Ayfer Genç Yılmaz | Istanbul Commerce University (original) (raw)
Papers by Ayfer Genç Yılmaz
Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 2020
Istanbul University - DergiPark, Jun 29, 2022
The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial cont... more The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial contingent of the modern state. Traditionally, the police assure law and order inside state borders whereas the military defends the state against its external enemies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the distinction between internal and external security has become blurred. Accordingly, the convergence of military and police roles appeared as a reaction against the changing nature of security threats. This paper contends that the military-police convergence is clearly observed in the international scene, in the context of international peace operations. Particularly, the appearance of the security gap in the initial phase of post-conflict process and the immediate necessity to fill this gap require the involvement of the military within the domestic sphere. This paper aims to analyze how this overlap between police-military roles occurs thoroughly examining the international peace operations in which the military is bestowed upon some police functions.
Dunya genelinde farkli ulkelerde, toplumsal hareketler neoliberal rejimler karsisinda giderek ses... more Dunya genelinde farkli ulkelerde, toplumsal hareketler neoliberal rejimler karsisinda giderek seslerini yukseltiyorlar. Kanada tarihinin en genis toplumsal hareketi olarak nitelendirilen Quebec’in Printemps Erable ’i, suphesiz, bu hareketler arasinda onemli bir yer isgal ediyor. Bu calisma, bir ogrenci hareketi olarak baslayan ve liberal Charest hukumetinin ogrenci harclarina bes yillik sure icerisinde yuzde 75 zam yapilmasini ongoren kararinin yol actigi 2012 yilindaki ogrenci direnisini analiz etmek niyetindedir. Ogrenci hareketi olarak baslayan direnis, bir sure sonra, neoliberalizme karsi bir toplumsal hareket niteligine burunmustur. Hareketin karakterinde yasanan bu degisim, Charest hukumetinin ogrenciler karsisindaki baskici tavri ve muzakere yerine siddeti secmesiyle yakindan iliskilidir. Ifade, orgutlenme ve gosteri duzenleme ozgurluklerine buyuk kisitlamalar getiren olaganustu nitelikteki 78 No’lu Kanun, bu baglamda, ogrenci hareketi acisindan bir donum noktasini ifade etme...
Armed Forces & Society
The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role ... more The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol ( Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of “reformulated new professionalism” for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anom...
Narko-terörizm kavramı ve tarihsel gelişimi: Uyuşturucu trafiğiyle bağlantılı gruplara yönelik bir analiz modeli/ The concept of narco-terrorism and its historical development: A model of analysis on the drug-trafficking groups, 2022
Bu makalede 'narko-terörizm' ve bu kavrama dair yaklaşımlar ele alınmaktadır. Narko-terörizm ilk ... more Bu makalede 'narko-terörizm' ve bu kavrama dair yaklaşımlar ele alınmaktadır. Narko-terörizm ilk olarak politik bir söylem olarak ortaya çıkmış; daha sonra pratiklerin etkisiyle dönüşüme uğramıştır. 1990'lardan itibaren akademik literatüre giren kavram birçok çalışmanın konusunu oluşturmuştur. Bu çalışmada, ilk olarak narko-terörizm tartışması yapılmakta ve büyük uyuşturucu kartelleri tarafından gerçekleştirilen dönemsel sistematik şiddet 'gerçek narko-terörizm' olarak kabul edilmektedir. Akabinde, narko-terörist olarak nitelendirilen terör örgütleri ve gerilla gruplarının sınıflandırılması için bir modelleme sunulmaktadır. Sunulan model, FARC ve Taliban örneklerine uygulanarak iki örgütün narko-terörizm açısından analizleri ortaya konulmaktadır. Buna göre çalışma, narko-terörizm tanımına tam olarak uymasına rağmen, Kolombiya' da devlet ve uluslararası aktörler tarafından meşru muharip bir taraf olarak tanınması nedeniyle FARC'ın tam olarak bir narko-terör örgütü olarak sınıflandırmasının zor olduğunu savunmaktadır; ancak, Taliban'ın, uyuşturucu trafiğinin her aşamasında aktif olması ve meşru bir örgüt olarak kabul edilmemesi nedeniyle narko-terör örgütü olduğu sonucuna ulaşmaktadır. Çalışma, hem Türkiye' de devam eden terör sorunu için hem de dünyadaki diğer benzer uyuşturucu trafiğiyle bağlantılı terör vakalarının anlaşılabilmesi ve anlamlandırılabilmesine dair gelecek çalışmalara bir örnek sunarak literatüre katkıda bulunmaktadır.
This article analyzes ‘narco-terrorism’ and the related approaches focusing on the concept. Narco-terrorism emerged as a political discourse and transformed due to the practices. From the 1990s, the concept entered into academic literature and has become the focal point of numerous studies. Firstly, the study recognizes the periodical systematic violence the major drug cartels perpetrated as ‘real narco-terrorism’. Followingly, the paper introduces a model to classify the groups that have been identified as narco-terrorists. The study further analyzes the cases of FARC and Taliban by applying the suggested model to these two groups. Accordingly, the study argues that although it entirely portends the definition of narco-terrorism, classifying the FARC categorically as a narco-terrorist organization is problematic due to its recognition as a legitimate combatant organization by the Colombian state and the international society. On the other hand, the study concludes that the Taliban is a narco-terrorist organization since it is active at every stage of drug trafficking and is not considered a legitimate organization by the international society. The paper contributes to the literature by offering an exemplary analysis to be used on the ongoing problems and terrorism-related to drug trafficking both in Turkey and identical cases around the globe.
Polis-Ordu İlişkileri Uluslararası Barış Koruma Misyonları Örneği - Police-Military Relations: The Case Of International Peace Operations, 2022
Polis ve ordu arasındaki işlevsel ve örgütsel ayrışma modern dev- let oluşumunun en önemli bileşe... more Polis ve ordu arasındaki işlevsel ve örgütsel ayrışma modern dev- let oluşumunun en önemli bileşenini oluşturmaktadır. Geleneksel olarak, polis içeride hukuk ve düzeni sağlarken, ordu devleti dış tehditlere karşı korumaktadır. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında, iç ve dış güvenlik arasında varolan ayrım bulanıklaşmaya başlamıştır. Güvenlik tehditlerinin değişen doğasına bir reaksiyon olarak polis ve ordu rolleri bu süreçte iç içe geçmeye başla- mıştır. Bu çalışma, polis ve ordu kesişiminin en açık şekilde, uluslararası barış operasyonları bağlamında, uluslararası arenada gözlemlenebildiğini iddia etmektedir. Özellikle, çatışma sonrası sürecin erken aşamalarında ortaya çıkan güvenlik açığı kavramı polis-ordu rollerindeki belirsizliği an- lamada kilit önemdedir. Güvenlik açığının ivedilikle doldurulması gereği ordunun kolluk işlevleri ile meşguliyetini gerektirmektedir. İşte bu çalışma, polis ve ordu etkileşiminin nasıl gerçekleştiğini uluslararası barış operas- yonlarının detaylı bir incelemesi üzerinden analiz etmek, bu operasyonlar- da ordunun nasıl polis görevleriyle donatıldığını incelemek ve bunun olası sonuçlarına odaklanmak niyetindedir.
The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial contingent of the modern state. Traditional- ly, the police assure law and order inside state borders whereas the military defends the state against its external enemies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the distinction between internal and external security has become blurred. Accordingly, the convergence of military and police roles appea- red as a reaction against the changing nature of security threats. This paper contends that the military-police convergence is clearly observed in the in- ternational scene, in the context of international peace operations. Particu- larly, the appearance of the security gap in the initial phase of post-conflict process and the immediate necessity to fill this gap require the involvement of the military within the domestic sphere. This paper aims to analyze how this overlap between police-military roles occurs thoroughly examining the international peace operations in which the military is bestowed upon some police functions.
Policing A Journal of Policy and Practice, 2022
The police are different from the military and other security institutions as they hold stronger ... more The police are different from the military and other security institutions as they hold stronger ties with society. This relationship has kept its significance throughout the history of police all around the world. Particularly starting with the 1970s, a new philosophy of policing termed 'community policing' or 'community-oriented policing' was born in consolidated Western democracies. Since the 1990s, this model has become a central model for police transformation, predominantly in developing countries. Later, this philosophy was imported to unconsolidated democracies of the Third World. This paper contends that Turkey is a compelling case for police studies as, a Turkish police association called PolDer was established in the 1970s and the members of PolDer , by declaring their ambition to become community's police, brought forward the idea of community policing in a relatively early period of time. Despite the fact that previous research on PolDer discussed the political-ideological character of the organization, Pol-Der's emphasis on community policing as a philosophy demonstrated an ambitious-but a failed-initiative to create a paradigmatic shift for policing models in Turkey.
Lectures, 2014
La Turquie des annees 1960 a ete marquee par de fortes tensions entre l’extreme droite nationalis... more La Turquie des annees 1960 a ete marquee par de fortes tensions entre l’extreme droite nationaliste, appelee aussi droite idealiste, et la gauche radicale, mais aussi au sein meme de cette gauche tres divisee. A la fin du regne militaire en 1973, cette tension entre les militants des deux camps reprend son elan, qui etait refrene par le coup d’Etat de 1971. La violence physique redevient un element important de l’affrontement ideologique entre ces deux poles et ainsi, entre 1974 et le coup d’...
Armed Forces & Society, 2022
The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role ... more The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol (Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of "reformulated new professionalism" for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anomalies in civil-military relations in Turkey.
The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisatio... more The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey's contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey's Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil-military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.
This paper explores how the Turkish case speaks to the contemporary discussions regarding the rel... more This paper explores how the Turkish case speaks to the contemporary discussions regarding the relations between the police and the military. These discussions have been at the forefront of newly emerging literature which has fundamentally focused on explaining the evolution of the police-military relations in a Western context, seen from a global perspective. This paper, on the other hand, suggests that besides global trends, internal power struggles among security institutions should also be taken into consideration. Turkey provides a unique case for such research as it has experienced a long period of military involvement in domestic issues; yet, this military tutelage is effectively challenged by the civilianization process currently conducted by the political power. This paper investigates the political evolution of these two institutions during the period from 1980 up until now. The conclusion, it claims, is that there are competing rather than blurring boundaries between these two institutions.
Meksika’da, kendini “Meksika Baharı” olarak ilan eden #YoSoy132 Hareketi, ülkenin taraflı medyası... more Meksika’da, kendini “Meksika Baharı” olarak ilan eden #YoSoy132 Hareketi, ülkenin taraflı medyasına karşı bir siyasal ve toplumsal hareket şeklinde ortaya çıkmıştır. 2012 Başkanlık Seçimlerinden önce, konuşma yapmak üzere Ibero-Amerikan Üniversitesi’ne giden Partido Revolucionario Institutional’in adayı Enrique Peña Nieto, 2006’da, Atenco’daki ayaklanmalar sırasında, tecavüzler, ölümler ve tutuklamalarla sonuçlanan polis şiddetindeki rolü nedeniyle üniversitenin öğrencileri tarafından protesto edilmiştir. Medyanın üniversitede yaşananları taraflı olarak yayınlaması üzerine, üniversite dışından geldikleri iddia edilen 131 öğrenci sosyal medyada yayınladıkları bir video ile kendilerinin üniversitenin öğrencisi olduklarını kanıtlamışlardır. Anlaşılır biçimde,#YoSoy132 Hareketi birçok iletişim ve sosyal medya sosyolojisi çalışmasına konu olmuştur. Ne var ki, hareketin öncelikli hedefi Meksika’nın modern tarihi boyunca gözlenen ve ülkeyi 1929’dan 2000’e kadar aralıksız olarak yöneten PRI’nin politikalarıyla eşleştirilmiş devlet şiddetidir. Bu nedenle #YoSoy132, devlet şiddetine dokunmadan ve ayrıca bunların kolektif toplumsal hafıza üzerindeki etkilerini göz önünde bulundurmadan anlaşılamaz. Çalışma, bu doğrultuda, #YoSoy132’u tarihsel ve toplumsal bağlamına yerleştirmek suretiyle ve devlet şiddeti özelinde yapılacak bir yeni okumayla analiz etmek niyetindedir.
The #YoSoy132 Movement in Mexico, self-proclaimed as the ‘Mexican Spring’, emerged as a political and social movement against the biased media of the country. Before the presidential elections of 2012, in his visit to Ibero-American University to deliver a speech, the candidate of the Partido Revolucionario Institutional (PRI), Enrique Peña Nieto, was protested by university students on his role in the civil unrest of Atenco in 2006 in which police brutality ended up with rapes, deaths, and detainees. Due to biased transmission of the incidents that took place at the university, 131 students who were claimed as outsiders published a video on social media, proving that they were university students for real. Understandably, the #YoSoy132 Movement has been subject to many studies of communication and social media sociology. However, the primary target of the movement was the state violence observed in the modern history of Mexico which has been equated to policies of the PRI that relentlessly ruled the country from 1929 to 2000. In this respect, the #YoSoy132 cannot be understood without taking the state violence and
their effects on collective social memory into consideration. Accordingly, in this study, with the aim of putting the #YoSoy132 into its historical and societal context, this dimension of the movement will be analyzed.
Öz Çalışma, Türkiye' de I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti (1975-77) çatısı altında yaşanan siyasal şid... more Öz Çalışma, Türkiye' de I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti (1975-77) çatısı altında yaşanan siyasal şiddet olgusunu incelemek niyetindedir. Bunun için devlet zorunun söylem, pratik ve mekanizmalarına odaklanılacaktır. 31 Mart 1975 tarihinde kurulan ve AP, MSP, CGP ve MHP'nin hükümet ortağı olarak yer aldığı I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti, 1970'li yılların toplumsal şiddetinin siyasal şiddete dönüşümünde merkezi bir rol oynar. Bu aşamada, dönemin siyasal aktörlerinin söylem, mekanizmalar (Emniyet Teşkilatı) ve pratikler (sıkıyönetimler) aracılığıyla siyasal şiddetin gelişiminde oynadıkları rol çalışma kapsamında analiz edilmek istenmektedir. Böylece, siyasal şiddet çalışmalarının ihmal edilen konuları olarak devlet ve kurumları çalışmanın merkezine yerleştirilecektir. Böylesi bir analiz, ilk önce, devletin baskı aygıt ve pratiklerine siyasal elitler tarafından sağlanmak istenen meşruiyet mekanizması olarak işleyen güçlü devlet söylemine odaklanacaktır. Ardından, sıkıyönetimlerin bir baskı pratiği olarak nasıl işletildiğine ve bunların siyasal şiddet üzerindeki etkisine bakılacaktır. Son olarak, MC Hükümeti döneminde yapısal bir dönüşüm yaşayarak şiddetin merkezine yerleşen polis örgütü ele alınacaktır Abstract This study analyzes the political violence in Turkey under the First Nationalist Front Government (1975-77). For that purpose, I focus on discourses, practices and mechanisms of state repression in my analysis.
Book Reviews by Ayfer Genç Yılmaz
Books by Ayfer Genç Yılmaz
Military Operation and Engagement in the Domestic Jurisdiction, 2022
The distinct separation between the police and the military stems from the emergence of the moder... more The distinct separation between the police and the military stems from the emergence of the modern state. According to the traditional view, the legitimate monopoly over the use of coercive force by the state relies on the division of labor between the police and the army. Accordingly, the former is occupied with internal law and order whereas the latter defends the state against external enemies and threats. 1 Within this perspective, in Western liberal democracies, the deployment of the military within the domestic sphere is conceived as an exception. 2 Yet, in each country there are legal and constitutional arrangements that determine the exclusive conditions for the deployment of military forces inside state borders, such as the struggle against insurgency or during natural disaster response operations. Moreover, some western democracies have a tradition of institutionalized military participation in domestic security …
Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 2020
Istanbul University - DergiPark, Jun 29, 2022
The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial cont... more The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial contingent of the modern state. Traditionally, the police assure law and order inside state borders whereas the military defends the state against its external enemies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the distinction between internal and external security has become blurred. Accordingly, the convergence of military and police roles appeared as a reaction against the changing nature of security threats. This paper contends that the military-police convergence is clearly observed in the international scene, in the context of international peace operations. Particularly, the appearance of the security gap in the initial phase of post-conflict process and the immediate necessity to fill this gap require the involvement of the military within the domestic sphere. This paper aims to analyze how this overlap between police-military roles occurs thoroughly examining the international peace operations in which the military is bestowed upon some police functions.
Dunya genelinde farkli ulkelerde, toplumsal hareketler neoliberal rejimler karsisinda giderek ses... more Dunya genelinde farkli ulkelerde, toplumsal hareketler neoliberal rejimler karsisinda giderek seslerini yukseltiyorlar. Kanada tarihinin en genis toplumsal hareketi olarak nitelendirilen Quebec’in Printemps Erable ’i, suphesiz, bu hareketler arasinda onemli bir yer isgal ediyor. Bu calisma, bir ogrenci hareketi olarak baslayan ve liberal Charest hukumetinin ogrenci harclarina bes yillik sure icerisinde yuzde 75 zam yapilmasini ongoren kararinin yol actigi 2012 yilindaki ogrenci direnisini analiz etmek niyetindedir. Ogrenci hareketi olarak baslayan direnis, bir sure sonra, neoliberalizme karsi bir toplumsal hareket niteligine burunmustur. Hareketin karakterinde yasanan bu degisim, Charest hukumetinin ogrenciler karsisindaki baskici tavri ve muzakere yerine siddeti secmesiyle yakindan iliskilidir. Ifade, orgutlenme ve gosteri duzenleme ozgurluklerine buyuk kisitlamalar getiren olaganustu nitelikteki 78 No’lu Kanun, bu baglamda, ogrenci hareketi acisindan bir donum noktasini ifade etme...
Armed Forces & Society
The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role ... more The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol ( Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of “reformulated new professionalism” for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anom...
Narko-terörizm kavramı ve tarihsel gelişimi: Uyuşturucu trafiğiyle bağlantılı gruplara yönelik bir analiz modeli/ The concept of narco-terrorism and its historical development: A model of analysis on the drug-trafficking groups, 2022
Bu makalede 'narko-terörizm' ve bu kavrama dair yaklaşımlar ele alınmaktadır. Narko-terörizm ilk ... more Bu makalede 'narko-terörizm' ve bu kavrama dair yaklaşımlar ele alınmaktadır. Narko-terörizm ilk olarak politik bir söylem olarak ortaya çıkmış; daha sonra pratiklerin etkisiyle dönüşüme uğramıştır. 1990'lardan itibaren akademik literatüre giren kavram birçok çalışmanın konusunu oluşturmuştur. Bu çalışmada, ilk olarak narko-terörizm tartışması yapılmakta ve büyük uyuşturucu kartelleri tarafından gerçekleştirilen dönemsel sistematik şiddet 'gerçek narko-terörizm' olarak kabul edilmektedir. Akabinde, narko-terörist olarak nitelendirilen terör örgütleri ve gerilla gruplarının sınıflandırılması için bir modelleme sunulmaktadır. Sunulan model, FARC ve Taliban örneklerine uygulanarak iki örgütün narko-terörizm açısından analizleri ortaya konulmaktadır. Buna göre çalışma, narko-terörizm tanımına tam olarak uymasına rağmen, Kolombiya' da devlet ve uluslararası aktörler tarafından meşru muharip bir taraf olarak tanınması nedeniyle FARC'ın tam olarak bir narko-terör örgütü olarak sınıflandırmasının zor olduğunu savunmaktadır; ancak, Taliban'ın, uyuşturucu trafiğinin her aşamasında aktif olması ve meşru bir örgüt olarak kabul edilmemesi nedeniyle narko-terör örgütü olduğu sonucuna ulaşmaktadır. Çalışma, hem Türkiye' de devam eden terör sorunu için hem de dünyadaki diğer benzer uyuşturucu trafiğiyle bağlantılı terör vakalarının anlaşılabilmesi ve anlamlandırılabilmesine dair gelecek çalışmalara bir örnek sunarak literatüre katkıda bulunmaktadır.
This article analyzes ‘narco-terrorism’ and the related approaches focusing on the concept. Narco-terrorism emerged as a political discourse and transformed due to the practices. From the 1990s, the concept entered into academic literature and has become the focal point of numerous studies. Firstly, the study recognizes the periodical systematic violence the major drug cartels perpetrated as ‘real narco-terrorism’. Followingly, the paper introduces a model to classify the groups that have been identified as narco-terrorists. The study further analyzes the cases of FARC and Taliban by applying the suggested model to these two groups. Accordingly, the study argues that although it entirely portends the definition of narco-terrorism, classifying the FARC categorically as a narco-terrorist organization is problematic due to its recognition as a legitimate combatant organization by the Colombian state and the international society. On the other hand, the study concludes that the Taliban is a narco-terrorist organization since it is active at every stage of drug trafficking and is not considered a legitimate organization by the international society. The paper contributes to the literature by offering an exemplary analysis to be used on the ongoing problems and terrorism-related to drug trafficking both in Turkey and identical cases around the globe.
Polis-Ordu İlişkileri Uluslararası Barış Koruma Misyonları Örneği - Police-Military Relations: The Case Of International Peace Operations, 2022
Polis ve ordu arasındaki işlevsel ve örgütsel ayrışma modern dev- let oluşumunun en önemli bileşe... more Polis ve ordu arasındaki işlevsel ve örgütsel ayrışma modern dev- let oluşumunun en önemli bileşenini oluşturmaktadır. Geleneksel olarak, polis içeride hukuk ve düzeni sağlarken, ordu devleti dış tehditlere karşı korumaktadır. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında, iç ve dış güvenlik arasında varolan ayrım bulanıklaşmaya başlamıştır. Güvenlik tehditlerinin değişen doğasına bir reaksiyon olarak polis ve ordu rolleri bu süreçte iç içe geçmeye başla- mıştır. Bu çalışma, polis ve ordu kesişiminin en açık şekilde, uluslararası barış operasyonları bağlamında, uluslararası arenada gözlemlenebildiğini iddia etmektedir. Özellikle, çatışma sonrası sürecin erken aşamalarında ortaya çıkan güvenlik açığı kavramı polis-ordu rollerindeki belirsizliği an- lamada kilit önemdedir. Güvenlik açığının ivedilikle doldurulması gereği ordunun kolluk işlevleri ile meşguliyetini gerektirmektedir. İşte bu çalışma, polis ve ordu etkileşiminin nasıl gerçekleştiğini uluslararası barış operas- yonlarının detaylı bir incelemesi üzerinden analiz etmek, bu operasyonlar- da ordunun nasıl polis görevleriyle donatıldığını incelemek ve bunun olası sonuçlarına odaklanmak niyetindedir.
The functional and organizational division between the police and the army forms the crucial contingent of the modern state. Traditional- ly, the police assure law and order inside state borders whereas the military defends the state against its external enemies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the distinction between internal and external security has become blurred. Accordingly, the convergence of military and police roles appea- red as a reaction against the changing nature of security threats. This paper contends that the military-police convergence is clearly observed in the in- ternational scene, in the context of international peace operations. Particu- larly, the appearance of the security gap in the initial phase of post-conflict process and the immediate necessity to fill this gap require the involvement of the military within the domestic sphere. This paper aims to analyze how this overlap between police-military roles occurs thoroughly examining the international peace operations in which the military is bestowed upon some police functions.
Policing A Journal of Policy and Practice, 2022
The police are different from the military and other security institutions as they hold stronger ... more The police are different from the military and other security institutions as they hold stronger ties with society. This relationship has kept its significance throughout the history of police all around the world. Particularly starting with the 1970s, a new philosophy of policing termed 'community policing' or 'community-oriented policing' was born in consolidated Western democracies. Since the 1990s, this model has become a central model for police transformation, predominantly in developing countries. Later, this philosophy was imported to unconsolidated democracies of the Third World. This paper contends that Turkey is a compelling case for police studies as, a Turkish police association called PolDer was established in the 1970s and the members of PolDer , by declaring their ambition to become community's police, brought forward the idea of community policing in a relatively early period of time. Despite the fact that previous research on PolDer discussed the political-ideological character of the organization, Pol-Der's emphasis on community policing as a philosophy demonstrated an ambitious-but a failed-initiative to create a paradigmatic shift for policing models in Turkey.
Lectures, 2014
La Turquie des annees 1960 a ete marquee par de fortes tensions entre l’extreme droite nationalis... more La Turquie des annees 1960 a ete marquee par de fortes tensions entre l’extreme droite nationaliste, appelee aussi droite idealiste, et la gauche radicale, mais aussi au sein meme de cette gauche tres divisee. A la fin du regne militaire en 1973, cette tension entre les militants des deux camps reprend son elan, qui etait refrene par le coup d’Etat de 1971. La violence physique redevient un element important de l’affrontement ideologique entre ces deux poles et ainsi, entre 1974 et le coup d’...
Armed Forces & Society, 2022
The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role ... more The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol (Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of "reformulated new professionalism" for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anomalies in civil-military relations in Turkey.
The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisatio... more The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey's contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey's Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil-military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.
This paper explores how the Turkish case speaks to the contemporary discussions regarding the rel... more This paper explores how the Turkish case speaks to the contemporary discussions regarding the relations between the police and the military. These discussions have been at the forefront of newly emerging literature which has fundamentally focused on explaining the evolution of the police-military relations in a Western context, seen from a global perspective. This paper, on the other hand, suggests that besides global trends, internal power struggles among security institutions should also be taken into consideration. Turkey provides a unique case for such research as it has experienced a long period of military involvement in domestic issues; yet, this military tutelage is effectively challenged by the civilianization process currently conducted by the political power. This paper investigates the political evolution of these two institutions during the period from 1980 up until now. The conclusion, it claims, is that there are competing rather than blurring boundaries between these two institutions.
Meksika’da, kendini “Meksika Baharı” olarak ilan eden #YoSoy132 Hareketi, ülkenin taraflı medyası... more Meksika’da, kendini “Meksika Baharı” olarak ilan eden #YoSoy132 Hareketi, ülkenin taraflı medyasına karşı bir siyasal ve toplumsal hareket şeklinde ortaya çıkmıştır. 2012 Başkanlık Seçimlerinden önce, konuşma yapmak üzere Ibero-Amerikan Üniversitesi’ne giden Partido Revolucionario Institutional’in adayı Enrique Peña Nieto, 2006’da, Atenco’daki ayaklanmalar sırasında, tecavüzler, ölümler ve tutuklamalarla sonuçlanan polis şiddetindeki rolü nedeniyle üniversitenin öğrencileri tarafından protesto edilmiştir. Medyanın üniversitede yaşananları taraflı olarak yayınlaması üzerine, üniversite dışından geldikleri iddia edilen 131 öğrenci sosyal medyada yayınladıkları bir video ile kendilerinin üniversitenin öğrencisi olduklarını kanıtlamışlardır. Anlaşılır biçimde,#YoSoy132 Hareketi birçok iletişim ve sosyal medya sosyolojisi çalışmasına konu olmuştur. Ne var ki, hareketin öncelikli hedefi Meksika’nın modern tarihi boyunca gözlenen ve ülkeyi 1929’dan 2000’e kadar aralıksız olarak yöneten PRI’nin politikalarıyla eşleştirilmiş devlet şiddetidir. Bu nedenle #YoSoy132, devlet şiddetine dokunmadan ve ayrıca bunların kolektif toplumsal hafıza üzerindeki etkilerini göz önünde bulundurmadan anlaşılamaz. Çalışma, bu doğrultuda, #YoSoy132’u tarihsel ve toplumsal bağlamına yerleştirmek suretiyle ve devlet şiddeti özelinde yapılacak bir yeni okumayla analiz etmek niyetindedir.
The #YoSoy132 Movement in Mexico, self-proclaimed as the ‘Mexican Spring’, emerged as a political and social movement against the biased media of the country. Before the presidential elections of 2012, in his visit to Ibero-American University to deliver a speech, the candidate of the Partido Revolucionario Institutional (PRI), Enrique Peña Nieto, was protested by university students on his role in the civil unrest of Atenco in 2006 in which police brutality ended up with rapes, deaths, and detainees. Due to biased transmission of the incidents that took place at the university, 131 students who were claimed as outsiders published a video on social media, proving that they were university students for real. Understandably, the #YoSoy132 Movement has been subject to many studies of communication and social media sociology. However, the primary target of the movement was the state violence observed in the modern history of Mexico which has been equated to policies of the PRI that relentlessly ruled the country from 1929 to 2000. In this respect, the #YoSoy132 cannot be understood without taking the state violence and
their effects on collective social memory into consideration. Accordingly, in this study, with the aim of putting the #YoSoy132 into its historical and societal context, this dimension of the movement will be analyzed.
Öz Çalışma, Türkiye' de I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti (1975-77) çatısı altında yaşanan siyasal şid... more Öz Çalışma, Türkiye' de I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti (1975-77) çatısı altında yaşanan siyasal şiddet olgusunu incelemek niyetindedir. Bunun için devlet zorunun söylem, pratik ve mekanizmalarına odaklanılacaktır. 31 Mart 1975 tarihinde kurulan ve AP, MSP, CGP ve MHP'nin hükümet ortağı olarak yer aldığı I. Milliyetçi Cephe Hükümeti, 1970'li yılların toplumsal şiddetinin siyasal şiddete dönüşümünde merkezi bir rol oynar. Bu aşamada, dönemin siyasal aktörlerinin söylem, mekanizmalar (Emniyet Teşkilatı) ve pratikler (sıkıyönetimler) aracılığıyla siyasal şiddetin gelişiminde oynadıkları rol çalışma kapsamında analiz edilmek istenmektedir. Böylece, siyasal şiddet çalışmalarının ihmal edilen konuları olarak devlet ve kurumları çalışmanın merkezine yerleştirilecektir. Böylesi bir analiz, ilk önce, devletin baskı aygıt ve pratiklerine siyasal elitler tarafından sağlanmak istenen meşruiyet mekanizması olarak işleyen güçlü devlet söylemine odaklanacaktır. Ardından, sıkıyönetimlerin bir baskı pratiği olarak nasıl işletildiğine ve bunların siyasal şiddet üzerindeki etkisine bakılacaktır. Son olarak, MC Hükümeti döneminde yapısal bir dönüşüm yaşayarak şiddetin merkezine yerleşen polis örgütü ele alınacaktır Abstract This study analyzes the political violence in Turkey under the First Nationalist Front Government (1975-77). For that purpose, I focus on discourses, practices and mechanisms of state repression in my analysis.
Military Operation and Engagement in the Domestic Jurisdiction, 2022
The distinct separation between the police and the military stems from the emergence of the moder... more The distinct separation between the police and the military stems from the emergence of the modern state. According to the traditional view, the legitimate monopoly over the use of coercive force by the state relies on the division of labor between the police and the army. Accordingly, the former is occupied with internal law and order whereas the latter defends the state against external enemies and threats. 1 Within this perspective, in Western liberal democracies, the deployment of the military within the domestic sphere is conceived as an exception. 2 Yet, in each country there are legal and constitutional arrangements that determine the exclusive conditions for the deployment of military forces inside state borders, such as the struggle against insurgency or during natural disaster response operations. Moreover, some western democracies have a tradition of institutionalized military participation in domestic security …