert to maximum economic pressure in 2018, the Europeans tried to recreate room for US-Iran engagement. While unsuccessful, they have nonetheless managed to remain relevant for both sides. The prospect of normalised economic relations with Europe has provided Iran with an incentive not to pursue nuclear weapons. As for the US, the nuclear deal – which still exists formally thanks to Europe – is the only framework available for re-engaging Iran in nuclear diplomacy, a prospect the new administration of Joe Biden has pledged to consider. Dismissing Europe’s efforts as ineffectual is therefore inaccurate since, in defending the nuclear deal, the Europeans have preserved a diplomatic bridge for US-Iranian re-engagement.
The International Spectator, 2012
Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ an... more Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the Europe...
This dissertation attempts to account for the resurgence of the Far Right in France since the est... more This dissertation attempts to account for the resurgence of the Far Right in France since the establishment of democracy in the country in the final quarter of the nineteenth Century. Taking to task historical treatments of this political phenomenon for their failure to specify the conditions and ...
Journal of Common Market Studies, 2020
This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European a... more This article analyzes the 2019 European election in France from the perspective of how European and domestic influences informed the principal parties’ campaigns and impacted voter choices. It then assesses the election’s European and domestic implications. It is argued that the election confirmed the fundamental reordering of the French party system around an “integration-versus-demarcation” cleavage that turned around pro- versus anti-European sentiments externally and liberal versus illiberal attitudes domestically. Though reflecting an improved result for an incumbent president’s party, at the European level the fractured parliament yielded by the election stands to complicate Macron’s federalizing ambitions for the European Union. In turn, domestically, the 2019 European election heralds a period of sociopolitical turbulence that not only threatens to derail Macron’s reformist agenda during the second half of his term but to jeopardize his 2022 reelection prospects.
009. Convergence and Resistance in European Economies, 2010
The financial crisis of 2008-2009 stands as a crucial litmus test of the robustness and performan... more The financial crisis of 2008-2009 stands as a crucial litmus test of the robustness and performance of the varieties-of-capitalism thesis, which stipulates that national models of capitalism are distinguishable from one another by particular sets of political-economic institutions, resulting in varying patterns of economic development, social outcomes, and forms of political behavior. Yet it might be argued that this crisis marks the culmination of a more protracted empirical examination of this thesis, particularly as concerns the central analytical distinction it drawns between the coordinated or statist economies of continental Europe and Japan on the one hand, and the liberal Anglo-Saxon economies on the other. The proposition that the anemic performance of the former would continue to be offset by the greater economic security and equality they provide their societies thanks to the non-market institutions of economic regulation they have evolved has come under serious challenge...
Introduction: In The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi develops a critique of the nineteenth and... more Introduction: In The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi develops a critique of the nineteenth and twentieth liberal project to create a self-regulating market economy in terms of both its economic and political ramifications. This critique focuses first and foremost on his analysis of the dysfunction of the interwar gold standard, broken down in terms of its international and national articulations. Internationally, Polanyi conceived the gold standard as an institutional mechanism that created and extended the free market economic system across the globe. Politically, it constituted the anchor underpinning the Pax Britannica of the second half of the nineteenth century and, during a fleeting moment in the second half of the 1920s, the liberal Europe of Locarno. At the domestic level, the gold standard served as the policing agent of economic liberalism that went hand in hand with constitutional liberalism as the twin institutional foundations of the 19th century social order. Accord...
Relaciones México-Estados Unidos en 2021: ¿un punto de transición?, 2021
The International Spectator, 2013
Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras
Este ensayo desarrolla una explicación de clase y cultura sobre el persistente resurgimiento de l... more Este ensayo desarrolla una explicación de clase y cultura sobre el persistente resurgimiento de la derecha radical en Francia. Su principal afirmación es que la derecha radical es mejor entendida como una tradición política continua cuyo apelativo puede ser rastreado en las modalidades y consecuencias de la modernización económica y política del país desde mediados del siglo XIX. Se analizan los valores económicos y políticos específicos propios de los miembros de esta categoría social para ayudar a explicar su prolongada atracción hacia el excluyente y autoritario discurso y programas de la derecha radical francesa
The New Authoritarianism: A Risk Analysis of the European Alt-Right Phenomenon (Vol. 2), 2019
The turbulent recent history of Front National under Marine Le Pen's leadership is traced. From a... more The turbulent recent history of Front National under Marine Le Pen's leadership is traced. From a period in which FN was dominated by statist sovereignist policies, deep-seated ideological and strategic divisions arose whereby earlier far-right nativist authoritarian ideology eventually returned and took over the party. The in-fighting led to a muddled and erratic FN electoral campaign in 2017 and a fall in electoral appeal. Bitter rivalry between the two factions eventually split the party, with the Philippot (FN deputy leader) faction quitting in 2017. The populist anti-immigrant nationalist tone of the emergent FN may have mixed appeal for the changing character of the electorate and voter groups. The chapter also considers the viability of Marine Le Pen's continuing leadership of a far-right authoritarian FN.
In May 2012, French voters rejected the liberalizing policies of Nicolas Sarkozy and elected his ... more In May 2012, French voters rejected the liberalizing policies of Nicolas Sarkozy and elected his opponent, the Socialist François Hollande, president. In June 2012, the incumbent president’s center-right UMP party was swept out of government in the ensuing parliamentary elections, giving way to a new center-left majority in the National Assembly. This book analyzes the contexts and results of the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections in France. It assesses the legacies of the Sarkozy presidency that informed the 2012 electoral campaigns, scrutinizing his domestic social and economic policies on the one hand and European and foreign policies on the other. In turn, the elections’ outcomes are also analyzed from the standpoint of various political parties and other institutional interests in France, and the results are situated within the broader run of French political history. Finally, the book examines the principal challenges facing the Hollande administration and new government of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault, and assesses how effectively these have been met during their first year in office.
This book attempts to account for the resurgence of significant political movements of the Radica... more This book attempts to account for the resurgence of significant political movements of the Radical Right in France since the establishment of democracy in the country at the end of the nineteenth century. Taking to task historical treatments of the Radical Right for their failure to specify the conditions and dynamics attending its emergence, and faulting the historical myopia of contemporary electoral and party-centric accounts of the Front National, it tries to explain the Radical Right's continuing appeal by relating the socio-structural outcomes of the processes of industrialization and democratization in France to the persistence of economically and politically illiberal groups within French society. Specifically, the book argues that, as a result of the country's protracted and uneven experience of industrialization and urbanization, significant pre- or anti-modern social classes, which remained functionally ill-adapted and culturally ill-disposed to industrial capitalism and liberal democracy, subsisted late into its development.
Trent’anni dopo la storica vittoria di Mitterrand, nel 2012 la sinistra francese si è riappropria... more Trent’anni dopo la storica vittoria di Mitterrand, nel 2012 la sinistra francese si è riappropriata di Place de la Bastille per festeggiare la vittoria di François Hollande, secondo presidente socialista nella storia della Quinta Repubblica. Poche settimane dopo i socialisti hanno conquistato anche la maggioranza assoluta all’Assemblea nazionale. La promessa di voltare pagina rispetto alla turbolenta e divisiva presidenza Sarkozy ha suscitato grandi speranze, in Francia e in Europa. Ma, archiviata la «luna di miele», Hollande affronta oggi un vertiginoso calo di popolarità: un’opinione pubblica scettica e smarrita si chiede se il presidente e il governo siano effettivamente in grado di guidare il paese nell’attuale contesto di crisi europea e internazionale.
The European debt crisis has generated a raft of analyses that reference the work of Karl Polanyi... more The European debt crisis has generated a raft of analyses that reference the work of Karl Polanyi to explain the crisis and propose remedies to it. While sharing their diagnoses of the crisis' causes, this article takes issue with the prescriptions advanced by these analyses to return to an "embedded liberal" paradigm that would maintain the primacy of free markets while reasserting democratic control over them. Drawing on the cases of France and West Germany in the 1970s, it argues that postwar embedded liberalism became unsustainable due to the incompatibility between the respective imperatives of commodification and social protection under conditions of incipient globalization. The article concludes that restoring this dispensation is even less likely within the contemporary European Union in an environment of increasing trade and capital flows.
Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ an... more Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the European Union (EU), as well as the principal institutions, such as the Single Market and European Monetary Union (EMU), advancing these interests. Conversely, when a strict application of its principles ran counter to the latter, German decisionmakers demurred from pursuing Ordoliberalism. The article considers the political implications of Germany’s selective pursuit of Ordoliberalism for the EU. It concludes that this strategy may be undermining the functional basis and political legitimacy of German hegemonic governance in Europe.