Tapiwa Chagonda | University of Johannesburg, South Africa (original) (raw)
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Papers by Tapiwa Chagonda
South African Journal of International Affairs, 2016
This paper makes the contention that the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions’ (ZCTU) fortunes have ... more This paper makes the contention that the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions’ (ZCTU) fortunes have been steadily waning during Zimbabwe’s decade of crisis – the 2000s – and that the effects on the politics of the Movement of Democratic Change have been negative. The depletion in numbers of the working class in most sectors of the Zimbabwean economy as a consequence of the crippling economic crisis in the 2000s saw the ZCTU weakening numerically and at the organizational level. Yet despite the flagging fortunes, the ZCTU was able to assist the MDC’s victory in Zimbabwe’s harmonised elections of 2008. This was made possible by the ZCTU’s countrywide structures, which, although weakening, could still muster an effective campaign for the MDC. This paper, however, will argue that the ZCTU’s further weakening by the split in its ranks in 2011 will contribute to its failure to assist in the orchestration of another MDC victory in elections slated to take place in the latter half of 2013. The ZCTU’s waning fortunes have made it difficult for the MDC to repeat its 2008 electoral feat.
Review of African Political Economy, 2015
The main argument in this paper is that, despite the grim political and economic outlook that lef... more The main argument in this paper is that, despite the grim political and economic outlook that left negative social ramifications for Zimbabweans during the decade of crisis (2000–2008), it should b...
The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political... more The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political crisis that gripped Zimbabwe in the years 1997 to 2008. It starts with 'Black Friday' in 1997, which initiated a period of rising inflation culminating in the second worst hyper-inflation in world history, and ends with dollarisation. This was a period marked by rigged elections, notably in 2000 and 2008, and by considerable political repression. Drawing mainly on interview data, the repertoire of reactions is considered at three levels: unions, work and the household. A distinction is made between three kinds of response: workerism, partyism and survivalism. Combined with economic and political data this leads to a periodisation. First, from 1997-2000 there was a shift in the dominant response from workerism to partyism. Secondly, following failure by the unions and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to respond effectively to the stolen election of 2000, and with a rapidl...
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2015
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2015
The Covid-19 pandemic has left Zimbabwe in an extremely difficult catch-22 situation. Given the n... more The Covid-19 pandemic has left Zimbabwe in an extremely difficult catch-22 situation. Given the nation’s parlous health system, conventional wisdom would suggest that the country should go into a total lockdown in a bid to contain the spread of the virus.
A research paper analysing the masculinities and bravado exhibited by University of Zimbabwe male... more A research paper analysing the masculinities and bravado exhibited by University of Zimbabwe male students in their vanity to display gender superiority.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 03056244 2013 852714, Dec 1, 2013
ABSTRACT Since 1976 when school students in Soweto took to the streets in active defiance of the ... more ABSTRACT Since 1976 when school students in Soweto took to the streets in active defiance of the apartheid
state, students as a political constituency have always been admired, noted and feared for the political positions
they have taken and campaigns launched. South African student organisations in the 1980s and 1990s aligned
themselves with mass democratic movements and engaged with and shaped their agendas. Commentators suggest
however, that the nature and character of student organisations have changed in post-apartheid South Africa, and
consequently, also students’ interest in ‘getting involved’. With regard to SRCs, while many authors argue that
SRCs are no longer a ‘revolutionary force’ and have become either retrogressive or disempowered, others suggest
that more effort needs to be made to understand the content of ‘new’ SRCs in post-apartheid South Africa and their
appeal to diverse student populations. This paper seeks to establish the attitudes of University of Johannesburg
(UJ) students towards voting for, and supporting, the Students Representative Council (SRC), and, for involving
themselves in student politics at UJ. In making sense of students’ perceptions, the paper probes differences and
similarities in terms of four key factors: gender, race, year of study, and residential background.
ABSTRACT Institutional mergers coupled with the distinction between teaching-focused ‘comprehensi... more ABSTRACT Institutional mergers coupled with the distinction between teaching-focused ‘comprehensives’ and
traditional, research-intensive universities are evidence of differentiation in action within South African higher
education. Comprehensive institutions such as the University of Johannesburg (UJ) are relatively underresearched.
A UJ-based survey of postgraduate students (n=300) suggests the possibility of knowledge transgressivity within
and outside of UJ. However, the development of a transdisciplinary platform [to facilitate the evolu tion of
knowledge transgressivity potential (KTP)] between natural and social science-focused postgraduates, is likely
limited by perceptual class and race barriers, with the former proving most influential. Moreover, inter institutional
KTP between UJ, as a comprehensive, and WITS, as a traditional university, is present, but limited by material class
barriers, such as fees differentials. Nevertheless, findings suggest that KTP could be developed at the junior
postgraduate level if class perceptions and structural legacies are to be overcome. Comprehensives like UJ are
capable of more than solely fulfilling an undergraduate teaching function as such, they should enjoy more research
attention. While all South African universities contribute to transformation and competitiveness in distinct ways,
the rigid demarcation, and potentially inadvertent ‘privileging’ of some South African universities, should be
avoided. This is critical as such demarcation cannot lead to long-term institutional integration and increased
potential for true knowledge transgressivity.
Review of African Political Economy, 2012
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2012
While other studies have examined worker experiences in the informal sector during the crisis, th... more While other studies have examined worker experiences in the informal sector during the crisis, this study is the first to focus on the formal sector, comparing the experiences of teachers and banking sector workers. The study shows that the Zimbabwean crisis (2000–2008) had uneven effects which elicited differential responses from workers. During the peak of the crisis in 2008, the teaching sector almost collapsed as most of the primary and secondary school teachers responded to hyper-inflation that had eroded their incomes by joining the diaspora or Zimbabwe's burgeoning speculative informal economy. The establishment of the Government of National Unity (GNU) saw the dollarisation of the Zimbabwean economy and the shelving of the Zimbabwean dollar in April 2009. These changes saw the teaching sector showing signs of revival, as some of the teachers who had left the profession re-joined the sector. This was largely because the dollarisation of the Zimbabwean economy ‘killed off’ the speculative activities that were sustaining a large proportion of the teachers in the informal economy during the crisis. In stark contrast, the banking sector thrived during the peak of the crisis, as most banks became key players in highly speculative activities such as Zimbabwe's bullish stock exchange and real estate. The profits realised in the banking sector trickled down to its workers who became the best remunerated amongst all the sectors in Zimbabwe. In a twist of irony, the banking sector was adversely affected by the dollarisation of the economy, as the speculative activities that were reaping huge rewards for the banks were wiped out overnight by the adoption of currencies more stable than the precarious Zimbabwean dollar. This spelt disaster for the banking fraternity. Most banks in the first few months of dollarisation struggled to pay their workers in hard currency; many were forced to downsize their operations and lay-off some employees.
South African Journal of International Affairs, 2016
This paper makes the contention that the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions’ (ZCTU) fortunes have ... more This paper makes the contention that the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions’ (ZCTU) fortunes have been steadily waning during Zimbabwe’s decade of crisis – the 2000s – and that the effects on the politics of the Movement of Democratic Change have been negative. The depletion in numbers of the working class in most sectors of the Zimbabwean economy as a consequence of the crippling economic crisis in the 2000s saw the ZCTU weakening numerically and at the organizational level. Yet despite the flagging fortunes, the ZCTU was able to assist the MDC’s victory in Zimbabwe’s harmonised elections of 2008. This was made possible by the ZCTU’s countrywide structures, which, although weakening, could still muster an effective campaign for the MDC. This paper, however, will argue that the ZCTU’s further weakening by the split in its ranks in 2011 will contribute to its failure to assist in the orchestration of another MDC victory in elections slated to take place in the latter half of 2013. The ZCTU’s waning fortunes have made it difficult for the MDC to repeat its 2008 electoral feat.
Review of African Political Economy, 2015
The main argument in this paper is that, despite the grim political and economic outlook that lef... more The main argument in this paper is that, despite the grim political and economic outlook that left negative social ramifications for Zimbabweans during the decade of crisis (2000–2008), it should b...
The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political... more The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political crisis that gripped Zimbabwe in the years 1997 to 2008. It starts with 'Black Friday' in 1997, which initiated a period of rising inflation culminating in the second worst hyper-inflation in world history, and ends with dollarisation. This was a period marked by rigged elections, notably in 2000 and 2008, and by considerable political repression. Drawing mainly on interview data, the repertoire of reactions is considered at three levels: unions, work and the household. A distinction is made between three kinds of response: workerism, partyism and survivalism. Combined with economic and political data this leads to a periodisation. First, from 1997-2000 there was a shift in the dominant response from workerism to partyism. Secondly, following failure by the unions and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to respond effectively to the stolen election of 2000, and with a rapidl...
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2015
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, 2015
The Covid-19 pandemic has left Zimbabwe in an extremely difficult catch-22 situation. Given the n... more The Covid-19 pandemic has left Zimbabwe in an extremely difficult catch-22 situation. Given the nation’s parlous health system, conventional wisdom would suggest that the country should go into a total lockdown in a bid to contain the spread of the virus.
A research paper analysing the masculinities and bravado exhibited by University of Zimbabwe male... more A research paper analysing the masculinities and bravado exhibited by University of Zimbabwe male students in their vanity to display gender superiority.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 03056244 2013 852714, Dec 1, 2013
ABSTRACT Since 1976 when school students in Soweto took to the streets in active defiance of the ... more ABSTRACT Since 1976 when school students in Soweto took to the streets in active defiance of the apartheid
state, students as a political constituency have always been admired, noted and feared for the political positions
they have taken and campaigns launched. South African student organisations in the 1980s and 1990s aligned
themselves with mass democratic movements and engaged with and shaped their agendas. Commentators suggest
however, that the nature and character of student organisations have changed in post-apartheid South Africa, and
consequently, also students’ interest in ‘getting involved’. With regard to SRCs, while many authors argue that
SRCs are no longer a ‘revolutionary force’ and have become either retrogressive or disempowered, others suggest
that more effort needs to be made to understand the content of ‘new’ SRCs in post-apartheid South Africa and their
appeal to diverse student populations. This paper seeks to establish the attitudes of University of Johannesburg
(UJ) students towards voting for, and supporting, the Students Representative Council (SRC), and, for involving
themselves in student politics at UJ. In making sense of students’ perceptions, the paper probes differences and
similarities in terms of four key factors: gender, race, year of study, and residential background.
ABSTRACT Institutional mergers coupled with the distinction between teaching-focused ‘comprehensi... more ABSTRACT Institutional mergers coupled with the distinction between teaching-focused ‘comprehensives’ and
traditional, research-intensive universities are evidence of differentiation in action within South African higher
education. Comprehensive institutions such as the University of Johannesburg (UJ) are relatively underresearched.
A UJ-based survey of postgraduate students (n=300) suggests the possibility of knowledge transgressivity within
and outside of UJ. However, the development of a transdisciplinary platform [to facilitate the evolu tion of
knowledge transgressivity potential (KTP)] between natural and social science-focused postgraduates, is likely
limited by perceptual class and race barriers, with the former proving most influential. Moreover, inter institutional
KTP between UJ, as a comprehensive, and WITS, as a traditional university, is present, but limited by material class
barriers, such as fees differentials. Nevertheless, findings suggest that KTP could be developed at the junior
postgraduate level if class perceptions and structural legacies are to be overcome. Comprehensives like UJ are
capable of more than solely fulfilling an undergraduate teaching function as such, they should enjoy more research
attention. While all South African universities contribute to transformation and competitiveness in distinct ways,
the rigid demarcation, and potentially inadvertent ‘privileging’ of some South African universities, should be
avoided. This is critical as such demarcation cannot lead to long-term institutional integration and increased
potential for true knowledge transgressivity.
Review of African Political Economy, 2012
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2012
While other studies have examined worker experiences in the informal sector during the crisis, th... more While other studies have examined worker experiences in the informal sector during the crisis, this study is the first to focus on the formal sector, comparing the experiences of teachers and banking sector workers. The study shows that the Zimbabwean crisis (2000–2008) had uneven effects which elicited differential responses from workers. During the peak of the crisis in 2008, the teaching sector almost collapsed as most of the primary and secondary school teachers responded to hyper-inflation that had eroded their incomes by joining the diaspora or Zimbabwe's burgeoning speculative informal economy. The establishment of the Government of National Unity (GNU) saw the dollarisation of the Zimbabwean economy and the shelving of the Zimbabwean dollar in April 2009. These changes saw the teaching sector showing signs of revival, as some of the teachers who had left the profession re-joined the sector. This was largely because the dollarisation of the Zimbabwean economy ‘killed off’ the speculative activities that were sustaining a large proportion of the teachers in the informal economy during the crisis. In stark contrast, the banking sector thrived during the peak of the crisis, as most banks became key players in highly speculative activities such as Zimbabwe's bullish stock exchange and real estate. The profits realised in the banking sector trickled down to its workers who became the best remunerated amongst all the sectors in Zimbabwe. In a twist of irony, the banking sector was adversely affected by the dollarisation of the economy, as the speculative activities that were reaping huge rewards for the banks were wiped out overnight by the adoption of currencies more stable than the precarious Zimbabwean dollar. This spelt disaster for the banking fraternity. Most banks in the first few months of dollarisation struggled to pay their workers in hard currency; many were forced to downsize their operations and lay-off some employees.