Armin Selbitschka | Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München (original) (raw)

Books by Armin Selbitschka

In 21 Beiträgen ehren Schüler und Weggefährten aus München, Münster, Göttingen, Heidelberg, Cambr... more In 21 Beiträgen ehren Schüler und Weggefährten aus München, Münster, Göttingen, Heidelberg, Cambridge und Oxford (GB), Los Angeles (CA), Tempe (AZ), Beijing und Shanghai den international renommierten Sinologen und nunmehr Präsidenten der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Thomas O. Höllmann anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstags.
Höllmanns vielseitigen Forschungsinteressen Rechnung tragend vereint die Festschrift Untersuchungen aus den Bereichen Archäologie, Geschichte, Kunst, Philosophie und Ethnologie. Sie beleuchten verschiedenste Aspekte des täglichen Lebens vor allem in China vom Altertum bis in die Gegenwart. Dazu zählen ebenso die Aufnahme fremder Technologien in der Bronzeverarbeitung wie die Untersuchung von Ritualen und Wohnformen in der chinesischen Frühgeschichte, die Neubewertung zweier grundlegender Inschriftentexte aus der frühen Kaiserzeit wie die moderne Reinterpretation klassisch konfuzianischer Hochzeitsfeierlichkeiten. Ergänzt werden die Studien zur chinesischen Geschichte durch Beiträge zum Stadtleben der gebildeten Oberschicht im alten Indien und zum Leben mit Ruinen im antiken Rom. Auf diese Weise bietet dieser vielseitige Band nicht nur Sinologen, sondern auch archäologisch, geschichtswissenschaftlich, kunsthistorisch, philosophisch und ethnologisch interessierten Lesern zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, Neues zu entdecken.

""Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? first and foremost aims to assess exquisite objects of ... more ""Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? first and foremost aims to assess exquisite objects of art – Chinese silks in various weaving patterns, Chinese lacquer objects, Chinese bronze mirrors and Persian (Sassanian) glassware – and their social function(s) within the ancient cultures of the Taklamakan Desert. It is a comprehensive analysis of the archaeological findings and features unearthed at several cemeteries dating roughly from the 2nd through 5th centuries CE that are located along the so-called “Southern Route” of the Chinese part of the Silk Road. In Chinese and in Western sources, these burial sites are (very well) known under the names of Yingpan 營盤, Loulan 樓蘭, Zhagunluke (Cherchen) 札滾魯克, and Niya 尼雅. The respective tombs yielded copious amounts of indigenous and imported artifacts as well as a large number of well-preserved mummies, most notably the famous ‘Yingpan Man’ sporting a mustachioed death mask. Thus, at the core of the book lays an extensively annotated compilation of burial assemblages that combines all available data collected from eighty eligible graves. The resulting database – it amounts to more than 300 pages excluding figures and tables – not only offers a comprehensive overview of all findings, but also delivers a detailed description of every known object from every single grave for the first time in a Western language.

It is often proposed that a considerable number of the Chinese commodities retrieved from these burials once were reciprocal gifts from Chinese rulers and thus an essential part of the so-called “tributary system.” Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? also aims to clarify the nature of the relationships between Chinese dynasties and the city-states of the Tarim Basin, which are usually neglected in favor of more powerful “barbarians” such as the Xiongnu. In order to do so, it was necessary to evaluate the respective information offered by Chinese historiographical sources (Hanshu 漢書, Hou hanshu 後漢書, Sanguozhi 三國志, Jinshu 晉書). The comparison of (more than forty) tribute missions from the Tarim Basin statelets to various Chinese courts with putative counter gifts over the course of roughly four hundred years clearly demonstrated that different mechanisms were at play. In none of the altogether four (!) instances any of the history books record imperial presents were these gift occasioned by the acceptance of tribute. By delivering tribute, the foreigners actually sought to secure amicable relations; they did not abuse tribute relations as “a cloak for trade.”

The archaeological sources, in general, mirror this impression. Even though one might consider a present from the hands of a Chinese emperor the ultimate prestige good, there are no indications that one of the buried individuals was in the possession of an immediate imperial gift. Although a considerable number of tomb occupants were equipped with artifacts produced somewhere in mainland China, the relics were hardly ever crafted in imperial workshops. That is to say with the exception of polychrome figured silks in warp-faced compound tabby weave (generally known as jin 錦 silks). These textiles are often adorned by auspicious inscriptions that occasionally propagate political agendas. But even such precious fabrics should be regarded as traded commodities rather than presents. This view is not only supported by the fact that in most cases relatively small fragments of many different weaving patterns were used, but also that some jin samples provide us with ink inscriptions in Chinese and the Kharosthi script that explicitly refer to the price of the textile.

But then, what exactly could be regarded a manifestation of an immensely complex social phenomenon such as prestige in archaeological data? At first glance, the collected evidence suggests that all imported Chinese objects must have been expensive; an observation that does not necessarily imply that all social actors considered them prestigious. The fact that some individuals produced or acquired imitations Chinese artifacts clearly indicates that they somehow admired the originals but, for various reasons, were unable to get hold of such items. Physical expressions of emulation, i.e. copies or imitations, certainly show that originals generated prestige, at least among a certain social group of admirers. More specifically, some Tarim Basin burials indeed provide us with proof that Western Asian weavers emulated Chinese jin silks. In their attempts to transform the latter’s principal decorative motifs into the typical Western Asian weaving technique known as taqueté, i.e. weft-faced compound tabby weaves, artisans even tried to copy – very crudely and unsuccessfully, I might add – Chinese script.""

Articles by Armin Selbitschka

Place and Performance in Ancient Greece, Rome and China. Edited by Hans Beck and Griet Vankeerberghen. Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press., 2024

Death constitutes a deep life crisis to the livingdepending on the departed, to families, communi... more Death constitutes a deep life crisis to the livingdepending on the departed, to families, communities, and societies. In this chapter, the author discusses the eminent strategies of overcoming this crisis, that is, funeral and burial practices, and the ritual sequences that connect the two. Both the Roman and the Chinese cases have received much scholarly attention. Armin Selbitschka's chapter distinguishes itself through its comparative perspective and the theoretical charge with which it is enriched from performance theory and sociologies of place. In the study of each culture, careful consideration is given to the historical development across time. Embarking from conceptual debates on the disruption of the social order and the innate capacity of social performances to restore it, he discusses various practices revolving around the dead, including the preparation of the departed, funerary cortèges, and orations. The subsequent section extends the analysis to the inherent meaning of tombstheir place in the urban landscape, their commemorative force, and their embodiment of social hierarchies. In so doing, it reveals a curious spatial dynamics between the funeral's beginning in the private sphere and its transition into the public arena. Due to the different configuration of public in Rome and in China, Selbitschka in conclusion makes visible the culture-specific traits in the performances that accompanied mourners on their way to the tomb and beyond, into a future where the social crisis of death was resolved, for the time being.

Lost Cities: Vom Leben mit verlassenen Städten in den Kulturen der Welt (Lost Cities: Living with Abandoned Cities in Ancient Cultures), 2024

Early Chinese cities (ca. 13th c. BCE through early 3rd c. CE) are defined by the existence of ci... more Early Chinese cities (ca. 13th c. BCE through early 3rd c. CE) are defined by the existence of city walls (cheng 城). The authors and compilers of early transmitted texts (ca. 5th c. BCE through 3rd c. CE) often emphasized the need to build and maintain city walls. At first glance, this might seem as if early Chinese historians and philosophers were keenly interested in the structural qualities. Yet, closer inspection reveals that they were almost exclusively concerned with city walls as metaphors of proper rulership. They argued that neglecting the defenses of urban centers was tantamount to disregarding the well-being of the state in general. Derelict city walls inevitably led to empty (xu 虛) cities, while empty cities sounded the death knell of entire polities. Thus, I will argue that “lost cities” in early China essentially were “empty cities.” Regardless of whether cities were actually or hypothetically depopulated, engineers and soldiers never were at fault. Rather, urban life always ground to a halt whenever rulers lacked decency and proper behavior. Repeatedly, this boiled down to kings and emperors failing to heed the advice of capable counselors. If they did not listen to their advisors, their cities and states ultimately were lost.

The World of the Ancient Silk Road. Edited by Xinru Liu., 2023

Zwischen den Meeren / Between the Seas: Festschrift für Roderich Ptak anläßlich seiner Emeritierung. Edited by Marc Nürnberger and Cai Jiehua. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 171-219, 2021

Aus geteilten Zeiten: Studien zur Nanbeichao-Periode – Geburtstagsgabe für Shing Müller 宋馨 (Divided Times: Studies on the Nanbeichao Period – Festschrift on the Occasion of Shing Mueller's Birthday). Ed. by Roderich Ptak. Gossenberg: Ostasien-Verlag, pp. 153-185, 2020

English title: "Life and Death in Early Medieval Gaochang 高昌: Tomb Epitaphs as Historical Sources... more English title: "Life and Death in Early Medieval Gaochang 高昌: Tomb Epitaphs as Historical Sources of the Qu 麴 Period (502–640)."

Circa 220 out of roughly 2.500 tombs at various cemeteries around the ruins of Gaochang 高昌 near modern-day Turfan, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, yielded epitaphs that were written in Chinese characters. Unlike epitaphs from contemporaneous tombs in northern and southern central China, these have garnered very little attention among scholars so far. This is largely due to the fact that their inscriptions are formulaic, succinct, and barely reveal more than the year of death, sometimes the age, but always the official rank and honors of mostly male tomb occupants. Nonetheless, the available data lend themselves to reconstruct the life expectancies of a certain portion of Gaochang society, their local and transregional marriage bonds, and official hierarchies. This article explores these issues through a comprehensive analysis of all published epitaph inscriptions.

For downloading a pdf version of the article, please head to the website of Ostasien-Verlag at:
https://www.ostasien-verlag.de/reihen/deutsche-ostasienstudien/doas/035.html

Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 78.2 (2018): 413-478.

https://hjas.org/ A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identi... more https://hjas.org/

A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identities in social settings” (Reading Research Quarterly 44.4 (2009): 416). Considering the multitude of manuscripts yielded by fourth through first-centuries BCE burials, such a statement seems pertinent for early Chinese society as well. What does it say about the self-concept of an individual when his ability to write and / or read assumed a prominent role in funerary rites?
This paper analyzes evidence of literacy that may be found in Chinese textual sources (received and archaeological) and tombs by applying identity concepts developed in anthropology and the social sciences to Chinese funerary data. It not only argues that the actual ability to write is palpable through certain kinds of texts that were associated with writing paraphernalia, but that literacy in particular was a crucial aspect of the self-representation of a particular group of people, namely the shǐ 史 (“scribes”).

Early China 41 (2018): 179-243., 2018

One of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui records the following sente... more One of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui records the following sentence: “When a person is born there are two things that need not to be learned: the first is to breathe and the second is to eat.” To the minds of cynical readers this is as trivial as it gets. Of course the reflexes to breathe and eat are inherent in human beings. The opposite implication is equally obvious. Once the human brain ceases to function, oxygen and nourishment are no longer required. Why, then, did people insist on burying food and drink with the dead in the late pre-imperial and early imperial China?

To the minds of most modern commentators this seemed like a rather trite question that warranted little reflection. Food and drink as grave goods were either intended to sustain the spirit of the deceased in the hereafter or simply a sacrifice / offering to the spirit at the time of the burial. Yet, a closer look at the archaeological evidence suggests otherwise. By tracking the exact location of food and drink containers in tombs and comprehensively analyzing inscriptions on such vessels and finds of actual food, this article demonstrates that reality was more complicated than a simple either/or dichotomy. Some tombs indicate that the idea of continued sustenance coincided with one-time sacrifices. Moreover, I will introduce evidence of a third kind of offering that, so far, has gone unnoticed by scholarship. Such data confirms that sacrifices to spirits other than the one of the deceased sometimes were also part of funerary rituals. In short, by paying attention to food and drink as burial goods I will put forth a more nuanced understanding of early Chinese burial practices and associated notions of the afterlife.

Early Medieval China 25 (2019): 64-84

Early imperial and early medieval Chinese foreign relations have been mainly viewed through the p... more Early imperial and early medieval Chinese foreign relations have been mainly viewed through the prism of the so-called tributary system. Consequently, tribute relations with the Northern Wei court are either reduced to business ventures undertaken by foreign polities, or empty ideological exercises by the Tuoba emperors, who were only interested in having their worldview confirmed. Such views disregard the actual political and diplomatic value of tribute offerings to the Northern Wei. This article will provide a corrective through a close reading of diplomatic interactions recorded largely in the Wei shu that involved tribute offerings. Since these interactions sometimes also involved diplomatic hostages and marriage alliances, they will be briefly analyzed as well. I will show that tribute, in fact, was a political tool that was successfully utilized to meet various ends by both parties involved in bilateral exchanges. In the true sense of diplomatic interaction, tribute relations were highly effective means to negotiate peace.

Art, Archaeology and the First Emperor: A Global Approach. Edited by Lillian Lan-ying Tseng. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers (under review).

Asian Perspectives 57.1 (2018): 2-50.

Archaeologists across all fields of research make generous use of the concepts ‘prestige’ and ‘pr... more Archaeologists across all fields of research make generous use of the concepts ‘prestige’ and ‘prestige goods.’ In the process, prestige and social status are usually conflated. It follows that discussions of prestige goods solely focus on their active use in the struggle for social dominance. This article will argue, however, that prestige is not equal to social status. Instead, prestige is one of several contributing factors to status. More precisely, prestige is akin to the German noun Ansehen, which expresses the notion of looking up to someone due to certain qualities. This has serious ramifications for the traditional understanding of prestige goods. Fixating on their active role as socially structuring agents misses the point. In order to really grasp genuine prestige goods in the archaeological record, it is necessary to look beyond the motives of individual signalers or signaling groups and instead focus on the responder(s) to whom such behavior was addressed. Instances of emulation in mortuary contexts reflect the perspective of the recipient(s). Imitations of objects and associated behavior are tangible manifestations of Ansehen / prestige. They convey that the original items were more than luxury products or status symbols. To be sure, such artifacts were most likely of high relative value, but they operated on a deeper social level as they highlight interpersonal relationships rather than general social mechanisms. An in-depth analysis of various silk fabrics and imitations of warp-faced compound tabby weaves (jin 錦) from second to early fifth century CE burials in the Tarim Basin in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, PR China along with a brief survey of Byzantine solidi and their imitations from early sixth to mid-eighth century CE tombs in northern China will serve as the basis on which I develop a method to identify genuine prestige goods.

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquties 78-80 (2018): 31-72.

"The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly result... more "The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for information gathered in fieldwork; full site reports followed suit. Nowadays, we have roughly three dozen archaeological periodicals and surely more than a thousand monographs covering all areas and periods of Chinese (pre)history at our disposal. Said publications are our primary sources of information. However, the fact that they are anything but primary sources in a strictly methodological sense hardly gets acknowledged.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographs – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest ways to cope with it."

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 79-80 (2018): 31-72, 2018

Oriens Extremus 55 (2016): 105-166., 2016

in Making Metals and Moulding Society: A Global Perspective on the Emergence of Bronze Age Social Complexity, eds. Thilo Rehren, Xu Tianjin, Lukas Nickel, and Chen Jianli (Oxford: Oxbow Books).

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History. Edited by David Ludden. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. See http://asianhistory.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277727-e-2

Much has been said and written about “The Silk Road” since Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen coin... more Much has been said and written about “The Silk Road” since Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen coined the phrase in 1877. Fostered by spectacular discoveries by so-called “explorers” such as Sir Aurel Stein, Paul Pelliot, Sven Hedin and others, the Silk Road soon became the subject of countless articles, books, museum exhibitions, and even legends. In times when almost any location – virtual or real – is but one mouse click away, the catchphrase Silk Road has not lost any of its original appeal. On the contrary, the term is almost ubiquitous in all kinds of media. Yet, it is never quite clear what exactly the Silk Road concept really entails. When was it established? Was it even formally established? What was its purpose? Was there but one function? And, more importantly, how useful is it as an analytical concept in the first place?
These are the main questions this article seeks to answer. Its arguments are based on an analysis of the earliest available sources: archaeological finds from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, indigenous documents written in Kharosthi script, and early Chinese historiography. The article will argue that the history of the early Silk Road (and its so-called pre-history) was considerably more complex than it is generally claimed. For instance, we can certainly not pinpoint a fixed date on which the Silk Road was established; neither were the intercontinental land routes primarily traveled (and populated) by traders. China’s initial forays into Central Asia in the second century BCE were politically motivated and had little to do with silk trade. The exchange of the famed fabric was at best a corollary of political interactions between the Western and Eastern Han Empires and powerful steppe nomads such as the Xiongnu. The latter extorted copious amounts of luxury goods from the former and redistributed them throughout Central Asia and Eurasia. Thus, this article claims that the Silk Road as an analytical concept does not do justice to the intricacies of pre-historical and historical realities. It therefore introduces the concept of movement as a heuristic tool to analyze cross-cultural interactions.

In “Über den Alltag hinaus: Festschrift für Thomas O. Höllmann zum 65. Geburtstag.” Eds. Shing Müller and Armin Selbitschka. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 89-106., 2017

World Archaeology 47.1 (2015): 20-44., Mar 2015

Early Chinese tombs contain great quantities of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines as well ... more Early Chinese tombs contain great quantities of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines as well as architectural models. Both kinds of miniatures are generally regarded as part of a single trajectory that ultimately substituted human sacrifices. The purpose of it all was to create ‘underground homes’ so that the deceased could enjoy the amenities of their former lives in the hereafter. This understanding is largely based on received literature and scattered archaeological finds. Through a detailed analysis of the earliest instances of funerary sculptures, this paper seeks to demonstrate that figurines and models at first represented two different rationales. Later on, these converged into a new view of the afterlife, one that not only symbolized ‘underground homes,’ but entire estates of an ever increasing number of landowners. Early Chinese tomb miniatures were thus instrumental in the formation of personalized, subterranean microcosms, or private ‘little empires.’

Asia Major, Third Series, 28.1 (2015): 61-114., 2015

""The common understanding of early Chinese diplomacy largely is informed by the term 'tributary ... more ""The common understanding of early Chinese diplomacy largely is informed by the term 'tributary system:' during the Han period, foreign entities mainly engaged with the Chinese empire in order to secure economic profit. This view is based on the assumption that the rendition of tribute (gòng 貢) usually was reciprocated with 'counter-gifts' by the court. Accordingly, to the eyes of all foreigners, delivering tribute was only a 'cloak for trade' devoid of any notion of submission. On the other hand, the Chinese court is believed to have silently tolerated this kind of 'economic exchange' because receiving tribute was equalled with at least nominal acceptance of Chinese suzerainty and as a manifestation of its claim to universal power.
The situation as it is depicted in the transmitted sources, however, is far more complex. By retracing different methods of diplomatic interaction to Chunqiu and Zhanguo times, I shall demonstrate that Han diplomacy was far from having been an ideological exercise. I am also going to show that the Han court continued to use established strategies of diplomatic interaction by adapting them to the necessities of the time.""

Place and Performance in Ancient Greece, Rome and China. Edited by Hans Beck and Griet Vankeerberghen. Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press., 2024

Lost Cities: Vom Leben mit verlassenen Städten in den Kulturen der Welt (Lost Cities: Living with Abandoned Cities in Ancient Cultures), 2024

The World of the Ancient Silk Road. Edited by Xinru Liu., 2023

Zwischen den Meeren / Between the Seas: Festschrift für Roderich Ptak anläßlich seiner Emeritierung. Edited by Marc Nürnberger and Cai Jiehua. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 171-219, 2021

For downloading a pdf version of the article, please head to the website of Ostasien-Verlag at:
https://www.ostasien-verlag.de/reihen/deutsche-ostasienstudien/doas/035.html

Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 78.2 (2018): 413-478.

https://hjas.org/ A recent article argued that “texts can be used as tools for enacting identi... more https://hjas.org/

Early China 41 (2018): 179-243., 2018

Early Medieval China 25 (2019): 64-84

Art, Archaeology and the First Emperor: A Global Approach. Edited by Lillian Lan-ying Tseng. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers (under review).

Asian Perspectives 57.1 (2018): 2-50.

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquties 78-80 (2018): 31-72.

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 79-80 (2018): 31-72, 2018

Oriens Extremus 55 (2016): 105-166., 2016

in Making Metals and Moulding Society: A Global Perspective on the Emergence of Bronze Age Social Complexity, eds. Thilo Rehren, Xu Tianjin, Lukas Nickel, and Chen Jianli (Oxford: Oxbow Books).

In “Über den Alltag hinaus: Festschrift für Thomas O. Höllmann zum 65. Geburtstag.” Eds. Shing Müller and Armin Selbitschka. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 89-106., 2017

World Archaeology 47.1 (2015): 20-44., Mar 2015

Asia Major, Third Series, 28.1 (2015): 61-114., 2015

Qin: The Eternal Emperor and His Terracotta Warriors, ed. Maria Khayutina (Zürich: NZZ), 144-153., 2013

bbt obt slerlas uapplH sll puP xelduo) quol aql pu!q) Jo roradul lsrll aql Jo frury ello]prral aq... more bbt obt slerlas uapplH sll puP xelduo) quol aql pu!q) Jo roradul lsrll aql Jo frury ello]prral aql :Arn1ua1 e Jo ^la^olslg aql

Qin: Der unsterbliche Kaiser und seine Terrakottakrieger, Hg. Maria Khayutina (Zürich: NZZ), 144-153., 2013

tttt oltt ess!uuleqo9 aJLl! pun etPlueqerg a!0 eu!qf uo^ srasle) ualsjl sap aaurePiloleilal a!0 :... more tttt oltt ess!uuleqo9 aJLl! pun etPlueqerg a!0 eu!qf uo^ srasle) ualsjl sap aaurePiloleilal a!0 : punJuapunr.lrr.ls[ u!] srosle)I ualsrf sop o]]Plsaqnu alzlol al(I :uaruqaullw utnz ]laM alc

Journal of Chinese Religions 51.1, 2023

Historische Zeitschrift 315.2 (2022)

Paul Fahrs "Remonstration als Institution" basiert auf dessen 2019 an der WWU Münster eingereicht... more Paul Fahrs "Remonstration als Institution" basiert auf dessen 2019 an der WWU Münster eingereichten Dissertation. Es umfasst neben einer kurzen Einleitung (S. 1-7) und einem längeren Schluss (S. 293-304) fünf umfangreiche Kapitel, in denen sich Fahr mit den Konzepten "Remonstration" und "Institution" im Han-zeitlichen China (207 v.-220 n. u. Z.) auseinandersetzt. Es geht ihm grundsätzlich um die Frage, durch welche Mechanismen die herrschenden Eliten den Kaisern konkrete Handlungsweisen auferlegten (S. 1). Den entscheidenden Mechanismus erkennt Fahr in den "Remonstrationen" (jiàn 諫) von Beamten, die in den beiden ältesten Dynastiegeschichten "Shiji" (史記, Aufzeichnungen des Historikers; ca. 1.Jh. v. u. Z.) und "Hanshu" (漢書, Buch der Han; ca. 1.Jh. u. Z.) überliefert sind. Dabei handelt es sich um belehrende Aussprüche, die sich direkt an Vorgesetzte, i. d. R. den Kaiser, wandten und,

Journal of Chinese Studies 75.2 (2022)

Journal of the American Oriental Society 137.3 (2017): 652-656.

Philosophy East & West 64.4

http://dissertationreviews.org/archives/7839, Mar 3, 2014

China Review International 18.4 (2011, published 2014), 444-49.

China Review International 18.4 (2011, published 2014), 459-64.

of Hawai'i Press Kenneth E. Brashier. Ancestral Memory in Ancient China. Harvard-Yenching Institu... more of Hawai'i Press Kenneth E. Brashier. Ancestral Memory in Ancient China. Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series 72. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center for the Harvard-Yenching Institute, distributed by Harvard University Press, 2011. xii, 470 pp. Hardcover $39.95, isbn 978-0-674-05607-7.

Lexikon zur Überseegeschichte (Lexicon of Overseas History), ed. Hermann Hiery (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag)., 2015

POLO, MARCO nung und Sicherheit ohne Kooperation mit den Einheimischen nicht durchgesetzt werden.... more POLO, MARCO nung und Sicherheit ohne Kooperation mit den Einheimischen nicht durchgesetzt werden. Daher dienten den P.beh<irden als ausflihrende Organe neben weiBen immer auch einheimische Polizisten, obgleich zwischen beiden Gruppen groBe Unterschiede bestanden. Die weiBen P.-Angehdrigen waren Beamte, unterstanden den biirgerlichen Gerichten bzrv. in ihrem Dienstverhiiltnis dem fiir Zivilbeamten geltenden -Recht. Hingegen sollten einheimische Polizisten zwar die Bevrilkerung kontrollieren, wurden aber ihrerseits extrem streng iiberwacht. So durften sie ihre Aufgaben nicht gegeniiber WeiBen, sondem nur gegeniiber der einheimischen Bevdlkerung wahmehmen. Das Dienstverhiiltnis regelte sich in zivilrechtlicher, disziplinar-und strafrechtlicher Beziehung nach dem flir die Einheimischen geltenden Recht. Zudem konnten sie nur selten den Beamtenstatus erreichenwenn dies auch nicht ausgeschlossen warund oftmals nur subalterne Positionen einnehmen. Damit handelte es sich bei diesen P.-Angehririgen um eine intermediiire Gruppe, die zwischen den jeweiligen Kolonialherren und der Bevdlkerung stand. Wiihrend sie aus der Sicht der Kolonialmacht mit starkem MiBtrauen betrachtet wurden, galten sie bei der Bevdlkerung als Verriiter. Das zeigte sich besonders deutlich bei den einheimischen Geheimpolizisten, die in der Regel in Zivil arbeiteten, um ihre Landsleute auszuspionieren. Dies wurde v. a. dann zu einem Problem, als nach dem +Zweiten Weltkrieg Nationalismus und Dekolonisierungsbestrebungen zunahmen.

Lexikon zur Überseegeschichte (Lexicon of Overseas History), ed. Hermann Hiery (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag)., 2015

Stunning archaeological discoveries during the past decades quickly gave way to a new sinological... more Stunning archaeological discoveries during the past decades quickly gave way to a new sinological sub-discipline: the study of manuscripts. Several tombs roughly dating from the 4th through 1st centuries BCE revealed , for instance, fragments of philosophical texts such as Laozi, Mozi, Kongzi jiayu, Zhuangzi, Lunyu, Sunzi bingfa, or prescriptive texts like Liji and Yili; other burials brought manuscripts concerned with hemerological issues (the so-called rishu, or almanachs) and divination (e.g. the so-called xingde texts) to light. At the same time, the various texts invoked here represent the most prominent genres of excavated manuscripts featured in secondary scholarship, be it Western or Chinese. Their intensive philological study greatly enhances our understanding of textual history and offers previously unknown insights into popular religious practice. Prime examples would be the many works dealing with the Laozi manuscript discovered in Tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui and plenty of articles related to divinatory texts. However, the fact that scholarship has been preoccupied with the contents of these documents calls for a change in perspective. It should not be forgotten: the manuscripts found in tombs first and foremost were intended as burial objects whose archaeological context has been neglected at scholarship’s peril. By relating the texts to the circumstances they were found in, the proposed panel thus not only opens a new vista on early Chinese texts, but also on early Chinese religious practice.

The papers presented in the panel shall demonstrate, on the one hand, that contextualizing the manuscripts with all the respective archaeological data available is a methodological necessity. For instance, many arguments supporting the philological value of certain manuscripts are based on findings of dubious provenance. Naturally, they lack reliable information concerning date, social or cultural background they were embedded in, or even the gender of their former proprietors. Only manuscripts excavated from ideally undisturbed tombs can provide that sort of data. Consequently, they are much more reliable and much more telling primary sources than any of the texts acquired on the antiques market and now held at various Chinese museums and universities. The panel, on the other hand, shall reveal that awareness of the owner’s social and cultural background – both aspects are at least partially represented by the features and findings of a grave – is not only vital for our knowledge of the texts themselves. As burial goods the manuscripts served a distinctly religious purpose. By expressly treating them as archaeological findings – that is to say, by relating the texts to the sum of archaeological data provided by respective tombs – two papers are going to deal with the question of religious beliefs associated with different kinds of manuscripts. Merely browsing through excavation reports indicates a much more varied picture of early burial practice than is generally presumed. Why, for instance, were some deceased accompanied by philosophical, historiographical, medical and / or divinatory texts while others only were buried with inventories of funerary objects? The answers to this question surely can only be found by adopting a new, more comprehensive point of view on early Chinese manuscripts and the circumstances of their discovery. A new perspective, this panel will help to facilitate.

The panel will consist of four individual papers, two of which are going to deal with the methodological problems in dealing with excavated manuscripts. One paper will address the scholarly value of manuscripts of uncertain provenance now housed at several museums and universities, whereas the second contribution will tackle methodological issues connected with manuscripts retrieved from tombs. As has been mentioned, the remaining two presentations are going to demonstrate the interpretative value of excavated manuscripts when studied in a methodological more grounded fashion. The third paper will introduce a case study of the manuscripts discovered in Shao Tuo’s tomb (Baoshan tomb no. 2); the fourth discussant is going to deliver a trans-regional, more general interpretation of texts yielded by tombs.

Annual Meeting of the Western Branch of the American Oriental Society (AOS), Tempe, AZ, October 19-21, 2017.

Attitudes towards death and burial have fascinated scholars basically since the beginning of Sino... more Attitudes towards death and burial have fascinated scholars basically since the beginning of Sinology as an academic discipline. Accounts of how to properly deal with the dead are readily available in the so-called Three Rites canon (Li ji 禮記, Zhou li 周禮, and Yi li 儀禮). They prescribe ways to mourn for the dead, wash them, dress them, and ultimately bury them. The very fact that these three books explicitly discuss matters of death and burial has rendered them default sources for anyone who is interested in such issues. Yet, scholarship persistently tends to ignore that these are prescriptive rather than descriptive texts. Obviously, there is a wealth of the latter in early Chinese history, but these usually do not figure in related research. Moreover, the works of late pre-imperial and early imperial thinkers are only consulted to extract anecdotal evidence to support claims rooted in the Three Rites canon.
By comprehensively analyzing records of mourning and funerals in early historiographical, philosophical and archaeologically excavated texts, I will provide a somewhat less biased view of death and burial in early China. This will reveal, for instance, that rigid mourning periods stipulated by the Three Rites canon were not adhered to at all as the pragmatic issues of managing everyday life prevailed. The number, thickness, and material of coffins was also much more diverse than often believed. However, critiquing our use of the Three Rites canon and their moralistic Classicist arguments is but one goal of this paper. I am even more interested in disclosing the underlying social and ultimately religious reasons for treating the dead in a certain fashion: Why exactly did it matter how, when, and where someone was buried?

June 4, 2015 The Bernhard Karlgren Seminar Series Department of Languages and Literatures Un... more June 4, 2015

The Bernhard Karlgren Seminar Series
Department of Languages and Literatures
University of Gothenburg
Sweden

Symposium “The Age of Empires: Comparisons and Interactions between East and West in Antiquity,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City, NY, April 6-9, 2017. Video recording at: https://www.metmuseum.org/metmedia/video/lectures/age-of-empires-symposium-3

Ever since their chance discovery in 1974, a seemingly endless number of terracotta warriors are ... more Ever since their chance discovery in 1974, a seemingly endless number of terracotta warriors are coming to light in Pits No. 1 to 3 at the burial site of China’s First August Emperor (Qin Shihuangdi). A quarter of century after the initial find, in 1999, Chinese excavators came across
equally large and impressive terracotta figurines with less martial appearances. Pit K9901 housed several statuettes that differed significantly in body shape. The slender outlines of standing males
stand in stark contrast to the bulky, muscular frames of upright men. All of the figurines shared one trait, though: They were dressed in short wrap skirts. Some figurines raise an arm above in gestures that leave the observer with the impression of motion. Others are emphatically static and rest their hands on the waistbands of their wrap skirts. The fact that the physiognomy of both kinds of statuettes stresses the muscular system – especially the pectoral muscles as well as the
biceps, triceps and calf areas – and their general lack of clothing has lead scholars to believe that these figurines are depicting dancers or acrobats.

However, the the almost complete excavation of Pit K9901 has offered additional insights. For instance, a fully clothed figurine was found sitting at the very back of Aisle No. 3. He was looking directly at the rest of
the bare-chested men, who were lined up against both pit walls, their faces turned towards each other. Another part of the pit yielded some ovoid stones and objects that somewhat resemble metal ingots. Overall, the seated figurine gives the impression of a coach, who is supervising a team of athletes. On the one hand there are the still underdeveloped bodies of the lean statuettes that seem to be waiting to be whipped into shape by lifting weights. On the other hand we have the already pumped up torsos of their sparing partners in physical combat training. By drawing on evidence from physical exercise training in ancient Greece and Rome, this paper argues that Pit K9901 was not housing acrobats. The finds and features rather indicate that we are looking at the physical exercises of elite soldiers in training. Pit K9901thus was not a stage at all, but much more akin to a gymnasium in Classical antiquity.

21st Biennial Conference of the European Association for Chinese Studies (EACS), St. Petersburg, Russia, August 23-28, 2016.

Jahr für Jahr bringen zahlreiche chinesische Gräber der Zhanguo-und Han-Zeit anthropomorphe und z... more Jahr für Jahr bringen zahlreiche chinesische Gräber der Zhanguo-und Han-Zeit anthropomorphe und zoomorphe Figuren sowie Architekturmodelle ans Licht. Beide Arten von Miniaturen werden gewöhnlich als Teil einer Entwicklung verstanden, im Zuge derer sie letztlich Menschenopfer ersetzten. Das Ziel der Anstrengungen war, "unterirdische Häuser" zu schaffen, damit die Verstorbenen die Annehmlichkeiten des weltlichen Lebens auch im Jenseits genießen konnten.

Annual Meeting of the Western Branch of the American Oriental Society (AOS), Victoria, BC, Canada, October 3-5, 2013.

"In my study "Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? Archäologische und historische Untersuchung... more "In my study "Prestigegüter entlang der Seidenstraße? Archäologische und historische Untersuchungen zu Chinas Beziehungen zu Kulturen des Tarimbeckens vom zweiten bis frühen fünften Jahrhundert nach Christus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010)," I developed a method to identify genuine prestige goods in the context of burials. Whenever members of social groups were unable to obtain desired artifacts – be it on account of insufficient financial means or because they were prohibited to acquire them –, they resorted to a rather simple solution: imitations.
As early as the 8th century BCE, people in China began to emulate ritual bronzes. These were the ultimate status symbols at the time and possession of such valuable bronze objects clearly was restricted to the social élite. Various types of bronze vessels and bells constituted a so-called ritual set; the more different objects and the more specimens of each single type of object an individual could call his (sometimes her) own, the higher his / her social rank. At least this much we learn from several prescriptive texts dating from the 2nd through 1st centuries BCE. The ritual bronzes were an integral part of ritual ceremonies held at the ancestral shrines of one’s lineage. They were, however, not only employed to demonstrate one’s social achievements to the ancestors, but ultimately found their way into tombs and hoards where ritual sets are a common sight.
This paper is going to show how sumptuary rules grew less rigid with the factual decline of the Zhou. Earlier, expressing ones social rank through ritual bronzes was the prerogative of dignitaries with close ties to the royal house. Now, even politically rather insignificant local potentates made use of (substandard) replicas in attempts to signal their social position. The prestige of authentic ritual bronzes finally fostered the diffusion of an initially extremely elitist phenomenon. How strongly the association of ritual bronzes with social rank penetrated ancient Chinese thought and practices – that is to say, Chinese culture – is obvious in the fact that imitations of ritual bronzes remained a staple in tomb assemblages at least until the 2nd century CE."

The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulte... more The emergence of archaeology as an independent discipline during the early 1950s directly resulted in the establishment of three major archaeological journals – Wenwu (1950), Kaogu Xuebao (1951), and Kaogu (1955) – as outlets for information gathered in fieldwork; monographic excavation reports followed suit. Nowadays, we have roughly three dozen archaeological periodicals and surely more than a thousand monographic reports covering all areas and periods of Chinese (pre)history at our disposal. Said publications are our primary sources of information. However, the fact that they are anything but primary sources in a strictly methodological sense hardly gets acknowledged.
In reality, excavation reports – preliminary as well as monographic – most often only provide a sample of actual data collected from archaeological sites. Consequently, we are constantly dealing with deliberate choices of editors on what particular information to divulge. This paper shall demonstrate that nature and quality of findings are the main decisive factors in this process. For instance, even looted tombs dating from the Zhanguo and Han periods yielding manuscripts generally take precedence over undisturbed graves discovered at the same cemetery simply because they contained manuscripts. Many conclusions concerning such burials are therefore based on a rather small number of published tombs while the often more representative majority of equally accessible graves remain unnoticed. In short, the paper is aiming to raise awareness for a pressing methodological problem. In doing so, it will address various rationales behind the practice of presenting selective evidence in excavation reports and suggest several ways to cope with it.

Many Chinese tombs roughly dating from 4th through 1st centuries BCE discovered during the last t... more Many Chinese tombs roughly dating from 4th through 1st centuries BCE discovered during the last thirty or so years brought liubo六博 boards or even whole sets including token and / or playing sticks to light. Several slightly later graves also provide us with pottery models of two persons sitting by a liubo board. The divinatory application of the liubo game had long been suspected and eventually was confirmed by a spectacular find in 1993. Tomb no. 6 (ca. late 1st century BCE through early 1st century CE) at Yinwan in Jiangsu province yielded a wooden tablet inscribed with a so-called TLV diagram as seen on liubo boards as well as accompanying explanations. The latter describe certain actions that required divination while offering auspicious or inauspicious answers. Since each line of the diagram is explicitly correlated with a binome of the sexagenary cycle, diviners could locate the days in question in the diagram and come to a conclusion based on said explanations.

It is, however, highly doubtful that the game exclusively served divinatory purposes as textual evidence partially attests to its entertaining function at aristocratic banquets; an aspect largely neglected by scholarship. By correlating liubo boards and liubo models to the archaeological evidence from the respective tombs, this paper shall demonstrate that the game in the context of burials usually had little to do with divination. Surrounded by food containers and drinking vessels as well as figurines of servants, the game boards and models seem to have symbolized an element of amusement. Thus, the divinatory function did not extend into the grave; there, an individual board was just another burial good contributing to a setting that provided the deceased with all the amenities enjoyed during his or her lifetime.

Ein Stipendium des Graduiertenkollegs „Formen von Prestige in Kulturen des Altertums“ ermöglichte... more Ein Stipendium des Graduiertenkollegs „Formen von Prestige in Kulturen des Altertums“ ermöglichte es mir, eine Methode zur Identifikation echter Prestigegüter im Kontext von Gräbern zu entwickeln. Wenn es bestimmten Gruppen von Menschen unmöglich war, sich gewiße prestigebringende Objekte anzueignen – sei es aus finanziellen Gründen, oder weil deren Besitz sozialen Restriktionen unterstand – behalfen sie sich des öfteren mit einem vergleichsweise einfachen Mittel: Imitationen der begehrten Waren.

In China begann man bereits im 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr. sogenannte Ritualbronzen zu kopieren. Als die Statussymbole schlechthin, waren die Originale der sozialen Elite vorbehalten; eine bestimmte Anzahl verschiedener Objekttypen kennzeichnete eindeutig den sozialen Rang ihrer Eigentümer. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung wurde jedoch nicht nur bei den rituellen Diensten an die Ahnen, bei denen die Bronzen im Tempel zum Einsatz kamen, demonstriert, sondern auch in den Gräbern und Horten des 8. Jahrhunderts und später; regelmäßig finden sich dort feste Sets gleicher Objekttypen. Der Vortrag wird zeigen, daß in Zeiten schwindender Macht des Königshauses Zhou die Regeln mehr und mehr aufweichten. War einst nur dem Hof nahestehenden Würdenträgern erlaubt, ihre Position durch Ritualbronzen auszudrücken, griffen nun sogar lokale Potentaten auf (minderwertige) Repliken zurück, um ihre soziale Stellung zu signalisieren. Das Prestige, das dem Besitz echter Ritualbronzen anhaftete, führte letztlich zur weiten Verbreitung eines anfänglich extrem elitären Phänomens. Wie stark sich die Assoziation von Ritualbronzen mit sozialer Stellung in der altchinesischen Kultur verankerte, zeigt sich daran, daß sie und ihre Kopien noch in Gräbern des 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr. auftauchen.

Reading the subtitle of this paper, one might wonder in what way material evidence gained from to... more Reading the subtitle of this paper, one might wonder in what way material evidence gained from tombs situated along the Southern rim of the Taklamakan desert is telling. One way to answer the question would be looking for traces of cultural exchange in the area during the first centuries AD. Many findings like the glass beakers and Chinese silks referred to in the title obviously were imported to the Central Asian oases. In this respect, scholarship often speaks of “cultural influences” without explaining how exactly the importing parties were influenced. My paper thus not only addresses the matter of where certain influences came from, but also the question of what impact (if any) the material findings had on the local societies.

During the last thirty odd years, much has been written about manuscripts recovered from early Ch... more During the last thirty odd years, much has been written about manuscripts recovered from early Chinese tombs. Extensive research on excerpts of Laozi, Sunzi bingfa, Liji and Yili and many other texts considerably changed our appreciation of their received counterparts. Through these findings, at least some editorial work finally became tangible; yet, its motivation remains heatedly debated. Unprecedented insights are provided by a magnitude of legal documents, medical manuals, hemerological companions (rishu), and divination texts (e.g. xingde). All of which have been abundantly studied; thus illuminating practical aspects of ancient Chinese culture below official level. We have learned, for instance, the scope of punishments for larceny; we are familiar with various methods of how people dealt with the uncertainties of live. How to keep oneself healthy? What was an auspicious day to marry? How to get rid of annoying ghosts who kept pestering the family? These questions clearly relate to the fate of living people. Moreover, philosophical as well as prescriptive records ultimately aimed at individual and social betterment. Why, then, do we find these ‘secular’ texts in tombs? What purpose did they serve?

By treating them for what they were, i.e. burial goods this paper adopts a new perspective. Not textual content is going to be primary focus, but archaeological context. Analyzing how manuscripts relate to findings and features of individual graves as well as surrounding burials reveals that only a certain clientele was interred with particular kinds of documents. At the same time, the majority of contemporaries did not care for manuscripts at all. ‘Secular’ texts thus were means to transfer particular lifestyles into the hereafter. Respective grave owners distinguished themselves through knowledge of certain topics in writing, and often through the ability to write itself, as suggested by brushes and ink stones accompanying many manuscripts. A distinction venerated in life obviously should also continue in the afterlife.

Ancient Chinese hoards predominantly containing bronze ritual objects have long been rich sources... more Ancient Chinese hoards predominantly containing bronze ritual objects have long been rich sources of information to historians and philologists. The meanings of inscriptions cast on many of the artifacts aren’t always unanimously agreed upon. Nevertheless, the resulting debates greatly helped to enhance our understanding of Shang- and Western Zhou societies. The motive or motives behind the creation of such bronze hoards, however, have largely been neglected. For the Central Plain region (Zhouyuan) it is generally assumed that they contained parts of the inventories of nearby ancestral temples (see, for example, Lothar von Falkenhausen’s Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (Los Angeles, 2006), p. 36). On the other hand, how are we to understand a contemporaneous hoard discovered in the Central Plains which contained only a few ritual objects and a large number of tools and even jewellery (see 临潼县文化馆：《陕西临潼发现武王征商簋》。《文物》1977年8期1~7 页。)?

By analyzing the archaeological data at hand I intend to demonstrate that in dealing with ancient Chinese hoards we are indeed dealing with a more complex phenomenon than generally presumed. Surely, not only individuals affiliated to ancestral temples felt the need to deposit their possessions underground. In this respect I am also going to address the ultimate question connected with hoards: Were the artefacts intended to stay underground or were the pits only meant to serve as temporary storage facilities?

How and why the Western and Eastern Han conducted foreign affairs has been well documented by Yü ... more How and why the Western and Eastern Han conducted foreign affairs has been well documented by Yü Ying-shih in his "Trade and Expansion in Han China" (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. of California P., 1967), while Hans Bielenstein (in BMFEA 68 [1996]: 5-325) has analyzed Southern Chinese foreign relations during the Six Dynasties. More recently, the latter has also taken on "Diplomacy and Trade in the Chinese World, 589-1276" (Leiden: Brill, 2005).
Yet, a crucial period in Chinese history has been neglected as far as foreign affairs are concerned: The Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE) established by the Tuoba tribe. Seeing that, for the first time since the establishment of the empire, a large part of China was controlled by alien rulers, who distinctly acted in the manner of the ethnically "Chinese" emperors that preceded them, this is quite surprising. One would think that questions of how and why emperors of foreign descent approached other alien entities would have been answered long ago. At first glance, this might seem to be true. At least if one follows W. Eberhard’s interpretation of the single eligible source: the "Weishu." In his "Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas" (Leiden: Brill, 1949) he argues that the Tuoba rulers expected their vassals to pay tribute. In return the emperors duly compensated the gesture of subordination by bestowing valuable counter-gifts. However, only a few paragraphs later Eberhard tells us that the "Weishu" not even once records such gifts. Eberhard thus clearly adheres to the “traditional” and rather simplistic understanding of the so-called tributary system, that is to say the view that acknowledgement of Chinese sovereignty would have been lavishly reciprocated by the imperial court. However, a brief glimpse at the data recorded in the "Weishu" illustrates that the Tuoba relied on various diplomatic strategies in dealings with foreign entities. In this paper I will disclose such strategies and analyze whether they were, for instance, reactions to specific situations or devised as general rules of contact with a certain “state.”

Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the volume of field studies in and sch... more Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the volume of field studies in and scholarship on Chinese Archaeology steadily increased, and methods of excavation and documentation also became more and more sophisticated. Only the ways to deal with the archaeological findings did not necessarily keep up with the developments: Interpretation of material remains is often still guided by notions expressed in the so-called “Three Rites Canons” (Liji, Zhouli, Yili). By contrasting the mourning rituals recorded in these books with actual archaeological evidence, I am going to demonstrate, however, that it is imperative to explain archaeological data first and foremost on its own account. Only then can we search the written re¬cords for possible confirmation.

For more than fifty years, Chinese archaeologists have been recovering a steady stream of funerar... more For more than fifty years, Chinese archaeologists have been recovering a steady stream of funerary sculptures from Han-time burials in Guangdong and Guangxi. From small fortresses, enclosed housing quarters, granaries and pigsties over oxen-drawn carts and boats to cooking stoves, domesticized animals and dancing women figurines, these miniature models came upon us in a variety of shapes, sizes and even materials. As the overwhelming majority of the models once were built from clay, a smaller number were produced from wood or bronze. Regardless of material differences, these kinds of sculptures have long been accepted to represent important aspects of the deceased’s life in the afterworld. But, what are these aspects in particular? What can they tell us about the living situations of the grave owners as well as their social surroundings during the Han period?

These are the two main questions I would like to address with my lecture. In order to do so, I am going to analyse the specific details of everyday life as it is shown by the burial models. For instance, by the existence of many animal sculptures, human figurines peeling rice and the occasional rice paddy, one can easily determine that agriculture and animal husbandry must have been of considerable importance to the deceased. To decide how these occupations directly related to the life of the respective grave owners solely on the basis of archaeological evidence is, however, not quite as easy. Only a few models of boats and carts hint at the fact that some of the ancient inhabitants of the Lingnan-Region rather traded their surplus crops and livestock than keep it for themselves. Even if most of the excavated burials are robbed and/or at least partially destroyed, I believe that some information on the grave occupants’ lifes can be gained by the arrangement of the sculptures within the graves. In this respect, one of the most interesting observations should be the almost regular proximity of models of wells and stoves. The importance of water for the cooking process is also suggested by a large number of steaming vessels on top of many of the discovered stoves. This almost immediately raises further questions: What did people living in Guangxi and Guangdong during the Han dynasty eat? Are there indications to be discerned that they only feasted on the livestock they bread themselves? Or is there some unambiguous evidence to be found that they supplemented their diet on the basis of natural resources?

How many of the questions that come to mind if we think of the “Daily Life in the Lingnan-Region during the Han Dynasty” can ultimately be answered by the funerary sculptures excavated from said area remains to be seen until I deliver my presentation at the conference in Guangzhou.